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Common Sense
Enlightenment movement include John Stuart Mill’s On LibertyLiberty,
INTR
INTRODUCTION
ODUCTION Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s The Social Contr
Contract
act, and Immanuel
Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason. In writing Common Sense, Paine
BRIEF BIOGRAPHY OF THOMAS PAINE
was particularly influenced by Enlightenment philosopher John
Thomas Paine was born in England to Joseph (a farmer and Locke’s conceptions of human equality and inalienable rights.
corset-maker) and Frances Pain. In his youth, he was Paine followed up Common Sense in 1776 with The American
apprenticed to his father and then established himself in his Crisis, a pamphlet intended to inspire the American Army in its
father’s trade of corset-making in Sandwich, Kent. By the late efforts against the British. In 1791, while living in France, he
1760s, when Paine was in his thirties, he began taking a deeper wrote The Rights of Man in response to Edmund Burke’s anti-
interest in civic matters, and his pro-republican, anti- revolutionary Reflections on the Rev
Revolution
olution in F
Frrance
ance. Mary
monarchical commitments began to take shape. During a Wollstonecraft’s A Vindication of the Rights of WWoman
oman (1792)
down-and-out period of his life—his business had failed, he had was part of the same “pamphlet war” in which Burke and Paine
to sell his household in order to avoid debtors’ prison, and he were engaged and shared Paine’s Enlightenment commitments
was separated from his wife—he moved to London and met to human equality and natural rights. Paine’s even more
Benjamin Franklin. Soon after, Franklin gave Paine a letter of controversial pamphlet, The Age of Reason (1793-1794),
recommendation, allowing Paine to move and settle in Britain’s advocated free thought and deism.
American colonies in 1774. Paine began working as a writer
and editor, finding success in pitching his essays to a common
audience. In 1776, he anonymously published Common Sense KEY FACTS
and soon followed it up with The American Crisis. After the • Full Title: Common Sense: Addressed to the Inhabitants of
American Revolution, he served on the Congressional America
Committee of Foreign Affairs and later moved to France, • When Written: 1775-1776
becoming heavily involved in the French Revolution during the
• Where Written: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
1790s. For his radical views, he was jailed for a year in Paris,
subsequently returning to the United States, where he died in • When Published: January 10, 1776 (first edition)
obscurity. • Literary Period: Enlightenment
• Genre: Political Pamphlet
HISTORICAL CONTEXT • Climax: After breaking down his moral reasoning for
Common Sense was written at the beginning of the American American independence, Paine urges his readers not to
wait—the present is the appropriate time to incite a
Revolution (1775-1783) which secured the American colonies’
revolution.
independence from Great Britain. In particular, Paine
references Britain’s taxation of the American colonies without • Antagonist: Great Britain; King George III
adequate representation, dating back to the Stamp Act • Point of View: First Person; Second Person
Congress of 1765 and building to such protests as the Boston
Massacre in 1770 and the Boston Tea Party in 1773. Following EXTRA CREDIT
a 1774 Continental Congress, tensions continued to mount as Gone Viral. Common Sense was an unprecedented publishing
British soldiers occupied Boston and later tried to destroy success. Though estimates vary, it may have sold as many as
colonial military supplies, with battle breaking out at Lexington 500,000 copies in the colonies by the end of the American
and Concord in 1775 and Britain finally being expelled from Revolution, meaning that an estimated 20 percent of colonists
Boston by the Continental Army in March 1776, not long after would have owned a copy—especially remarkable given that its
Common Sense was published. Though the Declaration of popularity spread primarily by word of mouth.
Independence (citing the Enlightenment-inspired natural rights
that Paine champions in his pamphlet) was signed that summer,
Trying Times. In late 1776, George Washington ordered his
the war continued. American independence wasn’t officially
officers to read part of Paine’s The American Crisis, a pamphlet
recognized until the Treaty of Paris was signed in 1783.
series following up on Common Sense, to the Continental Army
on the eve of the crossing of the Delaware.
RELATED LITERARY WORKS
As a political philosopher, Paine was particularly influenced by
fellow Enlightenment thinkers. Significant works in the

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even if reconciliation with Britain were now possible, King
PL
PLO
OT SUMMARY George III would insinuate himself as the oppressive ruler of
America, ruining the country in the long run even if peace were
Thomas Paine argues that because the American colonies have
achieved in the short run. Paine offers some suggestions for the
suffered oppression at the hands of Britain’s King and
future governance of an independent America, such as a
Parliament, Americans are justified in investigating and even
Continental Congress and Charter and alternating between
rejecting Britain’s “usurping” power. He further argues that
the colonies in the choice of a president. Always, the protection
Britain has attacked “natural rights” that should be of concern
of property, freedom, and free exercise of religion should be
to humanity as a whole, not just America.
paramount concerns for government.
Paine begins with comments on the nature of government, first
Paine addresses some practical considerations for an
distinguishing between society and government. He argues
independent America, such as the necessity of building a navy.
that “society” is a blessing, the result of human wants and
He also points out certain favorable circumstances, such as
united affections. Government, on the other hand, is no better
America’s youth and ideal size (neither too small nor too
than a “necessary evil” which serves to restrain human vices. In
confusedly populous and diverse) for drawing up and putting in
other words, government is only needed where moral virtue
place a new government. Until America takes the initiative to
fails. Because the goal of government is to secure freedom for
seek independence, he concludes, the necessity will only
society, the most desirable form of government is the simplest
become more pressing and America’s circumstances more dire.
one. The English constitution, by contrast, is harmfully complex
and only enshrines tyranny. To the second and subsequent editions of Common Sense,
Paine appends some responses to a speech of King George III
Paine offers a deeper critique of monarchy and hereditary
which he describes as “a piece of […] villainy.” In the Appendix,
succession. He does this on the basis of a belief in human
he chiefly reiterates objections to America’s readiness for
equality. Paine argues that biblical history demonstrates that
independence. For example, he argues that America has
monarchy is unchristian, inclined to violence, and to be
recently gained sufficient military experience in order to fight
rejected. Hereditary succession is even worse than kingship,
for independence, and that the longer the task is delayed, the
because it arbitrarily imposes rulers—typically corrupt
harder it will be. The longer it’s delayed, the longer the risk of a
ones—on posterity for generations. It also produces monarchs
mob or factional mentality setting in and distracting America
who are arrogant and isolated from the needs and concerns of
from the task of establishing a sound constitution. Finally, he
real people. Finally, he tallies a long list of wars and rebellions
refutes a Quaker objection to rebellion, arguing that the
that monarchy and conflicts over succession have engendered
Quakers should object to unprovoked British aggression as
in England alone, arguing that this further disproves the validity
much as to American rebellion, or else their pacifist stance
of the practice.
merely amounts to inconsistent, unwelcome meddling.
Paine turns to the heart of his argument in the section titled
“The Present State of American Affairs.” He claims that his
discussion will be grounded on nothing more than “common CHARA
CHARACTERS
CTERS
sense.” Because Britain has taken up arms, he argues, the time
of hoping for reconciliation has passed, and it’s time for a new Thomas P Paine
aine – Thomas Paine (1737–1809) is the author of
way of thinking. He argues that it’s a fallacy to claim that Common Sense. Born in England and inspired by Enlightenment
because America once thrived in its connection with Great political philosophy, he became an activist for American
Britain, that things will always remain that way—it’s like saying independence after moving to the colonies in 1774. Drawing
that a child must be fed baby food forever. Furthermore, inspiration from Enlightenment thinker John Locke, Paine
America is made up of civil and religious refugees from all parts believed in the inherent equality and inalienable rights of man
of Europe, not just England. Thus, America’s strong resources that would go on to form the basis of the US Declaration of
for trade and commerce will better serve the country Independence. In Common Sense, Paine portrays himself as an
diplomatically than Britain’s military protection ever ordinary citizen motivated by concern for justice, not by
could—Britain’s continued military oversight will only serve to political partisanship. He appeals to everyday colonists’ moral
ensnare America in foreign wars. reasoning abilities to inspire them to support the Revolutionary
Paine shifts to an emotional appeal by charging his cause against England—particularly against George III’s
audience—ordinary Americans—with passivity and unfeeling tyranny—and decries the heredity monarchical system in
temperaments if they fail to sympathize with the sufferings of general. In order to illustrate his argument, Paine likens the
besieged Boston. Anyone who looks at Britain’s recent connection between Britain and America to that of a parent
behavior with natural human feelings should conclude that and child: if the colonies don’t fight for independence, he
separation is the only healthy and just course of action. And reasons, America will be kept paralyzed in a constant state of
underdevelopment and oppression. Common Sense was

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perhaps the most influential political pamphlet of the American result: “but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will
Revolution for the patriot cause, and played an integral role in unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the
the country achieving its independence in 1776. first difficulties of emigration, which bound them together in a
King George III – George III (1738–1820) reigned as King of common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and
Great Britain from 1760–1820. He was king at the time that attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out
hostilities broke out between British troops and the American the necessity, of establishing some form of government to
colonial militia in the 1770s, and was the king against whom the supply the defect of moral virtue.” In other words, virtue in and
US Declaration of Independence listed its grievances. Thomas of itself isn’t sufficient to govern society; some sort of external
Paine’s Common Sense was the first prominent work to not only enforcement is required. Again, in Paine’s view, government
advocate for American independence, but to directly take exists to guard against humanity’s inevitable faltering in moral
George III to task for his oppressive rule over the colonies, virtue.
calling him, among other things, a “Royal Brute” and a tyrant. Unsurprisingly, given Paine’s belief in human vice, he argues
that government is inherently limited in how much good it can
achieve, and that, in fact, it can often do harm. In Paine’s view,
THEMES government, by its nature, can never be as good as society:
“Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its
In LitCharts literature guides, each theme gets its own color- best state is but a necessary evil […] for when we suffer, or are
coded icon. These icons make it easy to track where the themes exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might
occur most prominently throughout the work. If you don't have expect in a country without government, our calamity is
a color printer, you can still use the icons to track themes in heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which
black and white. we suffer.” Paine means that, even at its best, government is
only a restraining influence; at its worst, it creates new
THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT obstacles to people’s happiness. Given the fact that
Thomas Paine’s 1776 political pamphlet, Common government is a necessary evil, the simplest possible form of
Sense, was revolutionary in a number of ways. Paine government is the most desirable. Paine explains, “I draw my
was one of the first to openly advocate for idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, […]
American independence from Great Britain, and in doing so, he that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be
sought to appeal to the everyday colonial American reader disordered, and the easier repaired when disordered[.]” That is,
instead of to fellow political theorists. In order to make his whatever form of government “appears most likely to ensure
radical case, he first lays the groundwork for his argument by [security] to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is
discussing the nature of government itself, building on a prior preferable to all others.” People should seek a form of
tradition of English political thought. Paine argues that government that’s least likely to create worse problems than it
government is actually, at best, a “necessary evil” for restraining solves, in other words—one that’s not overly complex or
human vice, and therefore that the simplest, least intrusive burdensome to the people it’s designed to serve.
form of government should be sought. Later in Common Sense, Paine offers some proposals for the
Paine’s argument rests on the fundamental assertion that establishment of a new American government. For example, he
society and government are altogether different things. People maps out a representative scheme for a new congress and
conflate society and government, but they’re actually distinct suggests a method by which the colonies can take turns putting
aspects of human experience: “Some writers have so forward one of its citizens as president. Of course, none of
confounded society with government, as to leave little or no these proposals survived in their original form, even once the
distinction between them […] Society is produced by our wants, 13 colonies declared independence. But Paine’s basic instincts
and government by our wickedness; the former promotes our about the nature and purpose of government have remained
happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter influential in the American consciousness ever since, among
negatively by restraining our vices. […] The first is a patron, the commoner and career politician alike—much as he intended.
last a punisher.” Essentially, society consists of those things that
citizens enjoy pursuing in common, while government is there THE CASE AGAINST MONARCHY
to protect such pursuits by punishing vice. Government only After establishing his views on government in
exists to ensure that society remains sustainable. Embedded general, Paine takes the more radical step of
within this argument is Paine’s belief that human beings are arguing that monarchy is a bankrupt institution and
naturally inclined to vice. This human corruption means that must be abandoned. In his view, there are many absurdities of
even “society”—a good thing—inevitably lapses at some point, monarchy to choose from, such as the isolation and ignorance
and people’s voluntary commitment to each other suffers as a of rulers from those they govern: “There is something

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exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy […] The and unfit of any throughout the dominions.” Not only does
state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a hereditary succession inevitably lead to the coronation of
king requires him to know it thoroughly[.]” But this is just one individuals unworthy of the office, it weakens the character of
example of the weaknesses of a form of governance that Paine those who wear the crown. It feeds entitlement, and, as Paine
sees as not only ineffectual, but actively harmful. By appealing elsewhere argues, a lifetime of royal privilege fails to prepare
to historical and literary precedents and showing how individuals for the duties they’ll one day assume. In fact, it does
monarchical succession worsens conditions over time, Paine the opposite, ensuring a pattern of incompetent rulers who
argues that monarchy isn’t just corrupt in itself, but ultimately cannot effectively serve their people.
corrupting of society more broadly. Paine’s anti-monarchical stance is one of the most radical
Historically, Paine claims, it’s been proven that monarchy is aspects of his pamphlet. To make his case, he doesn’t rely on
corrupt and corrupting. Paine builds an anti-monarchical case abstract political theory, but on examples and arguments that
on the basis of the Bible. In the early ages of humanity, “there would have been culturally familiar and therefore plausible to a
were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no mass readership. By portraying monarchy as distorted and
wars; it is the pride of kings which throw mankind into oppressive, he helps build his larger case for America’s
confusion.” Whether Paine considers this part of Christian independence from Britain and the move toward a more
scripture to be straightforward history or not is beside the representative form of government.
point. Regardless, he makes rhetorical use of the Bible to
persuade his largely Christian audience that kingship is a INDEPENDENCE VS. DEPENDENCE
corrupt form of government, founded on pride, that only leads
Paine’s major goal in Common Sense is to convince
society into strife. Even though there were eventually biblical
his American readership to embrace the cause of
kings, even good kings, that doesn’t prove that kingship in itself
independence. To do that, he builds a case that
is a desirable form of government. Paine points out that
remaining connected to Great Britain would be harmful to the
“[…n]either do the characters of the few good kings which have
American colonies. By first building on the imagery of America’s
lived since, either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of
“childhood” in a variety of ways and presenting long-term risks
the origin; the high encomium given of [Israel’s King] David
of reliance on the “mother country,” Paine implies that
takes no notice of him officially as a king, but only as a man after
America’s subservience to Britain is inherently unhealthy and
God’s own heart.” In other words, individual virtuous examples
limiting. Thus, he argues that it’s unnatural and
don’t negate the fact that the office of kingship is still inherently
counterproductive for the young American colonies to remain
faulty, the result of human pride and envy and thus inevitably
perpetually linked to Great Britain.
tending toward corruption of society at large.
Paine uses the metaphor of parent and child, and the imagery
Though bad enough in itself, monarchy is made worse for
of youth, to argue against continued connection to Britain.
society by its connection to the practice of hereditary
Continued dependence keeps America in perpetual childhood:
succession. The idea of succession, in fact, is insulting to
“We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon
humanity. Succession “claimed as a matter of right, is an insult
milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years
and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally
of our lives is to become a precedent for the next twenty.” In
equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own
other words, just as a child or youth isn’t expected to maintain
family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though
childish ways throughout life, common sense dictates that an
himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his
infant nation shouldn’t have to remain indefinitely dependent
contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy
on its mother country. Paine also uses the argument about
to inherit them.” Paine is saying that, while monarchy
youth in another way—to argue that America’s youth is the
denigrates humanity by artificially elevating a select few over
most promising time to form healthy habits of nationhood.
the vast majority of others, succession multiplies the insult by
“Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in
arbitrarily embedding those honors in a single family line
individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the
forever. Such a tradition can only lead to disaster, since “it
Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast
opens a door to the foolish, the wicked, and the improper, it
variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and
hath in it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon
population, would create confusion.” By contrast, the colonies’
themselves born to reign, and others to obey, soon grow
“present union is marked with both these characters: we are
insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are
young, and we have been distressed; but our concord hath
early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs
withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable aera for
so materially from the world at large, that they have but little
posterity to glory in.” In other words, as the nation grows in size
opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when they
and complexity, the difficulties of forming a nation will
succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant
compound. It’s better, then, to undertake the task while the

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colonies’ youthful friendship with one another, founded on argument by claiming that Britain’s King George III “MAY
shared suffering, remains vibrant. ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTILTY, IN THE LONG
In addition, Paine claims that it’s not even just for England to RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN
claim sole “parentage” of America. “Europe, and not England, is THE SHORT ONE. Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.”
the parent country of America,” he argues. “This new world In other words, even if an outward “reconciliation” were
hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and achieved with the British crown, the crown’s agreement would
religious liberty from every part of Europe. Hither have they be merely an alternate means of maintaining oppressive rule in
fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the the long run. But Paine doesn’t present this more forceful and
cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the radical part of his argument until he’s established a foundation
same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, for it by showing how dependence, in and of itself, is an
pursues their descendants still.” In Paine’s view, it’s unfruitful condition for America.
presumptuous to call England America’s parent when refugees
from so many European countries now call America home. He REASON, MORALITY, AND RHETORIC
uses America’s reputation as a refuge for the persecuted to Paine argues that “a long habit of not thinking a
further weaken England’s claim on America—England is now thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of
behaving like a “monster,” not a mother, and thereby forfeits being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in
whatever claim it might once have had for America’s childlike, defence of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes
dutiful dependence. Not only is the young nation hampered by more converts than reason.” This is a good summary of Paine’s
continued dependence, but its continued connection to Britain approach throughout Common Sense—of making a rhetorical
actively cuts against American interests in a number of other appeal to his readership’s ability to evaluate long-held
practical ways. Regardless of what Britain claims, Paine argues traditional assumptions. Though he characterizes this
that the country hasn’t been looking out for America’s present evaluative ability as mere “common sense,” his approach is
advantages. “We have boasted the protection of Great-Britain, multi-faceted. By repeatedly appealing to his readers’ reason,
without considering, that her motive was interest not and even encouraging them to reassess their moral faculties,
attachment; that she did not protect us from our enemies on Paine makes a rhetorically powerful case that independence is
our account, but from her enemies on her own account.” The ultimately not just a reasonable step, but a moral imperative.
American colonies, then, have been passively taking for granted
Paine appeals to his readers’ rational and emotional faculties in
the value of British guardianship, when, all the while, Britain
order to sway their opinions, encouraging them to rely on these
has been maintaining its hold on America with its own political
faculties themselves to evaluate his claims. Early in Common
and economic benefit at the forefront of its concerns.
Sense, he writes, “In the following pages I offer nothing more
Continued dependence would actually hamper America’s long- than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and
term prospects, too: “any submission to, or dependance on have no other preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that
Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in he will divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer
European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with his reason and his feelings to determine for themselves; that he
nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against will put on, or rather that he will not put off, the true character
whom, we have neither anger nor complaint.” The biggest of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present
example of such a hindrance is that America would become day.” Paine is actually saying a lot with this statement. He
needlessly entangled in Britain’s foreign concerns—including asserts that he’s only offering common-sense facts—that he’s
antagonizing countries that would otherwise become simply appealing to the reader’s reasoning abilities and
America’s allies. Finally, delaying an effort toward readiness to set aside preconceived ideas. He essentially asks
independence only serves to make America a less desirable the reader to aspire to a generous character. In sum, Paine is
homeland in the long run: “[A] kind of government by inviting the reader to engage in an active process of evaluation
guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies that draws upon one’s own intellect and character and (at least
come of age, […] will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants ostensibly) doesn’t just take Paine’s ideas at face value.
[…] will not choose to come to a country whose form of
government hangs but by a thread, […] numbers of the present Paine even argues that the impulse to rebellion and
inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispose of their independence is actually a good and salutary one, because it’s
effects, and quit the continent.” If America is maintained in this rooted in God-given moral feelings. “The Almighty hath
unsettled state for long, it will lose its appeal to both potential implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and
and even current occupants, which would be disastrous for wise purposes. […] They distinguish us from the herd of
America’s continued thriving. common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and
justice be extirpated from the earth, […] were we callous to the
Near the end of Common Sense, Paine raises the stakes of his touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would

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often escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our support for Paine’s revolutionary cause.
tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.” In other words, the
desire for independence is, ultimately, a concern for justice, out
of respect for human dignity—on the same level as the desire to SYMBOLS
punish a robber or murderer. Readers should employ those
healthy “affections” in the service of the cause of independence. Symbols appear in teal text throughout the Summary and
Analysis sections of this LitChart.
Not only does Paine encourage his audience to employ their
reasoning skills, he doesn’t hesitate to impugn those who fail to
do so—or those whose faculties are, in his view, insufficiently PARENT AND CHILD
developed. Paine argues that those who continue to push for Paine uses the symbolism of parent and child to
America’s reconciliation with Britain have suspect motives. argue that America has outgrown its dependence
“Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet on Great Britain and should seek independence. For example,
I am inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine he argues that delayed independence keeps America in a state
of reconciliation, may be included within the following of perpetual childhood: “we may as well assert that because a
descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to have meat[.]” In
men, who cannot see; prejudiced men, who will not see; and a this sense, he encourages his readers to be courageous and
certain set of moderate men, who think better of the European optimistic about independence, rather than fearing America’s
world than it deserves; and this last class, […] will be the cause failure without its current ties to Britain. Paine also uses the
of more calamities to this continent, than all the other three.” In metaphor of parenthood to argue that England has forfeited
other words, supporters of reconciliation have vested interests any respect it was owed as “mother” by acting oppressively
in England or the war, or else they’re blind to reason, whether toward its colonial “child.” Finally, he uses the “child” metaphor
willfully or not. Others are simply too attached to the comforts in a more positive sense by suggesting that America should
of continued attachment to Europe to recognize what’s best for take advantage of its youthful vigor in order to cultivate healthy
them. Interestingly, Paine sees the latter group as the most habits of nationhood: “youth is the seed time of good habits […]
potentially problematic, because they are insufficiently a memorable aera for posterity to glory in.” In contrast to the
attached to American interests. But no matter the specific heredity monarchy of Great Britain, what Paine portrays as an
motive at play, Paine urges his readers toward self-examination antiquated system, he encourages his readers to think of
and a possible reassessment of their moral reasoning. America as young and vital in its ability to be molded into a fair
Paine goes on to argue that those who don’t support representative democracy.
independence, on the grounds that they don’t see British
behavior as atrocious, are either sheltered from suffering or
else morally debased. “But if you say, you can still pass the QUO
QUOTES
TES
violations over, then I ask. Hath your house been burnt? Hath
Note: all page numbers for the quotes below refer to the Dover
your property been destroyed before your face? […] Have you
Thrift Editions edition of Common Sense published in 2016.
lost a parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined
and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a
judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake Introduction Quotes
hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy the name of The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all
husband, father, friend, or lover[.]” Paine appeals to the mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are
sufferings of those who’ve lost property or loved ones at the not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all
hands of the British army in order to stir fervor for Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their
independence. By implication, not only should those who have Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with
suffered these “violations” desire independence, but everyone Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights of all
who hears of them should be moved accordingly. Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face
Common Sense is a short, rather unsystematic pamphlet, but its of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath
argumentation is surprisingly complex. Having made a case for given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party
government as a “necessary evil” and rejected monarchy as a Censure, is the AUTHOR.
viable form of government, then argued for the practical
desirability of independence, Paine goes on to make his most
Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker)
effective moves through a memorable and affecting moral
appeal. The latter is what fired the American popular Related Themes:
imagination most strongly and likely did the most to garner

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Page Number: 2 common. On the other hand, government is a structure that

emerges subsequently, in order to preserve and support
Explanation and Analysis society. This necessity emerges because human beings are
In this introductory quote, Paine lays out several of the inclined to wickedness. Even if society could be sustained
central themes he will develop in Common Sense. He does so peacefully for a certain amount of time, it could not
by framing these concerns as ideas that are significant not continue indefinitely, because human beings would sooner
only for the present American colonists, but for anyone who or later fail to respect one another’s rights. Thus
has an interest in freedom universally, as well as for government must step in to ensure that vice is restrained,
posterity. He evokes the idea of “natural rights”—the such that the enjoyment of society can continue. This is why,
Enlightenment view that certain things like life, liberty, and looking ahead in Common Sense, the form of government is
property, discernible by human reason, belong to every so important to Paine. Great care must be taken to select
person. The idea of natural rights, which originated in and structure a form of government that doesn’t just create
earlier English and French political theory, went on to more obstacles to the flourishing of human society (such as
become the bedrock of the Declaration of Independence. monarchy, in Paine’s view).
Paine portrays British aggression as a fundamental attack
not just on America, but on the concept of natural
rights—thereby bolstering his argument for independence. 2. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession
He also refers to the “affections” of the lovers of humanity Quotes
and the “power of feeling”—making a rhetorical appeal not In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or
just to reason, but to the “natural” human sympathies that, that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. ‘Tis a form
in Paine’s view, undergird human reason and natural rights. of government which the word of God bears testimony against,
This anticipates one of his major techniques in Common and blood will attend it.
Sense—appealing not merely to bare rationality, but to inner
motivations that, he argues, should rally his readership to
his cause. Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker)

Related Themes:
1. Of the Origin and Design of Government Page Number: 16
Quotes
Explanation and Analysis
Some writers have so confounded society with
government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; In the second section of Common Sense, Paine builds a case
whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. against monarchy. He argues that monarchy is not just one
Society is produced by our wants, and government by our form of government among many, but that it’s an inherently
wickedness; the former promotes our happiness positively by corrupt and corrupting one. He makes this case by trying to
uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our demonstrate that monarchy has been corrupt from its
vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates inception. For instance, he argues that even the Bible bears
distinctions. The first is a patron, the last a punisher. testimony against monarchy. He begins his argument by
explaining that early Israelite society did not have a king,
and that when kingship was introduced at the people’s
Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker) demand, the people underwent God’s judgment and faced a
long succession of mostly wicked kings. Paine then goes on
Related Themes:
to argue that, whatever the shady origins of modern
Page Number: 2 kingship, it has always tended to produce greater strife than
it solves. He tallies up those civil conflicts, such as the Wars
Explanation and Analysis of the Roses, that have divided and harmed England
In this quote, Paine lays out the understanding of throughout its history. Paine’s point in making this
government that guides his argument throughout Common case—which is not, by modern standards, a rigorously
Sense. This understanding is based on a clear distinction historical one—is simply to show that monarchy is one of
between society and government. Society, he argues, has to those forms of government which impedes society rather
do with those activities human beings enjoy pursuing in than helping it. In turn, he makes a case for America’s revolt
against monarchical rule, which he sees as not accidentally,

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We may as well assert that because a child has thrived
but inherently, tyrannical. upon milk, that it is never to have meat, or that the first
twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the next
twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I
3. Thoughts on the Present State of American answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much,
Affairs Quotes and probably much more, had no European power had any
thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath
The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not
enriched herself are the necessaries of life, and will always have
the affair of a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a
a market while eating is the custom of Europe.
continent— of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.
’Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are
virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker)
affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now
is the seed time of continental union, faith and honor. The least Related Themes:
fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin
on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with Related Symbols:
the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
Page Number: 19

Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker) Explanation and Analysis

In this section of Common Sense, Paine addresses objections
Related Themes:
to the idea of independence. One of the chief objections is
that England is America’s “mother country,” and therefore
Page Number: 18
it’s disloyal to declare independence against her. Paine
Explanation and Analysis attacks this as fallacious reasoning. He does so by
This quote sums up Paine’s call to action in the third and introducing the parent/child metaphor he uses several
longest section of Common Sense. He has just finished times throughout Common Sense. The symbolism is simple:
admonishing those who wish to postpone conflict that an infant who’s been fed on milk should not be
indefinitely and avoid war, arguing that future generations expected to thrive under such limitations forever, but
will look at this one with disdain if they fail to do what’s should naturally progress to a diet of solid food. Likewise,
right. He tries to summon his audience to action by urging one’s youth should not be looked upon as a model for the
them to expand their outlook. They might have looked at rest of life. With this simple metaphor, Paine associates
independence as if it’s a local or regional matter, he says, but America with the vigor and potential of youth and attracts
instead, they should consider the repercussions for a large his audience to the idea that independence is within the
portion of the globe. Likewise, they shouldn’t think of this as natural course of things, just as it’s natural for a child to
a matter for just their generation, or indeed as a mere grow up and separate from his or her parents. Paine also
political matter, but a question of “faith and honor” whose goes on to argue that America, in fact, has everything within
neglect will have far-reaching implications. Paine builds on it that the country will ultimately need to thrive (e.g., food
this call for urgency by going on to explain that, when products for European markets). With this answer to a
Britain took up arms against America, the conflict entered a common objection against independence, Paine is also able
new phase in which mere argumentation will no longer to champion a future-looking cause and to portray
do—it’s time to act. opponents as stuck in the past.

Europe, and not England, is the parent country of America.

This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted
lovers of civil and religious liberty from every part of Europe.
Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the
mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true
of England, that the same tyranny which drove the first
emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.

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Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker) the writing of Common Sense. So at the time Paine was
writing, the British presence was very much a live issue in
Related Themes: American minds, and Paine takes full rhetorical advantage
of the fact here. In fact, he uses the British situation to press
Related Symbols: forcefully on his readers’ consciences. He vividly describes
situations of destruction of property, destitution, and even
Page Number: 20 death that some Bostonians have faced. If someone has
encountered such things, yet persists in loyalty to the
Explanation and Analysis
British, then Paine does not hesitate to attack them as
In this quote Paine builds on his parent/child metaphor in a cowardly and servile toward the British occupiers. If they
particularly striking way. He has just finished arguing that haven’t, then they shouldn’t judge the appetite for rebellion
England’s status as “mother country” doesn’t justify among those who have. By implication, any reader of
continued connection to it. But here he suggests that even Common Sense should summon the imaginative sympathy to
that parental status is questionable. He argues that the side with those who have suffered. This is an example of the
American colonies are peopled by refugees from all parts of way that Paine’s “common sense” encompasses more than
Europe, so it makes more sense to speak of Europe as truly bare logic; for him, sympathy and outrage are divinely given
being America’s parent. An example here would be the sensibilities that can and should guide human reasoning and
French Huguenots, persecuted Protestants who migrated loyalties.
to America beginning in the 1600s. Paine also argues that,
by taking up arms against the colonists, England is now no
better than those countries, like France, that have actively
Wherefore, her own interest leads her to suppress the
turned “monstrous” against their own citizens by
growth of ours in every case which doth not promote her
persecuting them. Thus this minor point is doing a lot for
advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we
Paine’s overall argument—not only attacking England’s
should soon be in under such a second-hand government,
status by likening it to more notorious regimes, but putting
considering what has happened! […] And in order to shew that
forward an idea of America as a haven for the oppressed.
reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, that it
would be policy in the king at this time, to repeal the acts for
the sake of reinstating himself in the government of the
But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I provinces; in order, that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT
ask. Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property AND SUBTILTY, IN THE LONG RUN, WHAT HE CANNOT DO
been destroyed before your face? Are your wife and children BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE.
destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.
parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and
wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you not a judge of
those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker), King George
the murderers, then are you unworthy the name of husband, III
father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title
Related Themes:
in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a
sycophant. Page Number: 28

Explanation and Analysis

Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker)
This quote comes near the conclusion of the central section
Related Themes: of Common Sense, as Paine brings his primary argument to a
close. In doing so, he strikes a final blow at the notion that
Page Number: 24 continued connection to Great Britain would serve
American interests whatsoever. He argues that, where
Explanation and Analysis
Americans have assumed that Britain is watching out for
With this quote Paine makes reference to the siege of America, Britain has actually been twisting American affairs
Boston, which began in June 1774. The British would to her own advantage whenever possible. This is why, in
evacuate Boston in March 1776—within several weeks of Paine’s view, Americans must give up any lingering idealism

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about reconciliation with Britain, since this would actually perception of what good governance is. Paine’s epithet
stifle American growth in the long run. Accordingly, America “Royal Brute of Britain” is also one of the boldest insults to
shouldn’t trust any British pretensions toward repealing the appear in Common Sense.
offensive taxation laws that have been burdening
Americans for the past decade. If this were to occur, Paine
believes, it’s merely a sign that King George is looking to Appendix Quotes
conquer America by “subtlety” rather than outright
O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged
violence. This is what he means by the idea that
principles. If the bearing arms be sinful, the first going to war
reconciliation is akin to America’s ruin—it would prove to be
must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack
a false reconciliation after all.
and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from
conscience, and mean not to make a political hobby-horse of
your religion, convince the world thereof, by proclaiming your
But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear ARMS.
Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of
mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not
Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker)
appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be
solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let it be brought Related Themes:
forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be
placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we Page Number: 54
approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING.
Explanation and Analysis
Related Characters: Thomas Paine (speaker), King George In the Appendix to Common Sense (added several weeks
III after the publication of the first edition), Paine takes the
time to address various recently emergent objections. One
Related Themes: of these is a recent protest registered by the Religious
Society of Friends, or Quakers, who were an influential
Page Number: 33 religious minority in the colonies (particularly in Paine’s
Philadelphia) and themselves religious refugees from
Explanation and Analysis England. Paine himself would have grown up at least
In this section of Common Sense, Paine has been laying out a partially familiar with Quaker principles (chief among them
proposal for America’s future self-governance. While it’s nonviolence and pacifism), since his father was a Quaker.
more of a loose proposal, not a firm plan, it’s grounded on That makes his indictment come across as all the more
Paine’s bedrock idea that government must serve society in stinging. He attacks the Quaker objection to revolution by
a minimally intrusive way. This is shown by the fact arguing that the Quakers are being inconsistent to their
(notwithstanding his initial implication that God is the true own principles—if they object to the Americans for taking
“king of America”) that he hopes American government will up arms against the British, then they should object even
not be founded on a singular personality like a king, but on a more strongly to the British for instigating war and
“continental charter” drawn up by delegates of the various behaving with unprovoked violence toward innocent
colonies. It’s not clear how serious Paine is about the idea of civilians. Though Paine elsewhere describes himself as a
literally crowning said charter to honor it as “king”—given fervent proponent of religious freedom and doesn’t claim to
Paine’s well-established objection to monarchy, it is rather object to the Quakers’ pacifism per se, he argues that, until
unlikely. His point, in fact, is that the monarchy of a human they rectify what he sees as a glaring inconsistency, their
king is so offensive that he can’t overemphasize the protest amounts to nothing more than unwonted meddling
importance of a charter decided upon by the people. Those in politics.
who’ve been long accustomed to kingship must adjust their

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SUMMARY AND ANAL

ANALYSIS
YSIS
The color-coded icons under each analysis entry make it easy to track where the themes occur most prominently throughout the
work. Each icon corresponds to one of the themes explained in the Themes section of this LitChart.

INTRODUCTION
Thomas Paine remarks that perhaps his ideas aren’t Befitting a work titled Common Sense, Paine opens the pamphlet
“fashionable” enough to gain much popular support. After all, a with an appeal to human reason. He points out that ideas are often
long habit of thinking something’s right gives that thing an defended out of tradition, not because those ideas are truly right,
appearance of being right, and people will defend it out of thus implying that the coming arguments will challenge people’s
custom, even if it is actually wrong. comfortable assumptions about morality.

A “long and violent abuse of power” is sufficient reason to Paine previews some of the main arguments he will advance against
question that power. Since Americans are oppressed by both British rule: that monarchical power tends toward oppression and
England’s King and Parliament, they are justified in that Americans are morally justified in rebelling against it.
investigating and even rejecting the “usurpation” of both.

Paine says that in his pamphlet, he avoids personal attacks. He Paine refers to the idea of “natural rights” such as life, liberty, and
just wants to look into America’s cause, which is, in large property, which were thought to be discernible by human reason
measure, the cause of “mankind” as a whole. Any person with and would become the bedrock of the Declaration of Independence.
the “power of feeling” should be concerned by England’s Paine would have developed this idea from the 17th-century
declaration of war against the “natural rights of all mankind.” English political philosopher John Locke. He also invokes moral
instinct as a factor in human reason.

In a postscript, Paine adds that it’s unnecessary to know the Paine remained anonymous as the author of Common Sense for
identity of the pamphlet’s author; rather, the attention should about three months. When it was first published in January 1776, it
be on his ideas. He is not under the influence of any party, but was signed “by an Englishman.” Perhaps he hopes to support the
merely “the influence of reason and principle.” idea that reason, not personalities, should be the main factor in
evaluating his argument.

1. OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL

Some writers barely distinguish between “society” and Paine follows Enlightenment ideas about the nature of society and
“government.” However, those two things have completely government, breaking them down into simple distinctions accessible
different origins. Society is produced by human “wants” and to the common reader. Government, basically, serves to check
government by human “wickedness.” The first unites human human wickedness so that people are free to pursue their desires in
affections; the latter restrains human vices. a moral way.

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While society is always a blessing, government is, at best, a Paine builds off his claim about human vice to show that
“necessary evil.” In fact, government can even cause great government’s restraining and preserving function is a sad necessity,
misery. Government is a “badge of lost innocence” in that, if and he anticipates his coming critique of monarchy by pointing out
human beings were always good, government wouldn’t be that government can take forms that actively oppress the people it’s
needed. However, given that government is necessary in order meant to serve.
to secure the goodness of society, it makes sense to prefer the
form of government that will provide that security while
incurring the least expense and offering the greatest benefit to
people.

Paine argues that a small group of people settling in the Paine illustrates the difference between government and society by
wilderness will first be concerned with society. As long as imagining a voluntary “society” (implicitly America) which develops
members of this tiny society behaved justly to one another, a need for government as it grows. He also envisions representative
government would remain unnecessary. However, inevitably, as government, which depends on elected officials knowing their
the population grows, mutual bonds and duties will weaken, electorate and sharing their electorate’s interests.
and government will become necessary “to supply the
weakness of moral virtue.” This will initially take the form of
dividing up society and electing representatives for each part.
The frequent mixing of elected with electors is the basis for
strong government and the happiness of the governed.

So, the origin of government is the inability of moral virtue to Paine reiterates the origin and goal of government and suggests that
govern the world. The end of government is “freedom and complex governments are more likely to worsen the problems
security.” Paine further holds that, according to nature, the they’re intended to solve.
simpler something is, the less likely it is to become disordered,
and the easier it is to fix if it does.

With this principle in mind, Paine offers a few comments on the By “constitution,” Paine doesn’t refer to a specific document, but to a
constitution of England. When tyranny reigned, that tradition of governance dating back to the medieval Magna Charta
constitution was indeed “noble” and “glorious.” But it is and currently embodied by England’s King and Parliament.
imperfect and incapable of delivering what it promises. It is also
fatally complex, thus it’s difficult to remedy its faults.

Paine argues that two “ancient tyrannies” are represented by Paine makes a bold critique of England’s government, arguing that
the English constitution: monarchical tyranny (the King) and even its defenders don’t have an adequate case—no matter what
aristocratical tyranny (the Peers). These two tyrannies are authority is claimed for the Peers and commons, it’s obvious, he
compounded by “new republican materials” (the commons). It’s says, that the King holds ultimate power. Such a government goes
not accurate to claim that these three powers provide an far beyond the simplicity Paine envisions as ideal for society.
adequate check on one another, Paine claims. To say so
presupposes that the King cannot be trusted. It also
presupposes that the commons are more inherently
trustworthy. But since the King in turn may check the power of
the supposedly wiser commons, the system is absurd and
seemingly no one can be trusted.

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Further, monarchy is inherently “ridiculous.” A King is closed off Paine directly mocks monarchy, showing his radicalism for the time.
from the very society he must know intimately in order to Because his own ideal government is based on the proximity of
govern it well. The three powers provided for by the governors to the governed, the isolation of monarchs from the
constitution are inevitably “a house divided” with the power to people is an offense to him. Further, he argues that the supposed
mutually destroy one another—the weightiest of the three will checking influence of the parliament only enables monarchs to
always rule over time, even if temporarily checked by the other become craftier in maintaining their power.
two. Even though England isn’t an absolute monarchy, it’s
obvious that the crown holds the greatest weight. The
presence of a parliament only makes kings more “subtle,” not
more just.

2. OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION

Human beings were created equal, Paine argues. There is no Paine’s political philosophy is grounded on Enlightenment views of
natural or religious reason for dividing humanity into separate human equality, in contrast to pre-modern views that would have
classes of king and subjects. The Bible shows that, at the seen such class distinctions as natural and divinely ordained. To
beginning of history, there were no kings. Because of this, there bolster his claim, Paine appeals to the Bible—by far the most
were no wars, either. Only the pride of kings causes such strife. familiar literary work for his audience.

Ancient Israel copied monarchy from its heathen neighbors. Whether Paine views the biblical account as reliable “history” in the
Paine argues that neither nature nor scripture justifies this modern sense isn’t the main point of his argument (and his claim
practice. Before kingship was introduced, Israel was that earliest Israel was a “republic” is surely anachronistic). Besides
administered by a kind of republic. When the people of Israel its cultural familiarity, the biblical account of Israel’s tradition of
begged the prophet Samuel for a king, it was out of a desire to corrupt kings serves Paine’s argument that monarchy is not only
be more like their neighbors. This desire was idolatrous and inherently corrupt, but it corrupts those who support and defend it.
displeasing to God, so God allowed the people to continue in
their corrupt desires. Paine argues that the Bible is clear on the
point that monarchy is an unchristian form of government.

If monarchy is a degradation of humanity, then hereditary Paine extends his argument about the corruption of monarchy to a
succession is even more corrupting, perpetuating the offense of similar claim about the typical monarchical practice of passing
monarchy unto posterity. Because human beings are equals, no down the crown through generations. The practice is an unjust
person, even an exceptional one, has the right to set up his imposition on posterity and perpetuates the inequality which Paine
posterity as his or her indefinite successors—there is no finds intrinsically offensive.
guarantee that they will equal their ancestor’s worthiness, and
they typically don’t. Furthermore, it’s unjust to impose a ruler
on future generations.

Since the emergence of most hereditary lines is shrouded in Paine also turns to familiar historical examples to support his
history and legend, it’s uncertain how successions got started. rejection of hereditary succession. Certainly William the
Perhaps some began as conveniences and later came to be Conqueror—the Duke of Normandy who invaded England in
regarded as entitlements. Paine refers to William the 1066—would be among the most famous Paine could choose, but
Conqueror as “a French bastard” and a “rascally” originator of his characterization of William is deliberately provocative, and no
English kingship. Certainly, Paine says, William’s legacy is of no doubt meant to reflect on the Conqueror’s contemporary successor.
divine origin.

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The evil of hereditary succession is more pressing a concern Paine continues to build his argument about succession’s oppressive
than its absurdity—the practice lends itself to oppression. Men potential, arguing that it undercuts its intended purpose by
who consider themselves born monarchs easily grow insolent distancing monarchs from their subjects yet further. An example of
and become disconnected from the interests of ordinary war caused by conflict over succession is the Wars of the Roses,
people. This actually renders them dangerously ignorant and fought between the rival York and Lancaster branches of the royal
unfit to rule. Succession is also vulnerable to unscrupulous House of Plantagenet.
regents who take advantage of minor or weak kings. Paine
tallies up eight civil wars and 19 rebellions in England alone,
arguing that this proves that hereditary succession doesn’t
make for peace.

Finally, Paine argues that it’s unclear what role a king really has If a king is far removed from his people and their needs, then he
in England. He has little to do besides conduct wars and cannot be of much use to them, according to Paine’s view of the role
dispense favors. Better is one honest man, he concludes, “than of government. His preference for “one honest man” is also
all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.” consistent with his Enlightenment view of equality.

3. THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS

Paine states that in the coming pages, he will simply offer Paine presents himself as offering simple arguments accessible to
“simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense.” His reader, the common reader. Moreover, he appeals to his reader as being
he says, should rely on his own reason and feelings, “[putting] capable of evaluating his arguments and of the moral character
on […] the true character of a man” and “generously enlarge his befitting this historical moment.
views beyond the present day.”

Paine declares that the time for debate is over—England has Paine argues that England is the aggressor in the current conflict,
decided that war is the way to settle the dispute between and that the conflict transcends the current historical moment. This
England and America, and America has risen to the challenge. is why his readers must “enlarge [their] views” and, unlike a self-
He argues that this matter is not just the concern of a country serving monarch, show generous concern for future generations.
or a kingdom, but of an entire continent; likewise, it’s not just an
issue for the current age, but for posterity.

Because the matter has progressed “from argument to arms,” Now that Britain is the aggressor, old arguments for reconciliation
Paine argues that “a new aera for politics is struck,” which calls no longer apply. Paine’s open call for rebellion is radical, and
for a new manner of thinking. Previously, both Britain and because of this, he is careful to establish a reasonable basis for the
America saw reconciliation between their two sides as the shift from reconciliation to resistance.
ultimate goal, whether that goal was achieved by means of war
or diplomacy. The time has come, however, to look into the
contrary point of view.

The colonies will sustain “many material injuries” by remaining Paine sets out his plan of argument: he will assess the current state
dependent upon Great Britain. Paine proposes to examine the of things as well as the possible repercussions of both separation
nature of that dependence, by the light of common sense, in and reconciliation. Again, he grounds the rhetoric of rebellion in an
order to determine what the consequences would be if appeal to “common sense” that is meant to resonate with the
America remained connected to Britain, and what would everyday citizen.
happen if it separated from Britain.

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Some have argued that because America once flourished in its Paine introduces the recurrent symbol of the parent-child
connection to Great Britain, circumstances will remain that relationship to support his argument for separation—one to which
way forever. This is a fallacious argument, Paine says. It makes ordinary readers can easily relate. He likens America’s colonial
as much sense as saying that because a child has thrived on status to infancy, a stage of development that, as everyone knows,
milk, he should never be given meat. only lasts for a short time. By likening America’s connection with
Great Britain to a child never trying solid food, Paine makes the case
that to stay dependent upon the British would be akin to preventing
a young person from growing up and reaching their full potential.

Some argue that America has benefited from Britain’s Paine challenges the common assumption that Britain is beneficial
protection in the past. Paine retorts that Britain would have to America even now. As a colony, America is of use to Britain, not
defended any other possession in the same way, if its own trade the other way around. This argument is in line with Paine’s
and empire were at stake. People who make this argument fail assertions about the fundamental selfishness and corruption of
to consider that Britain’s motive is the country’s own interests, monarchy. In addition, it’s clear that Britain’s governance is not as
not concern for America’s interests. If America were no longer answerable to the people as Paine believes it should be.
attached to Britain, it would no longer have to worry about
conflict with Britain’s enemies, should Britain go to war with
Spain or France, etc.

Some also argue that Britain is America’s “parent country.” Boldly, Paine directly attacks King George III as exploitative of his
Paine argues that the King exploits this phrase in order to prey subjects. He also challenges the underlying logic of the parent/child
on weak minds. The reality, he says, is that Europe is America’s metaphor, going so far as to suggest that England isn’t America’s
parent, not England. America has been a refuge for those parent after all. He points to America’s growing diversity as
seeking civil and religious liberty from all parts of Europe. evidence for this, simultaneously strengthening a case for
England now directs tyranny toward its own descendants; this independence.
is the mark of a “monster,” not a mother.

Were it the case that all Americans were of English descent, Paine’s point about the ancestry of many English is likely meant to
that still wouldn’t obligate America to continued connection, be somewhat tongue-in-cheek, but it gives further support to his
now that Britain has shown itself to be America’s enemy. argument that the current allegiance of a country shouldn’t
Furthermore, William the Conqueror and most English Peers necessarily be based on its historical ties.
are of French descent—if the logic followed, England ought to
be under French rule.

In addition, continued military alliance with Britain is not a With the benefit of hindsight, it’s clear that Paine’s claims here are
compelling argument, since America’s long-term desire is short-sighted; America became entangled in its own military
peaceful trade, not war. Paine holds that the desirability of conflicts soon enough, and had richer natural resources than were
trade with America will always serve as better protection than known at the time. However, his larger point is that America should
Britain’s military could, and that America is safe from invasion have the chance to develop commercially without being restrained
because of its lack of gold and silver. by Britain’s military interests.

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Paine challenges anyone to show him a single advantage that Having argued that there’s no inherent logic in remaining loyal to
reconciliation with Britain would bring about—he maintains Britain, Paine now shifts to arguing that a continued allegiance
there is none. The disadvantages, on the other hand, would be would be actively harmful—starting with damage to potential allies.
many. Dependence on Britain would only ensnare America in
European wars, whereas left to its own devices, America would
befriend these countries and benefit from them in trade.

Even nature proves that separation between Britain and It's not clear how seriously a Deist like Paine would even have taken
America is natural—the great distance between the two such claims to divine providence (the 16th century Protestant
countries suggests that Britain was never meant to rule over Reformation led to sustained conflict between Catholic lands and
America. The fact that America was discovered before the Protestant subjects, creating many refugees)—but they may have
Reformation likewise suggests that God intended this land to appealed to his target readership.
become a haven for the religiously persecuted.

Paine believes that those who cling to the hope of Where Paine has elsewhere made generous assumptions about his
reconciliation have unworthy motives. They either have some readers’ motives, here he openly challenges the motives of those
vested interest in Britain, are weak or prejudiced, or are who disagree with independence. He views excessive attachment to
“moderates” who think more highly of Europe than they ought. Europe (hence inadequate attachment to America) as the most
This last group, with their poor judgment, will do lasting harm potentially dangerous to the cause.
to America.

Some also have the privilege of living at a distance from the Paine appeals to his audience’s imagination as well as their logic.
crisis. If one imagines oneself in Boston, however, the picture Boston had been occupied by the British since June 1774. It was
becomes clearer. Once affluent, the residents of Boston now then besieged by American forces from April 1775 until the British
risk starvation, friendly fire, and British plundering—essentially evacuation in March 1776—about the time of this writing.
stuck between two armies.

“Passive” temperaments still think reconciliation possible. But if Paine suggests that a compassionate person will empathize with
one considers Boston’s plight with natural human feelings, one those who are most directly suffering under British occupation, and
will realize that ongoing connection with Britain, for whom love this will clarify the logical conclusion that attachment to Britain is
and honor is no longer possible, will be a forced, unnatural no longer sustainable.
arrangement. In time, the situation will only worsen.

If someone claims to be able to overlook British violations, Here is Paine’s most direct and harshest assessment of those who
Paine says he should examine himself: have you lost property, remain in favor of reconciliation—in effect, such people are
or even a loved one, due to British aggression? If not, then do complicit in the harms Britain has committed against innocent
not judge those who have. If so, it’s cowardly and sycophantic colonists. His rhetoric also serves to foster a sense of unity among
to desire continued relationship with those who have Americans.
committed such things.

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Paine says that he is not being inflammatory, but only testing Paine anticipates the criticisms of those who might accuse him of
current events against those “feelings and affections which being needlessly provocative in his descriptions of American
nature justifies.” He doesn’t wish to stir people to revenge, but suffering. In so doing, he regards American indignation, and hence
to jar them from apathy. America must not conquer herself by pro-revolutionary sentiments, as “natural.”
timidity. The season for action is now. Since repeated
petitioning has yielded nothing, it’s time to bring about a final
separation, and not leave the unpleasant task for a subsequent
generation.

Britain cannot do justice to America at such a distance; it would Paine refers to British parliamentary acts that drew revenue from
take most of a year for petitions and resolutions to travel back the American colonies through taxation without representation.
and forth. Besides, it’s unnatural for a larger country to be These acts were bad enough, he implies, but revolution should aim
governed by a small island. It’s not worthwhile to take up arms for something bigger and more lasting. He also boldly likens King
over a matter of law (the stamp-acts), or to fight at all, unless George III to the oppressive Pharaoh of the Old Testament Book of
America is in earnest about independence. Ever since April Exodus, another eminently familiar metaphor for his largely
1775, Paine has rejected “the hardened […] Pharaoh of Christian audience.
England.”

Even if matters were to be resolved now, it would be ruinous Paine reiterates that England, especially as represented by King
for America. First of all, King George III would have arbitrary George, is an abusive “parent” for America. By implication, he also
sway over the laws of America. England will constantly try to ties this point back to his argument that those who govern should
suppress America’s prosperity out of jealousy. Even if the King share in the interests of those governed. A monarch does not; he or
repealed the offensive acts, he would do so for the sake of she only oppresses. This is why reconciliation would ultimately be
reinstating himself as governor of America. Thus he would fruitless, even disastrous, for America.
“accomplish by craft and subtlety […] what he cannot do by
force and violence […] Reconciliation and ruin are nearly
related.”

Secondly, even under the best of terms, America would be Paine makes the interesting point that continued colonial
under a sort of temporary guardianship. Immigrants will not dependence will make America unattractive to potential immigrants
choose to move to a country that’s in such an unsettled state, and thereby stunt its growth.
and current residents might decide to leave.

Finally, the strongest argument is that only independence can Paine holds that revolt against Britain is inevitable, and better that
guard against civil war. If reconciliation occurred, there would the colonies pursue it together than separately. He doesn’t fear
likely be a revolt somewhere in the colonies. There should not rivalry among the colonies themselves, taking for granted that they
be any fear that, after independence, the colonies would fall will be unified around a republican form of government.
into conflict among themselves, because they are equal.

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The only thing to be feared regarding independence is that Though Paine’s specific proposals were not exactly realized (short of
there is not yet a plan laid down for its success. Paine offers a there eventually being a Continental Congress), what’s notable
few suggestions. For example, each colony should send about his ideas is his emphasis on the people’s proximity to their
delegates to a Continental Congress. Presidents should be government—trying to ensure, for example, that there is another
chosen by selecting a colony by lot, then voting for a delegate level of representation even between Congress and constituency.
from that colony. There should also be a Continental Enlightenment-influenced natural rights (like freedom of religion)
Conference between Congress and people, which will are also paramount.
undertake such tasks as writing a Continental Charter and
choosing members of Congress. Their primary concerns should
be securing people’s freedom and property and ensuring the
free exercise of religion.

Should anyone ask about a King of America, Paine retorts that Paine takes a particularly bold jab at King George III while also
“he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the contrasting the different forms of government. Monarchy lends
Royal Brute of Britain.” But to satisfy everyone on an earthly itself to absolutism and hence abuse, while a country governed on
level, a day should be set aside for the proclamation of the the basis of law—especially on Paine’s model—ideally is based on
Continental Charter so that the world will know “that in representation of the people’s wishes.
America THE LAW IS KING” (in contrast to an absolute
monarchy, where the King is Law).

A government of the people’s own is a “natural right,” and it’s Paine makes reference to a 1774 conflict known as Lord Dunmore’s
wisest to decide upon a constitution in a spirit of calm War, in which the royal Governor of Virginia declared war on bands
deliberation, rather than delaying and risking an uprising of the of the Shawnee and Mingo nations within his territories. In 1776,
discontented. The longer Britain remains in power, the greater some members of those nations joined together to attack colonists,
the risk of the British trying to stir rebellion themselves, even with British backing.
using slaves and Native Americans for that purpose.

The time for forgiveness is past. God has wisely placed certain Paine concludes his argument with another appeal to his readers’
sentiments in people’s hearts—those affections that seek moral reasoning. Again, he equates the desire for independence with
justice for robbery, murder, and other grievances. Oppression the desire for justice, arguing that both sentiments are God-given.
is everywhere; it’s up to America to stand as a refuge for
freedom.

4. OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLECTIONS

Paine proposes to survey America’s present readiness for Paine, moving from the moral imperative of seeking independence,
independence. America’s greatest strength, he says, lies not in addresses some practical considerations that America would need
its numbers, but in its unity. That being said, America’s army is to face as a fledgling nation, arguing that its army is already well
still the largest and most disciplined on Earth. For that matter, equipped and that establishing a navy is well within its resources
it is also well worth going into debt in order to build and outfit a and abilities. This section bolsters his previous arguments by
navy. Paine provides figures to demonstrate this claim, also demonstrating that independence is not just an idealistic daydream,
pointing out that America is endowed with all the natural but both achievable and sustainable over the long term.
resources it needs for that task, needing to import nothing.
America can have no hope of Britain defending it in the future,
and its prosperity has grown to the point that self-defense is an
important consideration. Further, raising a navy would allow a
wise union of commerce and defense, displaying America’s
overall strength.

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Paine also believes that the time is right because America is Here Paine appeals to the imagery of youth, or childhood, in a
numerous, but not yet so large as to threaten its unity. “Youth is different way than previously—portraying youth not as a liability,
the seed time of good habits,” and as both trade and population but as an ideal state in which to lay the groundwork for a future
increase, so will confusion, and the potential for rivalry nation. Fresh from the joint struggles of Revolution, the colonies will
between colonies. As its situation currently stands, the colonies be in a perfect temperament to cooperate in forging a new nation.
enjoy friendship and harmony that’s been founded on shared
misfortune. They should seize the opportunity to decide their
form of government while these circumstances remain in place.

Paine concludes that nothing but independence would so Paine concludes his argument by addressing America’s situation
neatly conclude America’s pressing issues. For one thing, if among the existing nations of the world. For now, it has no status
America declared independence, then another nation might be among other world powers, and for that reason, it can’t expect help
called upon to mediate between America and Britain. Secondly, from other nations, either. Declaring independence would change
if America is to remain under Britain’s authority, then a power that, allowing America to solicit help and forge alliances with other
like France or Spain couldn’t be expected to act against their countries. Until America is bold enough to act, however, its current
own interests by intervening on America’s behalf. Third, problems will only fester.
America would no longer have a reputation as rebellious.
Finally, America could issue a manifesto to foreign courts,
explaining their situation and explaining their peaceable
intentions. Without independence, though, America will
receive no overseas hearing or help. And until America resolves
to take steps toward independence, the necessity for it will
continue to haunt the country as a whole.

APPENDIX
On the same day that Common Sense was released, a speech of The Appendix did not appear with the first edition of Common
King George III was published in Philadelphia. The speech Sense. In light of the reaction to the King’s published speech, Paine
helped ripen people’s sentiments for independence. Paine issues this appendix with the second edition in order to reiterate
describes the speech as “a piece of finished villainy,” and certain of his arguments with greater urgency.
libelous. He will argue that, first, it is in America’s interest to be
separated from Britain, and second, that separation it is a more
practicable plan than reconciliation.

In answer to the first, Paine begins by arguing that Most of Paine’s arguments in the Appendix are familiar. He restates
independence is a worthy goal because it will be necessary both the urgency of independence and America’s preparedness to
sooner or later, and the longer it’s delayed, the harder it will be pursue that goal.
to accomplish. For one thing, America’s experience in the
recent war means that, militarily, she has already gained
valuable experience.

In answer to the second, Paine argues that independence is Paine has elsewhere favored simplicity as most conducive to
simple, whereas continued dependence on Britain is society’s thriving, and he reiterates that here, fearing the strangling
tremendously complicated. America’s present condition of entanglement of continued dependence on Britain. Toward that
being held together by sentiment, not law, is precarious. end, America needs to draw together more tightly for the sake of
Without a common goal, the opinions of the masses are subject united action.
to fancy. “The Continental Belt is too loosely buckled,” and if
something isn’t ventured soon, it will be too late for either
reconciliation or independence. And now that British soldiers
have actually fired muskets against Americans, the way forward
should be obvious.

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Going forward, independence will either be achieved by law, by Independence will occur one way or another, Paine argues, and if
a military power, or by a mob. If the first prevails, then America America is to have the most auspicious beginning possible, she must
has the chance “to begin the world over again” by creating the take initiative now. Doing so will have positive effects for the world
purest constitution ever seen. If one of the latter two options at large as well as posterity.
prevails, then America has no one to blame but herself.
Independence is the only bond that can ensure ongoing union
among Americans.

Paine rests his case here. He says that no one has refuted Paine fears the possibility that, if Americans delay for too long, they
earlier editions of the pamphlet, which assures him that his could easily splinter into factional disagreements that could
case is correct and that it enjoys substantial popular support. endanger the cause of independence altogether. It’s vital, therefore,
He urges Americans therefore to unite, not to divide into to pursue action now. Note that the appendix was attached to the
divisions over such party lines as Whig or Tory, but seek in February 14th edition of the pamphlet; by the standards of the day,
common to support the rights of mankind and an independent the rapid printing of the second edition shows considerable urgency.
America.

Lastly, Paine addresses a recently published piece by the The Quakers, or Religious Society of Friends, were a radical
Quakers with regard to America’s situation. He does not Protestant group, with strong pacifist commitments, which was
quarrel with the Quakers’ religious views, but with their influential in Philadelphia at this time. Paine’s father was a Quaker,
“dabbling” in political matters. He shares the Quakers’ desire so he was likely familiar with their beliefs, and his familiarity
for peace. He points out that most Americans are fighting in perhaps adds to his palpable sense of irritation with their
self-defense against British aggressions, and feel a tenderness unwelcome “dabbling” in his political cause. In accordance with his
for American sufferers that perhaps the Quakers don’t. Against view that independence is a moral imperative, he argues that the
the Quaker view that all bearing of arms is sinful, he holds that Quakers are insufficiently outraged over British violence and
there is a distinction between “willful attack and unavoidable unserious in their application of pacifist principles. Though Paine is
defense.” If the Quakers were serious in their objections, they a supporter of religious liberty, he sees the Quakers’ position on
would object equally to the behavior of the British crown. This, revolution as undercutting that very principle.
in Paine’s view, makes them inconsistent in their principles.

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