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About the Author
Judith Skuce earned a Bachelor of Mathematics from the University of
Waterloo and a Master of Arts in Political Economy from the University of
Toronto. She spent many years as an economic policy advisor and manager
for several Canadian government departments before joining Georgian
College in 1990. Judith teaches statistics and economics in the School of
Business.
This page intentionally left blank
Brief Contents

PART I INTRODUCTION 1
1 Using Data to Make Better Decisions 1

PART II DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS 25

2 Using Graphs and Tables to Describe Data 25
3 Using Numbers to Describe Data 100

PART III BUILDING BLOCKS FOR INFERENTIAL STATISTICS 152

4 Calculating Probabilities 152
5 Probability Distributions 184
6 Using Sampling Distributions to Make Decisions 224

PART IV MAKING DECISIONS 259

7 Making Decisions with a Single Sample 259
8 Estimating Population Values 297
9 Making Decisions with Matched-Pairs Samples,
Quantitative or Ranked Data 325
10 Making Decisions with Two Independent Samples,
Quantitative or Ranked Data 371
11 Making Decisions with Three or More Samples,
Quantitative Data—Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 399
12 Making Decisions with Two or More Samples, Qualitative Data 437

PART V ANALYZING RELATIONSHIPS 477

13 Analyzing Linear Relationships, Two Quantitative Variables 477
14 Analyzing Linear Relationships, Two or More Variables 525
This page intentionally left blank
Contents
Table of Guides xviii • Table of Excel Instructions and Excel Templates xix • Table of Examples xxi
• A Note to Students: How to Get the Most Out of This Text xxiv • Preface xxv • Using Microsoft®
Excel 2010 for Analyzing Data and Making Decisions xxx
Why Excel? xxx • Excel Templates xxxii • Additional Excel Add-ins xxxiii • Excel Data Sets xxxiv

PART I INTRODUCTION 1
1 Using Data to Make Better Decisions 1
INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Getting the Data 2
Primary and Secondary Data 3
1.2 Sampling 5
Why Sampling Is Necessary 5
Nonstatistical Sampling 5
Statistical Sampling 7
Sampling and Nonsampling Error 11
1.3 Analyzing the Data 12
1.4 Making Decisions 15
1.5 Communication 18
1.6 A Framework for Data-Based Decision Making 19
Chapter Summary 21 • Chapter Review Exercises 22

PART II DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS 25

2 Using Graphs and Tables to Describe Data 25
INTRODUCTION 25
2.1 Types of Data 26
Quantitative and Qualitative Data 27
Quantitative Data: Discrete or Continuous? 28
Qualitative Data: Ranked or Unranked? 29
Cross-Sectional and Time-Series Data 29
2.2 Frequency Distributions and Histograms for Quantitative Data 30
Stem-and-Leaf Displays 30
Frequency Distributions 33
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Setting Up Appropriate Classes for a Frequency
Distribution 38
Histograms 44
Symmetry and Skewness 52
Comparing Histograms 55
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Comparing Histograms 60
 xii CONTENTS

2.3 Tables, Bar Graphs, and Pie Charts for Qualitative Data 62
Bar Graphs and Pie Charts for a Simple Table 62
Bar Graphs for Contingency Tables 66
2.4 Time-Series Graphs 70
2.5 Scatter Diagrams for Paired Quantitative Data 76
2.6 Misleading and Uninteresting Graphs 80
Misleading Graphs 80
Uninteresting Graphs 88
Chapter Summary 92 • Chapter Review Exercises 93

3 Using Numbers to Describe Data 100

INTRODUCTION 100
3.1 Some Useful Notation 101
Order of Operations 101
Summation Notation 101
Some Examples 102
3.2 Measures of Central Tendency 105
The Mean 105
The Median 108
The Mode 111
Which Measure of Central Tendency Is Best? 113
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Choosing a Measure of Central Tendency 114
3.3 Measures of Variability 115
The Range 115
The Standard Deviation 116
The Interquartile Range 127
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Choosing a Measure of Variability 131
3.4 Measures of Association 132
The Pearson Correlation Coefficient for Quantitative Variables 132
The Spearman Rank Correlation Coefficient for Ranked Variables 138
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Choosing a Measure of Association 142
Chapter Summary 145 • Chapter Review Exercises 147

PART III BUILDING BLOCKS FOR INFERENTIAL STATISTICS 152

4 Calculating Probabilities 152
INTRODUCTION 152
4.1 Sample Spaces and Basic Probabilities 154
4.2 Conditional Probabilities and the Test for Independence 160
Conditional Probabilities 160
The Test for Independence 162
4.3 “And,” “Or,” and “Not” Probabilities 165
“And” Probabilities 165
“Or” Probabilities 170
“Not” Probabilities 172
Chapter Summary 177 • Chapter Review Exercises 178
 CONTENTS xiii

5 Probability Distributions 184

INTRODUCTION 184
5.1 Probability Distributions 185
Building a Discrete Probability Distribution 185
Mean and Standard Deviation of a Probability Distribution 186
5.2 The Binomial Probability Distribution 189
Conditions for a Binomial Experiment 189
Mean and Standard Deviation of a Binomial Distribution 190
Checking the Conditions for a Binomial Experiment 190
Calculating Binomial Probabilities 192
5.3 The Normal Probability Distribution 202
Chapter Summary 219 • Chapter Review Exercises 221

6 Using Sampling Distributions to Make Decisions 224

INTRODUCTION 224
6.1 The Decision-Making Process for Statistical Inference 225
6.2 The Sampling Distribution of the Sample Mean 233
An Empirical Exploration of the Sampling Distribution of x 236
When Is the Sampling Distribution Normal? The Central Limit
Theorem 240
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Using the Sampling Distribution of x
to Decide About  When  Is Known 243
6.3 The Sampling Distribution of the Sample Proportion 244
Making Decisions About Population Proportions with
the Binomial Distribution 244
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Using the Sampling Distribution of pN to Decide
About p 252
6.4 Hypothesis Testing 254
Chapter Summary 255 • Chapter Review Exercises 256

PART IV MAKING DECISIONS 259

7 Making Decisions with a Single Sample 259
INTRODUCTION 259
7.1 Formal Hypothesis Testing 260
The Null and the Alternative Hypotheses 260
One-Tailed and Two-Tailed Hypothesis Tests 261
Making a Decision: Rejecting or Failing to Reject the Null Hypothesis 262
Significance Level and Type I and Type II Errors 263
Deciding on the Basis of p-Values 265
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Calculating p-Values 265
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Steps in a Formal Hypothesis Test 268
7.2 Deciding About a Population Proportion— The z-Test of p 269
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Hypothesis Test to Decide About a Population
Proportion 274
 xiv CONTENTS

7.3 Deciding About the Population Mean— The t-Test of μ 276

The t-Distribution 276
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Hypothesis Test to Decide About
a Population Mean 288
How Normal Is Normal Enough? 289
Chapter Summary 291 • Chapter Review Exercises 292

8 Estimating Population Values 297

INTRODUCTION 297
8.1 Estimating the Population Proportion 299
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Creating a Confidence Interval Estimate for p 304
8.2 Estimating the Population Mean 306
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Creating a Confidence Interval Estimate for  309
8.3 Selecting the Sample Size 312
Sample Size to Estimate a Mean 312
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Choosing the Sample Size to Estimate  314
Sample Size to Estimate a Proportion 315
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Choosing the Sample Size to Estimate p 316
8.4 Confidence Intervals and Hypothesis Tests 317
Chapter Summary 320 • Chapter Review Exercises 321

9 Making Decisions with Matched-Pairs Samples, Quantitative

or Ranked Data 325
INTRODUCTION 325
9.1 Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Normally Distributed Differences— The t-Test
and Confidence Interval of μD 327
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Normal
Differences—The t-Test to Decide About the Average
Population Difference D 335
Confidence Interval Estimate of D 335
9.2 Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Non-Normal Differences— The Wilcoxon Signed Rank
Sum Test 339
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Non-Normal
Differences—The Wilcoxon Signed Rank Sum Test
to Decide About the Difference in Matched
Populations 352
Quantitative Matched-Pairs Data: Which Test? 353
9.3 Matched Pairs, Ranked Data— The Sign Test 355
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Matched Pairs, Ranked Data–The Sign Test to Decide
About the Difference in Matched Populations 361
Chapter Summary 363 • Chapter Review Exercises 364
 CONTENTS xv

10 Making Decisions with Two Independent Samples, Quantitative

or Ranked Data 371
INTRODUCTION 371
10.1 Independent Samples, Normal Quantitative Data— The t-Test and Confidence
Interval Estimate of 1   2 372
Equal or Unequal Variances? 378
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Independent Samples, Normal Quantitative
Data—The t-Test of 1  2 to Decide About the
Difference in Two Population Means 380
Confidence Interval for 1  2 381
10.2 Independent Samples, Non-Normal Quantitative Data or Ranked Data— The Wilcoxon
Rank Sum Test 384
Independent Samples, Non-Normal Quantitative Data 385
Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test or t-Test of 1  2? 389
Independent Samples, Ranked Data 389
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Independent Samples, Non-Normal Quantitative Data or
Ranked Data—The Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test to Decide
About the Difference in Two Population Locations 391
Chapter Summary 394 • Chapter Review Exercises 395

11 Making Decisions with Three or More Samples, Quantitative Data—Analysis

of Variance (ANOVA) 399
INTRODUCTION 399
11.1 Checking Conditions for One-Way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 402
Required Conditions for ANOVA Analysis 402
11.2 The Hypothesis Test for Independent Samples, Normal Quantitative Data— One-Way
Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) 408
The F Distribution 412
Using Data Analysis Anova: Single Factor 414
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Three or More Independent Samples, Normal
Quantitative Data—One-Way ANOVA to Decide About
the Equality of Population Means 419
11.3 Making Multiple Comparisons to Decide Which Means Differ— The Tukey-Kramer
Procedure 422
11.4 A Brief Introduction to Two-Factor ANOVA 427
Chapter Summary 429 • Chapter Review Exercises 430

12 Making Decisions with Two or More Samples, Qualitative Data 437

INTRODUCTION 437
12.1 Comparing Two Proportions— z-Test and Confidence Interval of p1  p2 438
Special Case: H0: p1  p2  0 439
General Case: H0: p1  p2  Fixed Amount (Non-Zero) 442
Confidence Interval Estimate of p1  p2 444
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 xvi CONTENTS

GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Comparing Two Population Proportions 445

12.2 2 Goodness-of-Fit Tests 448
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING 2 Goodness-of Fit Test to Compare Proportions
in One Population with a Desired
Distribution 457
12.3 Comparing Many Population Proportions or Testing Independence—  2 Test
of a Contingency Table 459
Comparing Many Population Proportions 459
Testing for Independence 463
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Contingency Table Tests to Compare Proportions
Across Many Populations, or Decide About the
Independence of Population Characteristics 466
Chapter Summary 470 • Chapter Review Exercises 472

PART V ANALYZING RELATIONSHIPS 477

13 Analyzing Linear Relationships, Two Quantitative Variables 477
INTRODUCTION 477
13.1 Creating a Graph and Determining the Relationship— Simple Linear
Regression 478
Creating a Graph of the Relationship 479
Determining the Relationship 480
13.2 Assessing the Model 488
The Theoretical Model 488
Checking the Required Conditions 489
GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Checking Requirements for the Linear
Regression Model 504
13.3 Hypothesis Test About the Regression Relationship 505
GUIDE TO DECISION MAKING Testing the Slope of the Regression Line
for Evidence of a Linear Relationship 509
13.4 How Good Is the Regression? 510
13.5 Making Predictions 513
Chapter Summary 520 • Chapter Review Exercises 521

14 Analyzing Linear Relationships, Two or More Variables 525

INTRODUCTION 525
14.1 Determining the Relationship— Multiple Linear Regression 526
Creating Graphs to Examine the Relationships Between
the Response Variable and the Explanatory Variables 527
Determining the Relationship Between the Response Variable
and the Explanatory Variables 529
14.2 Checking the Required Conditions 531
The Theoretical Model 531
Examining the Residuals 532
 CONTENTS xvii

GUIDE TO TECHNIQUE Checking Requirements for the Linear Multiple

Regression Model 540
14.3 How Good Is the Regression? 541
Is the Regression Model Significant?—The F-Test 542
Are the Explanatory Variables Significant?—The t-Test 544
Adjusted Multiple Coefficient of Determination 546
14.4 Making Predictions 548
14.5 Selecting the Appropriate Explanatory Variables 550
A New Consideration: Multicollinearity 556
14.6 Using Indicator Variables in Multiple Regression 559
14.7 More Advanced Modelling 565
Chapter Summary 566 • Chapter Review Exercises 568

Appendix 1 Cumulative Binomial Tables 574

Appendix 2 Standard Normal Table 578

Appendix 3 Critical Values for the t-Distribution 580

Appendix 4 Wilcoxon Signed Rank Sum Test Table, Critical Values

and p-Values 581
Appendix 5 Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test Table, Critical Values 582

Appendix 6 F-Distribution, Critical Values 584

Appendix 7 Critical Values of q 586

Appendix 8 Critical Values for the 2-Distribution 590

Glossary 591 • Index 593

Table of Guides

The following is a list of Guides used in this text. Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Non-Normal
Differences—The Wilcoxon Signed Rank Sum
Test to Decide About the Difference in Matched
CHAPTER 2 Populations, p. 352
Setting Up Appropriate Classes for a Frequency Matched Pairs, Ranked Data—The Sign Test to
Distribution, p. 38 Decide About the Difference in Matched
Comparing Histograms, p. 60 Populations, p. 361

CHAPTER 3 CHAPTER 10
Choosing a Measure of Central Tendency, p. 114 Independent Samples, Normal Quantitative Data—
Choosing a Measure of Variability, p. 131 The t-Test of 1  2 to Decide About the
Choosing a Measure of Association, p. 142 Difference in Two Population Means, p. 380
Independent Samples, Non-Normal Quantitative Data
CHAPTER 6 or Ranked Data—The Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test
to Decide About the Difference in Two
Using the Sampling Distribution of x to Decide
Population Locations, p. 391
About  When  Is Known, p. 243
Using the Sampling Distribution of pN to Decide
About p, p. 252 CHAPTER 11
Three or More Independent Samples, Normal
CHAPTER 7 Quantitative Data—One-Way ANOVA to Decide
About the Equality of Population Means, p. 419
Calculating p-Values, p. 266
Steps in a Formal Hypothesis Test, p. 268
Hypothesis Test to Decide About a Population CHAPTER 12
Proportion, p. 274 Comparing Two Population Proportions, p. 445
Hypothesis Test to Decide About a Population 2 Goodness-of-Fit Test to Compare Proportions in One
Mean, p. 288 Population with a Desired Distribution, p. 457
Contingency Table Tests to Compare Proportions Across
Many Populations, or Decide About the Independ-
CHAPTER 8 ence of Population Characteristics, p. 466
Creating a Confidence Interval Estimate
for p, p. 304
Creating a Confidence Interval Estimate CHAPTER 13
for , p. 309 Checking Requirements for the Linear Regression
Choosing the Sample Size to Estimate , p. 314 Model, p. 504
Choosing the Sample Size to Estimate p, p. 316 Testing the Slope of the Regression Line for Evidence
of a Linear Relationship, p. 509
CHAPTER 9
Matched Pairs, Quantitative Data, Normal CHAPTER 14
Differences—The t-Test to Decide About the Checking Requirements for the Linear Multiple
Average Population Difference (D), p. 335 Regression Model, p. 540
Table of
Excel Instructions
and Excel Templates
The following is a list of Excel instructions and templates used CHAPTER 7
in this text. Note: Excel’s Data Analysis Tools may need to be
turned on. See Using Microsoft® Excel 2010 for Analyzing Data Organizing Coded Data, p. 271
and Making Decisions on page xxx for more information. Excel Template for Making Decisions About a Population
Proportion with a Single Sample, p. 272
TDIST Function, p. 279
CHAPTER 1 Excel Template for Making Decisions About the
Population Mean with a Single Sample, p. 280
Taking a Random Sample with Random Number AVERAGE/STDEV/ COUNT Functions, p. 281
Generation, p. 8

CHAPTER 8
CHAPTER 2
Excel Template for a Confidence Interval Estimate
Class Width Template, p. 34 of the Population Proportion, Exhibit 8.8, p. 305
Histogram Tool, p. 39 Excel Template for a Confidence Interval Estimate
Histogram Chart, Exhibit 2.29, p. 45 of the Population Mean, Exhibit 8.14, p. 311
Adjusting Excel’s Histogram, p. 46
Bar Graph, p. 63
Pie Chart, p. 64 CHAPTER 9
Contingency Table, p. 67 Excel Template for Making Decisions About the
Line Graph, p. 72 Population Mean with a Single Sample
Scatter Diagram, p. 77 for Matched Pairs, p. 330
Adjust Axis Scale, p. 81 Data Analysis t-Test: Paired Two Sample
for Means, p. 330
Excel Template for a Confidence Interval Estimate
CHAPTER 3
of D, Exhibit 9.13, p. 337
MEDIAN Function, p. 109 Wilcoxon Signed Rank Sum Test
MODE Function, p. 112 Calculations, p. 347
STDEV Function, p. 118 Sign Test Calculations, Add-in and
QUARTILE Function, p. 129 Template, p. 358
PEARSON Function, p. 134
Non-parametric Tools, p. 141
Spearman Rank Correlation Coefficient CHAPTER 10
Calculation, p. 141 Data Analysis t-Test: Two-Sample Assuming Unequal
Variances, p. 373
Excel Template for t-Test of Mean, p. 378
CHAPTER 5
Excel Template for Confidence Interval Estimate
BINOMDIST Function, p. 195 for the Difference in Population Means, p. 382
NORMDIST Function, p. 205 Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test Calculations Add-in and
NORMINV Function, p. 209 Template, p. 388
 xx TABLE OF EXCEL INSTRUCTIONS AND EXCEL TEMPLATES

CHAPTER 11 CHAPTER 13
VAR Function, p. 406 Add Trendline, Exhibit 13.5, p. 483
FDIST Function, p. 414 Regression Tool, p. 485
Data Analysis Anova: Single Factor, p. 414 Regression Residuals, p. 492
Excel Template for the Tukey-Kramer Confidence Regression Output for Hypothesis Test About the
Interval, p. 426 Regression Relationship, p. 507
Regression Output for R2, p. 511
Multiple Regression Tools for Confidence
CHAPTER 12 and Prediction Intervals, p. 514
Excel Template for Making Decisions About Two
Population Proportions, H0: p1  p2  0, p. 442
Excel Template for Making Decisions About the
CHAPTER 14
Difference in Population Proportions, Regression Tool for Multiple Regression,
H0: p1  p2  Fixed Amount, p. 444 Exhibit 14.4, p. 530
Excel Template for the Confidence Interval Residual Output, p. 533
Estimate for the Difference in Population Plots of Residuals vs. Predicted Values, p. 533
Proportions, p. 447 Residual Plots, p. 534
Excel’s CHITEST Function for a  2 Confidence Interval and Prediction Intervals –
Goodness-of-Fit Test, p. 456 Calculations, p. 548
Chi-Squared Expected Values Calculations, p. 462 All Possible Regressions Calculations, p. 552
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 What is still more remarkable, Cæsar commences his lines on
Terence, in Cicero’s words, Tu quoque, &c., for there is not the least
doubt but that Cæsar undertook this work, merely with a view to
irritate, and to contradict Cicero.”
Madame Dacier.
The name of Cicero is too well known, to need any further
mention here; suffice it to say, that this great orator was totally
unsuccessful in his poetical attempts, the chief fault of which was
want of harmony in the measure: it may be remarked of Cicero, that
very frequently his prose was written with the music of verse, and
his verse with the roughness of prose.

NOTE 46.

Caius Julius Cæsar.

The poem, of which these lines formed a part, is entirely lost;
what remains of it, however, proves Julius Cæsar to have been no
mean poet, but he seems to have excelled in every art of war and
peace;—

——————————quem Marte, togâque

Præcipium.
The first alike in war, and peace.
Ovid.

If the lines quoted by Suetonius were written in ridicule of Cicero,

they are another proof in support of an opinion that has been very
prevalent, that the orator was not very high in the good graces of
Cæsar, whose dislike of him may be easily traced to Marc Antony,
Cæsar’s intimate and favourite companion, and the most inveterate
enemy of Cicero.
 NOTE 47.

The Megalesian Games.

The Megalesian games were celebrated annually at Rome, in the
beginning of April, with solemn feasts, in honour of Cybele,
otherwise called Rhea, the mother of the gods. Opinions vary as to
their duration, some fixing it at six days, and others at not more than
one. Originally instituted in Phrygia, these ceremonies were
introduced at Rome, during the second Punic war, when the statue
of the goddess was carried thither from Pessinus. They consisted
chiefly of scenic sports; and women danced before this statue, which
was held so sacred, that no servant was allowed to approach it, or to
take any part in the games. They were called Megalesian, from the
Greek words, μεγαλη, great, Cybele being known by the name of the
Great Goddess, and Ευαλωσια, another name of Cybele, as presiding
over husbandry. The festival ΘΕΣΜΟΦΟΡΙΑ, celebrated in Athens,
Sparta, and Thebes, in honour of the same goddess resembled in
many circumstances the Roman Megalesia; the Latins appear to have
adopted partially, on various occasions, the religious ceremonies of
the Greeks, particularly in their imitation of certain of the solemnities
which were observed at the Eleusinian mysteries.

NOTE 48.

Curule Ædilate.
The Curule Ædiles, created in the year of Rome 388, were at first
elected from among the patricians. These magistrates were
appointed to inspect all public edifices, (whence their name) to fix
the rate of provisions, to take cognizance of disorders committed
within the city, and to examine weights and measures: but their chief
employment was to procure the celebration of the various Roman
games, and to exhibit comedies and shews of gladiators; on which
account, though inferior in rank to the Consuls, they precede them in
the title of this play. The Ædilate was an honourable office, and a
primary step to higher dignities in the republic. Curule magistrates
were those who were entitled to use the sella curulis, viz., the
consuls, prætors, curule ædiles, and censors: this chair was called
curulis, because those privileged to use it, always carried it in their
chariots, to and from the tribunals at which they presided. Tacitus
informs us in his annals (Book XIII. Chap. XXX.) that in the year 809,
the power of the Ædiles, both curule, and plebeian, was very much
circumscribed; that their salary was regulated anew; and limits fixed,
as to the sum they were allowed to impose as a fine.

NOTE 49.

Marcus Fulvius.
Son of the Consul for the year 564, and great grandson of the
illustrious Servius Fulvius Pætinus Nobilior, the companion of
Regulus; Pætinus was consul in the year 498. Marcus Fulvius
obtained the consulate eight years after his Ædilate: the name of his
colleague was Cneus Cornelius Dolabella. It is probable that this
branch of the Fulvian family assumed the agnomen of Nobilior, to
distinguish themselves as nobiles from the rest of the Fulvii, who
might not have had any claim to that title. None but those, and the
posterity of those, who had borne some curule office, (vide note 48)
were nobiles, or nobles. The nobiles possessed the exclusive right of
making statues of themselves; which were carefully preserved by
their posterity, and usually carried in procession on solemn
occasions: they painted the faces of these images

———————“Quid prodest, Pontice, longo

Sanguine censeri, pictosque ostendere vultus
Majorum.”

What avails it to be thought,

Of ancient blood? and to expose to view,
The painted features of dead ancestors?
 Juvenal.

NOTE 50.

Marcus Glabrio.
This person was doubtless distinguished by another appellation
which is not set down in the title to this play: under the name of
Glabrio, there is no account of him extant. As Glabrio does not
appear to have been the name of any Gens, or family in Rome, it
was probably the Agnomen of Marcus only, and not common to his
kindred.

NOTE 51.

By the company of Lucius Ambivius Turpio, and Lucius Attilius.

These were the principal actors of their company, but otherwise
persons of little note; for contrary to the customs of Greece, where
men of the highest rank thought it no degradation to appear on the
stage; the actors at the Roman theatres were not treated with that
consideration to which persons of talent, who furnish the public with
a polite and rational amusement, united with instruction, have a just
and undeniable claim. However unjust the Romans might have been
in this particular, they made an exception in favour of transcendent
merit; as in the case of the admirable Roscius, though the mention
made of this favourite performer by his friend Cicero, shews the
truth of the foregoing remark. “Cum artifex ejusmodi sit, ut solus
dignus videatur esse qui in scenâ spectetur; tum vir ejusmodi fuit, ut
solus dignus videatur qui non accedat;” so excellent an actor, that he
only seemed worthy to tread the stage, and yet so noble a man, that
he seemed to be the very last person that ought to appear there.
Though the Roman actors were not allowed their due privileges as
citizens, yet some of the most eminent were often very great
favourites with the people, and created so much interest among
them, that (as Suetonius tells us) the parties of rival performers
disputing for precedence, have proceeded so far as to terminate the
quarrel in bloodshed. Turpio and Attilius were actors of the first
class, and were said (vid. Terence Phorm:) agere primas partes,
because they always personated the principal characters in the
piece.

NOTE 52.

Præneste.
Præneste was a town of Latium, about twenty-four miles from
Rome, and founded by Cæculus, as we are told by Virgil, B. 7.

“Nec Prænestinæ fundator defuit urbis,

Vulcano genitumque omnis quem credidit ætas
Cæculus.”

Nor was the founder of Præneste absent,

Cæculus, the reputed son of Vulcan.

Præneste was deemed a place of military importance, from its

situation, and Cicero (in Catal.) tells us that Catiline, when foiled in
his attempt to seize the capital, endeavoured to make himself master
of Præneste. This town was particularly celebrated for very cold
springs, which were held in high esteem, as Strabo assures us, and
Horace mentions the circumstance in one of his odes.

“seu mihi frigidum

Præneste, seu Tibur supinum,
Seu liquidæ placuere Baiæ.”
 NOTE 53.

Equal flutes right and left handed.

Flutes were called in Latin tibiæ, because they were made of the
shank or shin-bone of some animal, until the discovery of the art of
boring flutes, when they began to use wood,
“Longave multifori delectat tibia buxi.”—Ovid.
The manner in which these instruments were played on the stage,
and the distinction of right- and left-handed flutes, has never been
ascertained with any degree of certainty: few subjects have more
obstinately baffled the researches of the learned. The most
perspicuous detail of all that the moderns are acquainted with
respecting the ancient flutes, is written by the learned Madame
Dacier, part of which is quoted in the Preface to this Translation.

NOTE 54.

It is taken from the Greek.

All Terence’s comedies were of this class, which was called
Palliatæ, viz., plays in which the scene was laid in Greece. The class,
called Togatæ, were pieces entirely Roman. The palliatæ were
generally new comedies, of which Menander was the inventor; but
Pacuvius wrote the middle, and Livius Andronicus the old comedy.
(Vide Note 33.) In the age in which Terence wrote his comedies, the
Romans were some degrees less advanced in the refinements of
civilization, than the Greeks. But little more than a century before,
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, thought them worthy of no better epithet
than that of “barbarians” in comparison with his own subjects, who
were not themselves the most polished nation in the world. The
Romans, therefore, omitted no opportunity of improving the manners
and perfecting the education of their youth, by sending them to mix
with the Greeks, and to unite themselves to the disciples of those
Grecian sages, who, as far as the light of reason, unassisted by
divine revelation, could penetrate, dispelled the clouds of ignorance,
and taught their followers that happiness and wisdom can be
attained only by the virtuous. It was, doubtless, on this account, that
Terence chose Greece as the scene of his comedies, which he
intended should portray to the Romans the manners, customs, and
characters of those whom they often held up as a pattern of polished
refinement, worthy the imitation of the rising generation.
It is to this, doubtless, that we must attribute Terence’s choice of
Athens in preference to Rome as the scene of his plays; as,
particularly, in the comedy which the critics call the comedy of
intrigue, the best judges agree that the scene is preferably laid in
that country in which it is meant to be performed. But the comedies
of Terence were more of that description which Dr. Blair denominates
the comedy of character, and preferable to what he calls the comedy
of intrigue, because “it exhibits the prevailing manners which mark
the character of the age in which the scene is laid. Incidents should
afford a proper field for the exhibition of character: the action in
comedy, though it demands the poet’s care in order to render it
animated and natural, is a less significant and important part of the
performance than the action in tragedy; as, in comedy, it is what
men say, and how they behave, that draws our attention, rather than
what they perform or what they suffer.”

NOTE 55.

The consulate of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, and Cneus Sulpicius

Galba.
The consuls, the chief magistrates of the Roman republic were
first created at the expulsion of the kings in the year 244: they were
two in number, and chosen annually. The consuls were the head of
the Senate, which they assembled and dismissed at pleasure, though
it was not their exclusive privilege, as a dictator, his master of the
horse, the prætors, military tribunes, and even the tribunes of the
people, might also, on certain occasions, assemble the Senate. The
consuls, however, were the supreme judges of all differences; they
commanded the armies of the republic, and, during their consulate,
enjoyed almost unbounded power, which could only be checked by
the creation of a dictator, to whom the consuls were subordinate. It
was requisite that every candidate for the consulship should be forty-
three years of age, and that he should previously have discharged
the functions of Prætor, Ædile, and Quæstor. The consuls were
always patricians till the year 388, when, by the influence of their
tribunes, the people obtained a law, that henceforth one of them
should be a plebeian. The ensigns of consular dignity were twelve
guards, called lictors, (who bore the fasces,) and a robe, fringed with
purple, worn by these magistrates, during their consulate. The
names of the consuls are mentioned in the title of this play, merely
to fix its date, as the Roman method of reckoning their years was by
the names of the consuls. This custom continued for 1,300 years.
Marcus Claudius Marcellus was the grandson of the great Marcellus,
slain in the year 545; for Caius Sulpicius Galba, vide Note 27.

NOTE 56.

Prologue.
Madame Dacier grounds on the first line of this Prologue an
opinion, that the Andrian was not Terence’s first play: but, if that
learned and justly-celebrated lady had attentively considered the
relation the sixteen following lines of the Prologue bear to the first,
she could not have made this deviation from her usual extreme
accuracy. Whether the Andrian was, or was not, our Author’s first
production, is a question of more curiosity than real importance: it
has, however, undergone some discussion among the learned; and,
in my opinion, it may be clearly ascertained by an attentive perusal
of the Prologue to the Andrian, and learned and unlearned are
equally competent to decide upon it. Let us now examine the proof.
The first seven lines inform us, that “when the poet began to write,
he thought he had only to please the people, but that he finds it far
otherwise; as he is obliged to write a Prologue to answer the
objections of an older bard.”
If we stop here, it is natural enough to conclude, that in the
Prologue to the Andrian, he is alluding to censures passed on some
former play. But, if we look at the next nine lines we see that in the
prologue to the Andrian, he repels a censure not passed on any
former production, but on the Andrian itself. Listen, says he, to their
objections, which are, in short, that in the composition of this very
Andrian, he has made a confused mixture of two of Menander’s
plays. What allusion is made to any former writings? None: the
snarling criticisms of the older bard were directed only against the
Andrian. I imagine that the case was thus: Terence wrote the
Andrian, and procured its representation, probably without any
Prologue, (which was sometimes dispensed with, as we see in
Plautus,) the play, and its author, were, probably, cried down and
abused by this older bard and his admirers, who might envy the
visible superiority of Terence, who afterwards composed the
Prologue in question, to answer their objections. The reader is
referred for further proof, to Suetonius’s Life of Terence, a translation
of which is prefixed to this play.

NOTE 57.

To answer the snarling malice of an older poet.

According to Donatus, the name of this older bard was Lucius
Lavinius: but there can be little doubt but that name is a corruption
of Luscius Lanuvinus, the arch-enemy of Terence, whom he handles
so roughly in his Prologue to the Eunuch. Luscius was a poet of
considerable talent. Volcatius gives him the ninth place,

“Nono loco esse facilè facio Luscium.”

Luscius undoubtedly I make the ninth.
 NOTE 58.

Menander wrote the Andrian and Perinthian.

The Perinthian (a fine comedy now lost) was so called from
Perinthus, a town of Thrace, the name of which was afterwards
changed to Heraclea, and that name is now corrupted to Herecli, or
Erekli, its present appellation. Erekli is a town in the Turkish province
of Romania, on the north of the sea of Marmora, and about sixty
miles from Constantinople. It is a place of some consequence from
its vicinity to the Turkish capital. For the Andrian, vide Note 69.

NOTE 59.

They censure Nævius, Plautus, Ennius.

An account of Nævius has been given in Note 41, and of Plautus
in Note 42. Ennius was the tenth comic poet of Rome, according to
Volcatius, who says, “Antiquitatis causâ decimum addo Ennium.” If it
be true that Ennius was but the tenth in poetical merit, the greatest
glory of the nine who were above him, must have been the
distinguished honour of excelling this highly extolled poet. Ennius
was born in the year of Rome 515, and died in 585; though he
obtained the privileges of a Roman citizen, he was, by birth, a
Calabrian, as Ovid expressly tells us, and informs us, that his statue
was placed on the tomb of the Scipios, because he had so nobly
celebrated their renowned actions:

“Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortus,

Contiguus poni, Scipio, magne tibi.”

Ennius, among Calabrian mountains born,

Deserves, O Scipio, to be placed by thee.
 The reader cannot become acquainted with the enthusiastic
admiration of the Romans for the brilliant performances of Ennius,
better than by a perusal of some of the many and great encomiums
passed on him by those who, though they lived after him, may be
called his competitors for literary fame. Cicero calls him,
“Ingeniosus, poeta et auctor valde bonus.”—A man of great
abilities and wit, and an admirable writer both of poetry and of
prose. Horace also

“Ennius et sapiens, et fortis, et alter Homerus.”

Ennius the wise, and strong, another Homer.

Quintilian speaks of him thus, “Ennium sicut sacros vetustate

lucos adoremus, in quibus grandia et antiqua robora jam non tantam
speciem habent quam religionem.”—We revere Ennius, as we revere
the groves, sacred for their antiquity, in which the great and ancient
oaks are not reckoned precious for their beauty, but because they
are consecrated to religious purposes.
Lucretius thus,

“Ennius————- primus amœno

Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam.”
Ennius first wore the never-fading crown,
Gain’d at the Muses’ seat, the pleasant Helicon.

And, lastly, Ovid,

“Ennius ingenio maximus, arte rudis.”

Ennius, the first in wit, though wanting art.
 Ennius wrote tragedies, comedies, annals, &c., of which some
fragments remain: he died of the gout, brought on by drinking.
Horace tells us, that Ennius was in the habit of raising his
imagination by large draughts of wine, when he intended to write a
description of any warlike action.

NOTE 60.

Simo. Carry in these things directly.

What “those things” were, though a subject of no great
importance, has been discussed with extreme diligence by various
learned commentators, who have not a little differed in opinion. The
idea of a French commentator, who supposed Simo to allude to
furniture bought by him for his son’s wedding, is ridiculed by the
learned Madame Dacier, who has herself suffered the same
treatment under the hands of some of our English critics, for
interpreting them in the sense I have adopted. That Simo should
provide furniture for a marriage which he had but slight hopes of
negotiating at that time, is not very probable. But Athenian slaves
performed all domestic offices in their masters’ houses: and Sosia,
even after he became a freedman might have practised cookery, in
which, perhaps, he excelled. He uses the words “mea ars,” my art,
and Simo answers him with “isthac arte,” that art, by which it is clear
that he means some particular art. The word art has in English both
a general and particular sense; but, in Latin, “ars” is generally used
only in the latter.
“Rara quidem facie, sed rarior arte canendi.”—Ovid.

Her beauty charms us; and oh! how much more

Her matchless skill in arts of melody.

Again,
 “Hac arte Pollux, et vagus Hercules
Innixus, arces attigit igneas.”—Horace.

Supported by this art,

Pollux and Hercules were raised to heaven.

Sosia speaks in this character also at the end of the scene, “Sat
est curabo,” curo, meaning to cook; he uses also more than once the
word rectè, which is peculiarly a term of cookery, thus “rectiùs
cœnare,” Plautus; and, at Rome, when patrons invited their clients or
followers to supper, where a very plentiful banquet was always
served up: the supper was particularly designated Cœna recta. The
art of cookery, in Greece, was, in the earlier ages, far from being
accounted degrading, and was, indeed, frequently practised by men
very far above a servile station.
I mention this, lest those who are unacquainted with these
customs, might object against our author, that Simo was guilty of an
inconsistent condescension, in making a confidant of one who held
an office of this nature.

NOTE 61.

When I first bought you as my slave.

Slaves, among the Greeks, formed a very considerable portion of
the population of a city, and, in some places, were more numerous
than the citizens themselves. In Athens, all domestic offices were
performed by slaves, who were employed also in the capacities of
tutors, scribes, stewards, overseers, and husbandmen, according to
their respective talents: when a slave manifested great abilities, he
was taught the art or science for which he seemed most fitted. Some
were instructed in literature, and often so distinguished themselves
by their writings, that they obtained their freedom. The slaves of the
Athenians were either taken in war, or purchased, or reduced to
slavery for some crime: they were divided into two classes: 1. those
who were natives of some part of Greece, who had the privilege of
redeeming themselves; who, if cruelly treated, might appeal to the
archons, and change their master; and whose lives were not in their
master’s power; 2. those slaves who were transported from
barbarous nations, who were wholly at the disposal of their owners
in every respect. The price of a slave varied according to his
qualifications; some were worth about 10l. sterling, some were
valued at 20l., and others much higher. The Athenians were
celebrated for the gentleness with which they treated their slaves.
Xenophon informs us, that they frequently spoiled them by excessive
indulgence. Slaves were made free, if they rendered any essential
service to the government; and frequently received their liberty as a
reward for their fidelity and attachment to their master, and his
family. For further information respecting the Athenian slaves, and
remarks on their habits and manners, vide Notes 62, 63, 64, 68, 86,
88, 110, 131, 154ᴮ, 195, 196.

NOTE 62.

I gave you freedom.

The ceremony of Ἀπελεύθερια, or giving a slave his liberty, was
performed in Athens as follows, the slave kneeled down at the feet
of his master, who struck him a slight blow, saying, “Be free;” or he
took the slave before a magistrate, and there formally declared him
at liberty. These ceremonies were extremely similar to those used by
the Romans on the same occasion. The Greeks sometimes set their
slaves at liberty in a public assembly, which Æschines describes as
follows, Ἄλλοι δέ τινες ὑποκηρυξάμενοι, τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκέτας ἀφίεσαν
ἀπελευθέρους, μάρτυρας τῆς ἀπελευθερίας τοὺς Ἕλληνας
ποιούμενοι.”—Others, when they had obtained silence by means of
the heralds, gave their household slaves their liberty; and made the
assembled Greeks witnesses of their manumission.
 The same author mentions a very singular law, which stigmatized
with infamy any person who should proclaim the freedom of a slave
in the theatre. “Καὶ διαῤῥήδην ἀπαγορεύει μήτε οἰκέτην
ἀπελευθεροῦν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ――――――――ἢ ἄτιμον εἶναι τὸν
κήρυκα.”—And this law clearly forbids that any person shall manumit
a slave in the theatre————-and decrees infamy to the herald who
shall proclaim his freedom there.
Slaves were called οἰκέται, and πελάται, but, after they became
free, received the appellation of ἀπελεύθεροι, and enjoyed all the
privileges granted to the νόθοι, or illegitimate citizens, who were not
admitted to all the rights of those whose parents were both freeborn
Athenian citizens. It was usual for a freedman to continue with his
master, who was called his προστατης, or patron; he was also
allowed to choose a sort of guardian, who was called ἐπίτροπος.

NOTE 63.

Nor have you given me any cause to repent that I did so.
An emancipated slave was bound to perform certain services for
his former master: he was to assist him in any emergency to the
utmost of his power: and, if he proved remiss in these duties, was
liable to a severe punishment. No freedman could appear in a court
of justice against his patron, either to give evidence in his own suit,
or in that of another.

NOTE 64.

It pains me to be thus reminded of the benefits you have conferred

upon me, as it seems to upbraid me with having forgotten them.
By the Athenian laws, any freedman convicted of ingratitude to
his former master, was reduced a second time to a state of slavery:
but, if a freedman was brought to a trial on a charge of this nature,
and acquitted of it, he was declared τελέως ἐλεύθερος, perfectly
free, and was then wholly released from all obligations of service to
his former patron.

NOTE 65.

You shall hear every thing from the beginning.

This is the initium narrationis, the first part of the narration, and,
by far the longest: it is, in the original, inimitably beautiful. Scarcely
any branch of dramatic writing is more difficult than narration,
which, unless composed in that happy vein, attainable by so few,
generally proves embarrassing to the actor, and tiresome to the
auditors. The writings of Terence abound with narrations, a
necessary consequence of his strict adherence to the unities. A
judicious French writer, whose opinions (as a critic,) have ever been
treated with deference, speaking of our author’s excellence in this
branch of the drama, makes his eulogium in just and forcible terms.
“Terence is without a rival, especially in his narrations,
which flow along with a smooth and even course, like a clear
and transparent river. We see no parade of sentiment, no
glare of obtrusive wit: no smart epigrammatical sentences,
which Nicole and Rochefoucault only can make acceptable.
When he applies a maxim, it is in so plain and familiar a
manner, that it has all the simplicity of a proverb. He
introduces nothing but what appertains to the subject. I have
perused, and re-perused the writings of this poet with the
greatest attention, and have laid them aside with the
impression that there is not a scene too much in any play, nor
a line too much in any scene.”
Diderot on dramatic poetry.
For further remarks on the narrations of the Andrian, vide Notes.
Nos. 89. 95. 101. I shall postpone a continuance of observations on
the very obvious inconvenience attendant on narrations; and pursue
a remark made in the commencement of this note, respecting the
source from which has flowed so many of these narrations, which
require all the art and wit of a Terence to prevent them from
seeming too prolix.
This source may be found in those irksome unities of time and
place, those leaden fetters of dramatic genius, which, by chaining
down the imagination and talents of many of the ancient, and even
some of the modern, dramatic writers, have deprived the world of
more, than the embellishments they may have given to composition
can ever repay.
Terence, in all his works, in compliance with the reigning taste of
his age, observed the unities of action, time, and place, with the
most scrupulous exactness: and this observance is the chief reason
that his comedies can never succeed on any modern stage. His plays
are crowded with narratives, which, however beautifully written, will
never yield that attraction to an audience, which they find in busy
and lively action. He cannot bring on the stage what is supposed to
happen in the next street, or adjoining house, it must therefore be
related. All the story of the piece must be supposed to pass in a very
few hours: all those events which cannot be imagined to take place
in one day, and which, when represented to the spectators in the
modern drama, are often of the greatest interest, must, by the law
of the unity of time be related. Of what a scene, to instance one of
many, has the unity of place robbed us in Terence’s Eunuch! where
Laches (Act 5) rushes into the house of Thais. How many modern
plays, in which the unities were preserved, ever kept the stage a
month? None: if we except Ben Jonson’s “Silent Woman,” “The
Adventures of Five Hours,” and a very few others; and it may well be
doubted whether even our immortal Shakspeare himself, if he had
shackled his genius with these rules, would not have been generally
confined to the closet. The practice of that great poet, and of most
of the modern dramatists of all countries; who have observed only
(the rule of all stages, ancient and modern,) unity of action, is a tacit
condemnation of the other two: and the fiat of Dr. Johnson speaks a
yet plainer language. He has decided on the value of the unities in
his preface to Shakspeare: and though what he has written
respecting them is too long to be inserted here, the following
extracts will not be unacceptable, as they shew the grounds on
which it is assumed that dramatic writers ought, in general, to
dispense with the unities of time and place.
“The critics hold it impossible, that an action of months or years
can be possibly believed to pass in three hours. The spectator, who
knows that he saw the first act at Alexandria, cannot suppose that
he sees the next at Rome; he knows that he has not changed his
place, and that the place cannot change itself; that what was a
house can never become a plain; that what was Thebes, can never
be Persepolis. Such is the triumphant language with which a critic
exults over the miseries of an irregular poet; it is time, therefore, to
tell him, that he assumes as an unquestionable principle, a position,
which, while his breath is forming it into words, his understanding
pronounces to be false. It is false, that any representation is
mistaken for reality; that any dramatic fable, in its materiality was
ever credible, or, for a single moment, was ever credited. The
objection arising from the impossibility of passing the first hour at
Alexandria, and the next at Rome, supposes that when the play
opens, the spectator really imagines himself at Alexandria; and
believes that his walk to the theatre has been a voyage to Egypt,
and that he lives in the days of Antony and Cleopatra. Surely he that
can imagine this may imagine more. He that can take the stage at
one time for the Palace of the Ptolemies, may take it in half an hour
for the promontory of Actium: delusion, if delusion be admitted, has
no certain limitation. The truth is, that (judicious) spectators are
always in their senses, and know from the first act to the last, that
the stage is only a stage, and that the players are only players: and
by supposition as place is introduced, time may be extended.” Dr.
Johnson concludes this subject as follows; “He that, without
diminution of any other excellence, shall preserve all the unities
unbroken, deserves the like applause with the architect, who shall
display all the orders of architecture in a citadel, without any
deduction from its strength; but the principal beauty of a citadel is to
exclude the enemy; and the greatest graces of a play are to copy
nature, and instruct life.”
It is needless to add any thing to these arguments, as they must
be deemed conclusive. The plays of our author are better calculated,
perhaps, to please in the closet by his mode of writing, as it adds to
perspicuity: Terence is, probably, the greatest practical champion for
the three unities that ever did, or ever will, exist. His easy flowing
narratives, judiciously divided, and introduced with so much art, as
in some places to seem no narratives until they are concluded,
remedy as much as possible the inconveniences attendant on this
mode of writing.

NOTE 66.

When my son Pamphilus arrived at man’s estate.

In the Latin, postquam excessit ex Ephebis, after he was removed
from the class of young men called ἔφηβοι.
All the Athenian citizens were publicly registered three several
times. 1. In their infancy, on the second day of the festival
ἀπατούρια, called ἀνάῤῥυσις. 2. When they were 18 years of age,
they were registered on the third day of the ἀπατούρια, called
κουρεῶτις, when they received the title of ἔφηβοι. 3. At 20 years of
age, they were registered for the last time at the feast called
βενδίδεια on the 19th of the month, Thargelion, when they were said
to be admitted “among the men.” These ceremonies were used to
prevent the intrusion of persons, who had no claim to the title of
Athenian citizen, which was an honour, that even foreign kings
thought worthy of their pursuit. Having quitted the class of the
ἔφηβοι, Pamphilus, at the time mentioned by Simo, must have been
20 years of age.

NOTE 67.
 The schools of the Philosophers.
Several schools of Philosophy were established at Athens, in which
philosophers of different sects presided, and gave instructions to
those of Athens, and of other countries, whose fortunes allowed
them leisure to pursue studies of this nature. The buildings in which
the philosophers delivered their lectures were provided at the public
expense: they were called Gymnasia, and built in divisions, some for
study called στοαὶ, and others for various exercises, as wrestling,
pugilism, dancing, &c.; these were denominated παλαίστρα. The
principal Gymnasia in Athens were the Lyceum, where Aristotle
taught; the academy, in which Plato presided; and, lastly, the
Cynosarges, which gave the name of Cynics to that sect of
philosophers, founded in this place by Antisthenes. (vid. Plutarch’s
Life of Themistocles).

NOTE 68.

In these times flattery makes friends; truth, foes.

Madame Dacier has elucidated this passage in an elegant and
ingenious criticism, which clears Pamphilus from the charge of
flattery which Sosia appears to insinuate against him. The sentence
in the original runs thus: “namque hoc tempore obsequium amicos
veritas odium parit.” “When Simo spoke of the obliging temper of his
son, he intended to describe him as behaving with that complaisant
politeness which is as remote as possible from flattery; the practice
of which never requires of a man any thing inconsistent with the
laws of truth and candour; otherwise he would have blamed his son,
instead of praising him. But Sosia, following the example of people of
his own rank, who always look on the dark side of every thing, takes
this opportunity of censuring the manners of the age, by declaring
that people were unwilling to hear the truth. Thus he mistakes
obsequium, which really means an amiable mildness of manners, for
assentatio, servile flattery, a vice which shows weakness of mind,
and baseness of heart: and which renders those of our friends who
practise it, more dangerous than even our enemies themselves.
There is more ingenuity in this passage than appears at first sight.”
Madame Dacier.
For some further very valuable critical observations, the reader is
referred to the preface to a translation of Phædrus’s fables,
published at Paris, about the middle of the 17th century. Besides
very able remarks on the Andrian, and the rest of Terence’s plays,
the translator gives an ingenious comparison between fable and
comedy; he also translated into French, three of Terence’s comedies,
viz., The Andrian, The Brothers, and Phormio.

NOTE 69.

The Island of Andros.

This island is situated in the Ægean sea, or, as it is now called, the
Archipelago; it is distant from the Piræus, or port of Athens, about
500 of the stadia Olympica, or rather more than 50 English miles. It
retains its original appellation. Bacchus seems to have been the
reputed patron of this island; which was also called Antandros, and
has been mistaken by some for the Antandros of Phrygia Minor,
where Æneas built his fleet. Vide Ovid’s Meta. Book 13, l. 623 to
670.

NOTE 70.

The neglect of her relations.

The relations of unmarried women in Greece were bound by law
to provide for them, either by seeing them married to some suitable
person, or to furnish them with the means of support according to
their rank in life; or if a woman had no near kindred, this duty
devolved upon a guardian called κυριος. It is probable that this
obligation extended equally to the paternal and maternal relations,
though the latter generally acted only in case of the former
becoming extinct. Terence warrants the supposition of relations on
both sides, being compelled to act, as he uses the word cognatus,
which signifies strictly a relation by the mother’s side, agnatus, on
the contrary, is never employed but to designate a kinsman by the
father’s side, though cognatus is often used as a common term for
both; and such is its meaning in this passage: for if the law had been
confined to the father’s relations, Terence would certainly have used
agnatus, and thereby clearly designated the particular persons who
were bound to observe it.

NOTE 71.

The distaff and the loom.

The Greek and Roman women led generally very domesticated
lives, and passed a considerable portion of their time in spinning and
weaving. The simple manners of the earlier ages obliged each family
to depend, in a great measure, on itself, for the supply of its various
wants, and the kings and heroes of antiquity, might doubly prize a
mantle or a vest, wrought by the hands of those who were dearest
to them. Wool was usually worn; but linen, though highly valued,
seems to have been but rarely used. When the Greeks became more
refined, this simplicity of manners among women of rank gave place
to less laborious habits, and slaves were instructed in the art of
spinning and weaving.

NOTE 72.

Several lovers made their addresses to her, &c.

This passage has been elegantly and chastely softened by an
ingenious French writer, who flourished about the year 1650. I shall
subjoin in this, and other subsequent notes, the various alterations
made by this judicious editor, together with the original passages:
the lines he has introduced are beautifully written, and a close
imitation of the style of Terence: I cannot doubt but they will be
considered worthy of a perusal: they are a proof of a laudable
delicacy, which was but too rarely to be met with in many of the
poets of both England and France, in the 17th century.
The original passage runs thus:—

“Primùm hæc pudicè vitam, parcè, ac duriter

Agebat, lana ac tela victum quæritans:
Sed postquam amans accessit, pretium pollicens,
Unus, et item alter, ita ut ingenium est omnium
Hominum ab labore proclive ad libidinem:
Accepit conditionem, dein quæstum occipit.”

Which is altered by the French translator to the following:—

“Primum hæc pudicè vitam, parce, ac duriter

Agebat, lana ac tela victum quæeritans:
Sed postquam ad illam accessit adolescentulus,
Unus, et item alter; ita ut ingenium est omnium
Hominum ab labore proclive ad desidiam;
Sperans se cuipiam illorum uxorem fore,
Famæ haud pepercit, illosque in domum suam
Lubens admisit nimium familiariter.

“At first she lived chastely, and penuriously, and laboured hard,
managing with difficulty to gain a livelihood with the distaff and the
loom: but soon after several lovers made their addresses to her, and
as we are all naturally prone to idleness, and averse to labour, and
as they made her promises of marriage, she was too negligent of her
reputation, and admitted their visits oftener than was prudent.”

NOTE 73.
 Aha! thought I, he is caught.
In the Latin, Certè captus est. Habet. Terence borrowed this
expression (habet) from the amphitheatre at Rome, where men
called gladiators, who were (for the chief part) captives and slaves,
fought before the people: who looked with great delight on these
combats, which often terminated in death to half the persons
engaged. When a gladiator was wounded, the people exclaimed
Habet, he has it, and thus the word was often used at Rome, in the
sense adopted by Terence.

NOTE 74.

He paid his share, and supped with the rest.

In the Latin symbolum dedit, he gave his ring as a token, or
pledge. This phrase is an allusion to a custom which prevailed chiefly
at Rome. When a party agreed to dine together at their own
expense, or, in other words, to club together for an entertainment:
each of the party gave his ring to him who had the care of providing
the feast, as a symbol or token that he, the owner of the ring, was
to join the company, and defray his share of the expense. Hence, he
who paid nothing, was called asymbolus. Rings were also given in
contracts instead of a bond: and used for tokens of various kinds.
The Greeks also seem to have called rings by the same name,
σύμβολα.

NOTE 75.

To give his daughter to Pamphilus with a large dowry.

The word dowry, which is called, in Greek, προὶξ, or μείλια, or
ἕδνα, originally meant the sum which a man gave to the family of
the woman he married, and with which he might be said to purchase
his wife: but, as the Greeks grew more refined, and also more
wealthy, this custom was wholly abolished; and the dowry was given
by the wife’s relations to the husband, to assist him in the
maintenance of her and of her children. The dowries of women
were, in Athens, considered a subject of great importance; and many
laws were framed by the Athenian legislators, (particularly by Solon,)
to provide for the well ordering of women’s fortunes. An heiress
could be disposed of in marriage, only by her father, grandfather, or
brother: if she had neither of these relations, the archons
determined who was to be her husband; and it was held so
important to keep her estate in the family, that at one time a law
prevailed, that if an heiress had no children by her first husband, she
was taken from him by the authority of the archons, and given to her
nearest relation. A wife, who brought a fortune to her husband, was
called γυνὴ; she who brought none παλλακὴ. Solon, apprehensive of
mercenary unions, at one time, passed a law, that a woman should
carry to her husband only some furniture, and four or five changes
of dress. But this seems to have been little observed.
The large dowry which Simo says Chremes offered with
Philumena, we may fairly suppose to have been twenty talents, as
Chremes imagined he had but one daughter to portion off; when he
had discovered Glycera, he gave her a dowry of ten talents; and we
must suppose that he reserved as much more for Philumena. This
will give us an idea of what the portions of the Athenian women
usually were, and of the fortune of a citizen.
Twenty Greek talents were nearly equal to 5,000l. sterling,
according to some authors, though writers differ widely as to the
amount of the Attic talent; Dr. Arbuthnot makes it equal to 193l.
15s., Mr. Raper to 232l. 3s. It is agreed on all sides that the Attic
talent consisted of 6,000 drachmæ; but the value of the drachma
was never correctly ascertained. Vide the table of monies in Note
208.

NOTE 76.

I contracted my son.
 The Athenian youth were not allowed to dispose of themselves in
marriage without consulting their parents, who had almost unlimited
authority over them: if they had no parents, guardians, called
ἐπίτροποι, were appointed to control them.
But it does not appear that any particular ceremonies were used
in Athens, in contracting a bride and bridegroom, previous to the day
of marriage; and I rather imagine, Terence, in order to make the
subject clear to his Roman auditors, alluded, by the word despondi,
to the Roman custom of betrothing, called sponsalia, which they
performed as follows:—
Some days before the wedding, the intended bride and
bridegroom, with their friends, met together at the lady’s residence,
and the parent or guardian of each (as I imagine) asked each other,
Spondes? Do you betroth her or him? Then the other party
answered, Spondeo, I do betroth, &c. Then the deeds were signed,
the dowry agreed on, and the day appointed for the marriage.

NOTE 77.

Among the women who were there I saw one young girl.
Women were frequently hired on these occasions, to appear in
the funeral procession as mourners, of whom Horace says,

“Ut quæ conductæ plorant in funere, dicunt

Et faciunt propè plura dolentibus ex animoque.”

Like those, who, hired to weep at funerals,

Exceed, in noisy grief, a faithful friend.

NOTE 78.
She appeared more afflicted than the others who were there, and so
pre-eminently beautiful, and of so noble a carriage, I approach.
To understand the full force of Simo’s remark, when he says how
much he was struck with the contrast between Glycera and the rest
of the mourners, it is necessary that the reader should be informed,
that, in Athens, no woman under sixty years of age was allowed to
appear at a funeral; except the relations of the deceased. Solon
imposed this law upon the Athenians.

NOTE 79.

I approach the women who were following the body.

Literally, the women who were walking after the body. Though
those women who were hired to follow a corpse, walked in
procession, it was very usual in Greece, to attend funerals in
carriages, and on horseback: but Chrysis, not being represented as a
citizen, the ceremonies, in respect to the procession, must be
supposed to be different. The interment of the dead was considered
of such extreme importance throughout the whole of Greece, that to
want the rites of sepulture, was deemed by the natives of that
country, a much greater misfortune than even death itself. The
Greeks (and many other nations) believed that the spirit of a person
whose corpse was unburied, could never obtain admittance to the
Elysian fields: their imaginary place of reward for virtuous men after
death. Two different methods of disposing of the dead prevailed in
Greece. The most ancient of the two (as is generally allowed,) was
much the same as the modern practice, the corpse was interred in a
coffin, and deposited in the earth. The other mode was to burn the
body, and to preserve the ashes. The Athenians seem to have used
both methods indiscriminately: their funerals were usually conducted
by torch-light. On the third or fourth day after death, (though the
time was varied according to circumstances,) the corpse was placed
on a bier, with the feet towards the door; and an obolus put into its
mouth, to defray the passage across the Styx: a certain form of
words was then pronounced over the body, which was afterwards
carried out, and followed by the mourners: those of the same sex as
the deceased were to be nearest the corpse: when it was placed on
the pile, and a second form of words recited over it, some one of the
mourners, (usually the nearest relation,) applied a torch to the
wood; and, if the deceased was of high rank, animals of various
kinds, and sometimes even human victims, were slaughtered, and
thrown into the flames. The ashes of the dead were collected from
the extinguished pile into an urn, and with some further ceremonies
deposited in a sepulchre. The Romans burned their dead in a similar
manner. For a further mention of Greek funerals, vide Notes 77, 78,
80, 81.

NOTE 80.

We follow, and arrive at the tomb.

Tombs, called by the Greeks τάφοι, or τύμβοι, which signify both
the grave and the monument, were not allowed to be within the city
of Athens, but were placed either in the public burial-place, or in
private grounds belonging to the relatives of the deceased: it was
not unusual to erect them by the road side at some distance from
the city, whence the expression, so common on monuments, Siste
Viator, Stay Traveller. The public burial-place of the Athenians was in
that part of the Ceramicus situated beyond the city: it was very
extensive. The other part of the Ceramicus contained the old forum,
called ἀρχαία ἀγορὰ.

NOTE 81.
The corpse is placed on the pile, and quickly enveloped in flames;
they weep; while the sister I was speaking of, rushed forward, in
an agony of grief, toward the fire; and her imprudence exposed
her to great danger.
 An eminent English poet, Sir Richard Steele, has endeavoured to
adapt Terence’s Andrian to the taste of an English audience, and has
succeeded in that attempt, in his play, called The Conscious Lovers,
as well as circumstances would permit. A French poet of equal
eminence, Monsieur Baron, has made a similar attempt in French
verse, and has met with equal success in his Andrienne: he has kept
much closer to the original than has Sir Richard Steele; indeed, many
scenes of the Andrienne are a literal version of Terence. I purpose to
point out the most material changes which the two modern poets
have made in the incidents: the bent of the dramatic taste of the
nation of each, may be discovered, in some measure, from a
comparison between the English, the French, and the Roman
dramatist. M. Baron has not made any alteration in the scene at
Chrysis’ funeral, where Simo discovers his son’s attachment to
Glycera; but Sir R. Steele, has altered the mode of discovery to a
quarrel at a masquerade; and his scene, though it may want the
pathos of the original, yet displays the filial affection of Bevil, the
English Pamphilus, in a very amiable light. Sir Richard has
modernized the characters of Simo and Sosia in Sir John Bevil and
Humphrey.
“Sir J. You know I was, last Thursday, at the masquerade:
my son, you may remember, soon found us out. He knew his
grandfather’s habit, which I then wore, and though it was in
the mode of the last age, yet the maskers followed us, as if
we had been the most monstrous figures in the whole
assembly.
“Humph. I remember a young man of quality, in the habit
of a clown, was particularly troublesome.
“Sir J. Right: he was too much what he seemed to be: he
followed us, till the gentleman, who led the lady in the Indian
mantle, presented that gay creature to the rustic, and bid him
(like Cymon in the fable) grow polite, by falling in love, and let
that worthy gentleman alone, meaning me. The clown was
not reformed, but rudely offered to force off my mask; with
 that the gentleman, throwing off his own, appeared to be my
son; and, in his concern for me, tore off that of the nobleman.
At this, they seized each other, the company called the
guards, and, in the surprise, the lady swooned away; upon
which my son quitted his adversary, and had now no care but
of the lady; when, raising her in his arms, ‘Art thou gone,’
cried he, ‘for ever?—Forbid it, Heaven!’—She revives at his
known voice, and, with the most familiar, though modest
gesture, hangs in safety over his shoulders weeping; but wept
as in the arms of one before whom she could give herself a
loose, were she not under observation. While she hides her
face in his neck, he carefully conveys her from the
company.”—Conscious Lovers.
Sir John Bevil makes the same trial of his son, as Simo of his: and
young Bevil makes the same reply with Pamphilus. The only
difference in the conduct of the plot in that part is, that Bevil is not
apprized of his father’s stratagem by his own servant; but by
Humphrey, which, as it shews a sort of half-treachery in him, is an
inferior arrangement to that of the Latin poet.

NOTE 82.

That Pamphilus had actually married this strange woman.

The expression ξένα, peregrina, or strange woman, was generally
used amongst eastern nations, to signify a woman of light character:
it is very frequently employed in the Holy Writings in that sense. Vide
Judges, chap. xi. ver. 2; Proverbs, chap. v. ver. 3. 10, 20. Thais, in
the Eunuch, speaking of her mother, says,

“Samia mihi mater fuit: ea habitabat Rhodi.”

My mother was born in Samos, and dwelt in Rhodes.