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order to do so came. They were but young soldiers, who had had
less than a year’s training, and had received their baptism of fire
only a week earlier; but they were determined that however stern
the ordeal they would not disgrace their regiments.
In old days, in the thick of a hard-contested struggle, men rallied
round the colours—the visible symbol of the regimental honour.
There were no colours to rally round on the slope of the Kiretch Tepe
Sirt, but the regimental name was a talisman that held the battered
ranks to their ground. Their regiments had in the past won great
glory, but neither the men of the 87th who cleared the pine woods
of Barrosa with the cry of “Faugh a Ballagh!” nor the Dublins and
Munsters who leapt from the bows of the “River Clyde” into certain
death, need blush to own comradeship with their newly-raised
Service Battalions, who died on the Kiretch Tepe Sirt.
Darkness at last fell, and the sorely-tried men hoped for relief.
This was indeed at hand, though it did not take the form of fresh
troops. None were available, so the units of the division who had
suffered heavily in the charge of the previous day, and who had had
less than twenty-four hours’ rest, were called up again. The 6th
Dublins, and with them the 5th Royal Irish (Pioneers), took over the
line of the ridge from the battalions who had held it so stoutly. Nor
were their sufferings less, for throughout the night the bombing
continued, and our men were still unable to make any effective
retaliation. Many officers and men fell, but the remainder set their
teeth and held their ground, until at last they received the order to
withdraw from the untenable position. Not a man moved until he
received the order, and then slowly, deliberately, almost reluctantly,
they retired. Bullets fell thickly among them, and took a heavy toll,
one of those killed being 2nd-Lieut. W. Nesbitt, a young officer of
the 6th Dublins, who, though junior in rank, had made a tremendous
impression by his character, and had earned the name of “the Soul
of the Battalion.” Before he was hit, the 6th Dublins had had Major
Preston and their Adjutant, Capt. Richards, killed, and in the course
of these operations three subalterns, 2nd-Lieut. Clery, 2nd-Lieut.
Stanton, and 2nd-Lieut. McGarry, were reported missing. Probably
they died in some unseen struggle, and their bones now lie in a
nameless, but honoured grave on the field where their regiment won
such fame.
Gradually the shattered units withdrew to their original line, but
when the roll was called there were many names unanswered. The
charge on the 15th had cost many lives, the holding of the captured
position very many more, and yet all the effort and all the suffering
seemed to have been futile. The 10th Division had been shattered,
the work of a year had been destroyed in a week, and nothing
material had been gained. Yet all was not in vain. It is no new thing
for the sons of Ireland to perish in a forlorn hope and a fruitless
struggle; they go forth to battle only to fall, yet there springs from
their graves a glorious memory for the example of future
generations. Kiretch Tepe Sirt was a little-known fight in an unlucky
campaign, but if the young soldiers of the 10th Division who died
there added a single leaf to Ireland’s crown of cypress and laurel,
their death was not in vain.
 CHAPTER VII

KABA KUYU AND HILL 60

“Oh, bad the march, the weary march, beneath these alien skies,
But good the night, the friendly night, that soothes our tired eyes;
And bad the war, the weary war, that keeps us waiting here,
But good the hour, the friendly hour, that brings the battle near.”
—Emily Lawless.

After the close of the battle of Sari Bair, the 29th Brigade of the 10th
Division was in urgent need of re-organisation. The Brigade Staff
had ceased to exist, and the Hampshires and Rifles were in almost
as bad a case, since almost every officer was killed or wounded. The
Leinsters, though they had sustained serious losses, had still a fair
number of senior officers left, and the Connaught Rangers had
suffered less severely, having up to the 11th only lost five officers.
The latter unit was therefore retained in the front line, while the
other battalions were withdrawn to refit.
Throughout the 11th the Rangers held the line, which had been
entrenched by two of their companies on the 10th, between the foot
of Rhododendron Ridge and the north-eastern extremity of the
Damakjelik Bair. This line, based on two natural ravines, was a
strong one, but General Cayley considered that it was too far in rear,
and accordingly after sunset on the 11th the Battalion advanced to
an under-feature at the foot of the Chunuk Bair, and commenced to
dig in there. The advance was by no means an easy one, since it
had been impossible to make a detailed reconnaissance of the
ground over which it had to take place, as by day it was exposed to
the enemy’s fire from the Chunuk. In consequence of this the left
flank unexpectedly found themselves descending a slope so steep
that it was almost a precipice. Fortunately, there were bushes at the
bottom to break the fall of those whose feet slipped, and if the
bushes happened to be prickly ones, well, it was no good
complaining about trifles in Gallipoli.
The position when reached was not an ideal one. Though
protected to a certain extent from bullets from the Chunuk, it did not
afford a very good field of fire, and lack of shelter from the sun,
shortage of water, and the smell proceeding from a gully full of
corpses, combined to make the position of those holding it
unpleasant. The greatest disadvantage, however, was the fact that
the only avenue of approach to the trench line was the Aghyl Dere,
which was swept by a hostile machine-gun. Supplies and
ammunition had to be carried up under cover of darkness, and
everyone who went up or down by daylight was obliged to run the
gauntlet for about three hundred yards. Several casualties were
caused while doing this, among the sufferers being the senior
Captain of the Rangers, Captain Hog, who received the wound from
which he died in this manner. He was a man of forty-five years of
age, who had served in the 1st Battalion of the Rangers in South
Africa, and had rejoined from the Reserve of Officers at the
beginning of the war. Though double the age of some of his
comrades, he had set them a magnificent example by the way in
which he accepted hardships, and the loyalty with which he
submitted to the commands of men younger than himself.
The hardships were by this time considerable, since officers and
men alike were reduced to bully beef and biscuits. It had been
impossible to bring any mess stores to the Peninsula, and though
each officer had stuffed a tin of sardines, or some potted meat into
his haversack, these did not last long, and the rather reduced ration
of a tin of bully beef and four biscuits per diem was all that was
obtainable by anyone. Cooking was practically impossible, though
occasionally one got a cup of tea, and men ate at odd moments,
seldom sitting down to a regular meal. It was noticeable that on the
whole the single men stood this discomfort better than those who
were married. In part, no doubt, this was due to the fact that they
were younger, but some of the oldest men proved to be the
toughest. One old sergeant, who had marched to Kandahar with
Lord Roberts in 1879, went through the whole Gallipoli campaign
with the Division, and also through the operations in Serbia in
December without once going sick. The married men were more
used to being looked after, to having their comfort considered, and
to decent cooking, and to regular meals, and the semi-barbaric
existence upset them. Those who stood it best were the tinkers,
members of that strange nomad tribe who in Ireland take the place
of the English gipsies. It was no new thing for them to eat sparingly,
and sleep under the stars, and their previous life made it easy for
them to adapt themselves to circumstances.
For three days the Rangers held this position, and during this
period the re-organisation of the Brigade proceeded. The only
Battalion Commander left unhurt was Lieutenant-Colonel Jourdain,
of the Connaught Rangers, who took over command as a temporary
measure, but on the 13th he was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel
G. K. Agnew, M.V.O., D.S.O., Royal Scots Fusiliers. Captain R. V.
Pollok, 15th Hussars, was appointed Brigade-Major, and on August
20th, Captain R. J. H. Shaw, 5th Connaught Rangers, took up the
post of Staff Captain. The officers and men of the first reinforcement
who had been left at Mudros rejoined their units on the 11th, and
were very welcome. In two cases officers arriving with this draft
found themselves in command of their battalions, since Major
Morley, of the Hampshires, and Captain R. de R. Rose, of the Rifles,
were senior to any of the few surviving officers of their units. The
task before them was by no means a light one, for the whole
company organisation had been destroyed, and nearly all the officers
and senior N.C.O.’s were hors de combat. However, they buckled to
it with a will, and every suitable man received temporary promotion.
On August 13th, the Connaught Rangers were withdrawn from the
line they were holding and given four days’ rest, which was, of
course, broken by numerous demands for fatigues. It is the universal
experience of soldiers that in this war one never works so hard as
when one is supposed to be resting. On the 17th they relieved the
6th South Lancashire and 6th East Lancashire Regiments in
trenches, which they held for three days, and considerably
strengthened. On the 20th they were withdrawn from these
trenches, and ordered to hold themselves in readiness to join
General Cox’s Brigade and take part in an attack on the following
day.
This attack had been planned in order to co-operate with the
movements at Suvla. Reinforcements in the shape of the 29th
Division from Cape Helles, and the 2nd Mounted Division (without
their horses) from Egypt, had arrived there, and an attack on Ismail
Oglu Tepe had been planned. This steep, thickly-wooded hill acted
as buttress to Koja Chemen Tepe, and as it overlooked the whole of
the Suvla Plain, afforded a valuable observation post to the enemy’s
artillery. With it in our hands we should not only be able to interrupt
communication between the two Anafartas, but would have gained a
valuable point d’appui for any further attack.
Communication between the Anzac and Suvla forces had been
obtained on the 13th at Susuk Kuyu, north of the Asmak Dere, but it
hung by a narrow thread. It was therefore decided that
simultaneously with the attack on Ismail Oglu Tepe, General
Birdwood should attack the Turkish trenches north of him, and
endeavour to win enough ground to safeguard inter-communication.
The execution of this operation was entrusted to Major-General Cox,
who was allotted the whole of his own Indian Brigade, two battalions
of New Zealand Mounted Rifles, the 4th South Wales Borderers from
the 11th Division, and the 5th Connaught Rangers and 10th
Hampshires from the 29th Brigade. All these units had suffered
heavily in the fighting a fortnight before, and the Indian Brigade in
particular was terribly handicapped by the fact that it had lost almost
all its British officers.
 THE ANAFARTA PLAIN FROM THE SOUTH
(From a water colour by Captain Drummond Fish, Royal Irish Rifles)

The objective of this attack was contained in the salient enclosed

by the sea on the west, and the Damakjelik Bair on the south. A thin
line of outposts close to the sea connected Anzac and Suvla, but the
low ground which they held was commanded by a hill known as
Kaiajik Aghala, or Hill 60. At the point where this eminence began to
rise in a gentle slope from the plain, about four hundred yards north
of the Damakjelik, stood two wells called Kaba Kuyu. These wells
were extremely valuable to the Turks, since they, too, were short of
water, and it was against them that the first stages of the attack
were to be directed. There was, indeed, no object for which any
man in the rank and file would more willingly fight in Gallipoli in
August than a well. At the same time the wells, which the Turks
were known to have entrenched, were not the sole objective. The
capture of Hill 60 was extremely desirable, since not only did it
menace inter-communication between Suvla and Anzac, but with it
in our hands we should be in a position to enfilade a considerable
portion of the Turkish forces, which were opposing the attack from
Suvla. General Cox disposed of his forces as follows. On the extreme
left the 5th Ghurkas were to sweep across the low ground near the
sea and get in touch with the right flank of the Suvla force. In the
centre, the 5th Connaught Rangers were to deploy in a gully of the
Damakjelik Bair, known as South Wales Borderers’ Gully, and charge
across three hundred yards of open ground to capture the wells. On
the right, the two battalions of New Zealanders, under Brigadier-
General Russell, forming up behind the trenches on Damakjelik Bair
were to make an attack on Hill 60 direct. Still further to the right a
feint attack, intended to draw off the Turkish reserves, was to be
executed by the 10th Hampshire Regiment. The remainder of the
force was in reserve.
The Connaught Rangers reached South Wales Borderers’ Gully
after dark on the 20th and bivouacked there for the night. As the
attack was not to be launched till 3 p.m. on the 21st, they had a
long wait before them, but there was plenty to be done. Officers
spent the morning in visiting the trenches held by the South Wales
Borderers on Damakjelik Bair and inspecting their objective through
a periscope, for the enemy snipers were too active to permit of any
direct observation. The Turks had constructed a trench in front of
the wells to guard them, which was connected with their main
position by a communication trench improvised from a deep water
course which ran eastward. To the northward a sunken road led
from the wells in the direction of Anafarta. No barbed wire appeared
to have been erected, but it was obvious that the crest of Hill 60 was
strongly entrenched and held.
After this reconnaissance, orders were issued for the attack, and
while they were being prepared, officers and men alike were
receiving the consolations of religion. For the Church of England
men, the Rev. J. W. Crozier celebrated Holy Communion; and Father
O’Connor gave absolution to his flock. The bullets of snipers were
whistling overhead, and ploughed furrows through the ground as the
men knelt in prayer and listened to the message of peace and
comfort delivered by the tall khaki-clad figure. In a few hours they
were to plunge into a hand-to-hand struggle with the old enemy of
Christendom, and their pulses throbbed with the spirit of Tancred
and Godfrey de Bouillon, as they fitted themselves to take their
places in the last of the Crusades.
Nor was encouragement from their Generals lacking. Two hours
before the advance was due to begin, Major-General Godley visited
the gully and addressed as many of the men as could be collected.
His speech was not a long one, but he told them what he expected
them to do. One regiment had already failed to capture the wells;
now the Rangers were to do it with the cold steel. The men were not
permitted to cheer, but their faces showed their feelings. General
Godley, himself an Irishman, showed an intimate knowledge of the
Irish character by delivering this address. The knowledge that the
credit of their regiment was at stake and that the eyes of their
leaders were on them, was sufficient to nerve every man to do his
utmost. As a matter of fact, the spirit of the men was excellent;
though dysentery and enteric were raging not a man reported sick
that morning for fear of missing the fight.
At 2 p.m. the men paraded and worked slowly forward to the old
Turkish trench running across the mouth of the gully from which the
attack was to be launched. There was only sufficient frontage for a
platoon at a time to extend, so the advance was to be made by
successive waves of platoons, “C” Company leading, followed by “D,”
whilst “A” and “B” Companies were kept in support. Though every
precaution was taken to avoid making dust and so attracting the
attention of the Turks, yet bullets were continually falling among the
men, and two officers were wounded before the hour to advance
arrived. This was prefaced by a violent bombardment of the enemy’s
position, conducted not only by the batteries at Anzac, but also by
the monitors in the Gulf of Saros, which were in a position that
enabled them to enfilade the enemy’s line. The noise and dust were
terrific, but most of the Turks were well under cover and did not
suffer seriously.
Meanwhile, the men waited. A hundred years earlier an officer of
the Connaught Rangers had described the appearance and feeling of
his battalion as they stood awaiting the signal that was to call them
to the assault of the great breach of Ciudad Rodrigo, and his
description might have been fitted to their descendants in Gallipoli.
Here and there a man murmured a prayer or put up a hand to grasp
his rosary, but for the most part they waited silent and motionless till
the order to advance was given. At last, at 3.40, the bombardment
ceased, the word came, and the leading platoon dashed forward
with a yell like hounds breaking covert. They were met with a roar of
rifle fire, coming not only from the trench attacked, but also from Hill
60, and from snipers concealed in the scattered bushes. Not a man
stopped to return it; all dashed on with levelled bayonets across the
four hundred yards of open country, each man striving to be the first
into the enemy’s trench. That honour fell to the platoon commander,
Second-Lieutenant T. W. G. Johnson, who had gained Amateur
International Colours for Ireland at Association Football, and was a
bad man to beat across country. Rifle and bayonet in hand, he made
such good use of his lead that before his platoon caught him up he
had bayoneted six Turks and shot two more. For these and other
gallant deeds he was awarded the Military Cross.
The Turks stood their ground well, but succumbed to superior
numbers, for soon the supporting platoons came up, while “D”
Company moving more to the left was prolonging the line in that
direction. The whole of the trenches guarding the wells, together
with the wells themselves, were now in the hands of the Rangers,
while the communication trench leading to Hill 60 was cleared and
blocked, and the two companies in support were moved forward.
Meanwhile the New Zealanders’ attack on Hill 60 was not making
quite such satisfactory progress. The hill was both fortified with care
and held in strength by the enemy, and though General Russell had
succeeded in making a lodgment at its foot, he was unable to get
further. The Rangers had been ordered, after seizing the wells, to do
their utmost to assist his attack, and accordingly “A” Company was
detailed to advance and attack the western slopes of the hill. By this
time companies had become very mixed, and the charge was
composed of a crowd of men belonging to all the companies, mad
with the lust for battle. Their officers did little to restrain them, for
their Irish blood was aflame, and they were as eager as the men.
The line surged up the bare exposed glacis, only to encounter
tremendously heavy rifle and machine-gun fire from the crest. At the
same moment the enemy’s guns opened, displaying marvellous
accuracy in ranging, and the attack was annihilated.
In spite of this the men went on as long as they were able to
stand, and fell still facing the foe. From the wells below their bodies
could be seen, lying in ordered ranks on the hillside, with their
bayonets pointing to the front.
It was clear that further advance was impossible, and it only
remained for the survivors to consolidate the captured position,
which was now being heavily shelled. At 5.15 p.m. the 5th Ghurkas,
who had been unable to advance earlier in the afternoon, came up
and took over the left flank, including the sunken road running
towards Anafarta. The Rangers were then concentrated near the
wells, which they protected by a sandbag barricade, while steps
were taken to get in touch with General Russell’s New Zealanders,
who were digging themselves in at the foot of Hill 60, a little further
to the east. A portion of the gap between them and the Rangers was
bridged by the captured Turkish communication trench, and a sap to
cover the remainder was begun at once.
Contrary to anticipation, the enemy did not launch a counter-
attack to endeavour to recapture the wells, but their artillery was
taking a heavy toll of the conquerors, and officers and men were
falling fast. The Adjutant of the Rangers, Captain Maling, an officer
to whose judgment and courage the battalion owed an incalculable
debt, was severely wounded here, and the Sergeant-Major, who had
joined in the charge, had already been carried off with a wound in
his leg. “D” Company had only one officer left, and its sergeant-
major and quartermaster-sergeant had fallen, while “C” Company
had had all its officers hit, two of them fatally. Nevertheless, the men
worked hard to put their position in a good state of defence, and
before nightfall their object was achieved. At 7 p.m. communication
with the New Zealanders was obtained, and two platoons under
Lieutenant Blake effected a junction with them.
All through the afternoon the devoted stretcher-bearers were
transporting their burdens to the dressing-station in South Wales
Borderers’ Gully, where the doctor and the priest waited to render
devoted service. The labour imposed upon them may be imagined
from the fact that over a hundred and fifty cases passed through this
dressing-station alone. Now, nightfall made it possible to get up
supplies and ammunition. By this time the lesson of the battle of Sari
Bair had been learnt, and everything had been carefully pre-
arranged. The staff of the 29th Brigade were indefatigable in getting
up food and water, and though the Brigade-Major, Captain Pollok,
was wounded by a stray shot, his place was well filled by the Staff
Captain. By daylight the whole position was in a thoroughly
defensible state, being well-stocked with food, water and
ammunition.
During the night, however, the New Zealanders had had a bad
time, and in this the two platoons of Connaught Rangers which had
joined them shared. Their position at the foot of Hill 60 was near
enough to the Turkish trenches at the top to enable the enemy to
throw down bombs, and this they did all night. At intervals, too, they
charged down with the bayonet in large numbers only to be
repulsed. Heavy casualties were caused in this fight, and among the
killed was Lieutenant Blake. His place was taken by Sergeant Nealon,
an old soldier, who had taken his discharge long before the war and
started business in Ballina.
When war broke out he was among the first to re-enlist, and so
inspiring was his example that Ballina disputes with Belfast the credit
for having the largest number of recruits in proportion to population
of any town in Ireland. No man ever looked less martial, but his
stout, comfortable figure concealed the spirit of a hero. When his
officer fell he took over the command, led back a mixed group of
Rangers and New Zealanders to a sector of trench that had been
abandoned owing to the violent bombing that it was suffering, and
held it until he was relieved. Another N.C.O. of the Rangers who
distinguished himself here was Sergeant John O’Connell, an Irish
American, who went out under heavy fire to bring in a wounded
New Zealander who was endeavouring to get back under cover. For
this and for unvarying courage he was awarded the D.C.M.
On the morning of the 22nd, the newly-landed 18th Australian
Battalion arrived on the scene, and attacked the crest of the hill, in
company with the New Zealanders. For a time one trench was
captured, but the captors were unable to maintain themselves in it,
and were driven out by bombing. The Rangers did not take part in
this attack, and on the evening of the 22nd were relieved, and
returned to their bivouac in South Wales Borderers’ Gully.
This engagement has been described in greater detail than its
intrinsic importance perhaps deserves, because hitherto the capture
of Kaba Kuyu Wells has not been officially attributed to an Irish
regiment at all.
The Rangers had not to complain of any lack of immediate
recognition, since on the day following their withdrawal Lieutenant-
General Sir W. Birdwood, accompanied by Sir A. Godley and General
Cox, visited their bivouac. He congratulated them on their gallantry,
and promised them four days’ rest, after which he intended to call
on them for another attack. Sir A. Godley and General Cox were also
warm in their congratulations.
Nor was the applause of their comrades lacking, since the
Australians and New Zealanders were loud in their praises of the
dash and courage of the battalion. This memory long continued with
them. More than three months later, Mr. John Redmond, M.P., was
showing a party of Australian convalescents over the House of
Commons, and asked them if they had seen anything of the 10th
(Irish) Division. They replied that they had, and in their opinion the
charge made by the Connaught Rangers at Kaba Kuyu was the finest
thing they had seen in the War. This praise was worth having, since
no men on earth are better able to appreciate courage and are less
prone to be imposed upon than the Australians. They have no use
for paper reputations; they judge only by what they have seen with
their own eyes. Tried by this exacting standard, the Rangers were
none the less able to abide it.
While the attack on Kaba Kuyu and Hill 60 was being executed the
10th Hampshires were carrying out their feint. They achieved their
object in distracting the enemy’s attention, but, unfortunately,
incurred heavy losses. Major Morley, the Commanding Officer, was
wounded, and Captain Hellyer, the only officer of the battalion who
had come through the stiff fighting on Sari Bair on the 10th unhurt,
was killed. The casualties among the rank and file amounted to close
on a hundred and fifty. Nor had the Connaught Rangers come off
lightly, having lost twelve officers and over two hundred and fifty
men. It is interesting to note how much more severely units suffer in
modern war than a hundred years ago. Under Wellington in Spain
and Portugal, the Connaught Rangers played a distinguished part in
many great battles and sieges. At Busaco, in company with half a
battalion of the 45th Foot, they charged and routed the eleven
battalions of Merle’s French Division. They attacked the great breach
at Ciudad Rodrigo, and stormed the Castle of Badajoz. At
Salamanca, in company with the other two battalions of Wallace’s
Brigade, they crossed bayonets with Thomieres’ Division and drove
eight battalions off the field in disorder. All these were famous
engagements, and in them the 88th deservedly won great glory, yet
in none of them were their losses as heavy as those incurred by
their newly-formed service battalion in the little-known engagement
at Kaba Kuyu.[3]
Elsewhere the issue of the fighting had not been propitious to our
arms, since in spite of the never-failing courage of the 29th Division
and the magnificent gallantry displayed by the Yeomen, the attacks
made from Suvla had failed. The losses were terribly heavy, a very
brave Irish Brigadier-General, the Earl of Longford, K.P., having fallen
in the forefront of the battle. In consequence of these heavy
casualties it was impossible to conduct further offensive operations
at Suvla until reinforcements should arrive. It was, however,
eminently desirable to effect the capture of Hill 60, since it
constituted a perpetual menace to the Suvla-Anzac line of
communication. So long as the Turks were able to maintain their
position on its crest, not only were they able to enfilade the trenches
at Suvla, but also they possessed the power of massing troops
behind it and launching them suddenly against our line. They were
fully aware of the advantage which this gave them, and had made
the defence of the hill extremely strong.
It was determined to make an assault on this position at 5 p.m. on
August the 27th. Brigadier-General Russell was placed in command
of the assaulting parties, which consisted of 350 Australians who
formed the right attack, 300 New Zealanders and 100 Australians,
who composed the attack on the centre, and 250 Connaught
Rangers, who formed the left attack. By this time units at Anzac
were so reduced by casualties and sickness that instead of merely
detailing units the numbers required were also specified. At the time
the orders were issued the Rangers could only muster seven officers,
three hundred men, and of these more than half the officers, and a
large proportion of the men were suffering from dysentery or
enteritis.
The Australians were to attack the trenches running to the base of
the hill in a south-easterly direction. The New Zealanders had as
their objective the summit of Hill 60 itself, while the Rangers were
given as their objective the system of trenches running from the
crest northwards towards Anafarta. At 3 p.m. the assaulting parties
of the Rangers filed down the sap, which had been dug to connect
Kaba Kuyu with South Wales Borderers’ Gully, and into the trenches
round the well which they had captured a week earlier. They were
narrow and were manned by the Indian Brigade so that progress
was slow, but by 4 p.m. the storming party of fifty men had reached
the point from which the left assault was to commence.
At four the bombardment began. Ships, howitzers, mountain-
guns, all combined to create a babel which if less intense than that
of the previous week, was nevertheless sufficiently formidable. The
trenches were so close to one another that our troops waiting to
advance were covered with dust from the high explosives, but no
injury was done. At last, at five, the bombardment ceased and the
stormers, led by Lieutenant S. H. Lewis, went over the top. They
were into the Turkish trenches almost before the enemy were aware
of their coming and forced their way along them with bayonet and
bomb. The supporting parties, however, were not so fortunate. The
range to the parapet from whence they started was accurately
known to the enemy, and from every part of the trench which was
not actually under assault violent machine-gun and rifle fire opened.
Man after man as he climbed over the parapet fell back into the
trench dead, yet the next man calmly stepped forward to take his
place. One old soldier, a company cook, Private Glavey, of Athlone,
as his turn came, said: “I have three sons fighting in France and one
of them has got the D.C.M. Let’s see if the old father can’t get it
now,” and advanced to meet the common fate.
Now, too, the enemy’s artillery opened, and as, unmenaced
elsewhere, they were able to concentrate all their forces on the
defence of Hill 60, their fire was terrific. Incessant salvoes of
shrapnel burst overhead, while the parapet of the trench from which
the advance was taking place was blown in by high explosive. Yet,
still, the men went on over the parapet and gradually a few
succeeded in struggling through the barrage, and in reinforcing their
comrades in the captured trench. There a stern struggle was taking
place, but by dint of hard hand-to-hand bayonet fighting the Turks
were driven out, and at six p.m. the Rangers had carried the whole
of their objective.
The Australians on the right had encountered concentrated
machine-gun fire and had been unable to make any progress, but
the New Zealanders had carried the trenches on the southern side of
the crest and a few of them had worked along and joined up with
the Rangers. When night fell the whole of the southern face of the
hill was in British hands, but the Turks were not disposed to
acquiesce in this decision. As there was no indication of any attack
elsewhere, they were free to use the bulk of their reserves at Hill 60,
and wave after wave of assailants hurled itself on the position. There
was a half moon which enabled the outlines of the charges to be
seen as the mass of Turks surged forward preluding their onset with
a shower of bombs. The Rangers suffered particularly badly in this
respect, since parallel to the trench they held ran two newly-dug
Turkish communication trenches which were within bombing
distance. There were not enough men available to assault these
trenches or to hold them if they were taken, for the losses in the
attack had been heavy. It was true that the remainder of the
Connaught Rangers had been sent up as a reinforcement, but this
only amounted to forty-four men, most of whom were weakened by
dysentery.
Again and again, the Turks attacked, mad with fanaticism,
shrieking at the top of their voices and calling on Allah. The Irish,
however, were not impressed. As one Connaught Ranger put it,
“they came on shouting and calling for a man named Allen, and
there was no man of that name in the trench at all.” Still, however,
the merciless bombing continued and the trenches slowly became
encumbered with dead. It was a soldiers’ battle: every officer but
one on the Rangers’ position was wounded, and in any case the
trench was so blocked with débris from the bombardment and
Turkish and Irish corpses, that it became almost impossible to move
from point to point. Lieutenant Lewis who had led the charge, was
wounded in two places. He had himself lifted on to the parapet in
the hope of being able to make his way down to the dressing-
station, but was never seen again.
At last about 10.30 p.m., after the fight had lasted five hours, a
crowd of Turks succeeded in entering the Rangers’ trench near its
northern extremity. This northern end was held by a small party of
men who died where they stood. The remainder of the trench was,
however, blocked and further progress by the enemy arrested. Still
the fight raged and bombs and ammunition were running short,
while the losses became so heavy that it was growing harder and
harder to procure. Major Money, who was in command of the
advanced position, sent for reinforcements, but found that they were
unobtainable. Fresh Turkish attacks kept coming on, and for every
assailant that was struck down, two more sprang up in his place. It
was clear that soon the defenders would be swept away by force of
numbers, and they were compelled at midnight to fall back to the
southern end of the captured trench. This point they blocked with a
sandbag barricade and held until at last they were relieved at 8.30
a.m. on the 28th. Five hours earlier the 9th Australian Light Horse
had attempted to recover the trench from which the Rangers had
been driven, but found that the Turks were too strong. It was not
until the 29th that a combined attack launched from the position
which the New Zealanders had taken and had been able to hold,
finally established our line on the northern slopes of Hill 60.
The Turkish losses were enormous and were nearly all inflicted in
fighting at close quarters. The captures from them included three
machine-guns, three trench mortars and 60,000 rounds of small-arm
ammunition, while Sir Ian Hamilton estimated that 5,000 Turks had
been killed and wounded. When it is remembered that the total
strength of our attacking columns was under a thousand, and that
the reinforcements received in the course of the fight barely reached
that figure, it will be realized that each of our men must have
disposed of at least two of his opponents. Unfortunately, our losses
were by no means small: of 250 Connaught Rangers who charged
over the parapet on the 27th, less than a hundred returned
unwounded.
The battalion had, however, no reason on this occasion to
complain of lack of official recognition, since Sir Ian Hamilton in his
official despatch paid an eloquent tribute to the deeds of the
Connaught Rangers. His words may be quoted:
 “On the left the 250 men of the 5th Connaught Rangers excited the
admiration of all beholders by the swiftness and cohesion of their
charge. In five minutes they had carried their objective, the northern
Turkish communications, when they at once set to and began a lively
bomb fight along the trenches against strong parties which came
hurrying up from the enemy supports and afterwards from their
reserves. At midnight fresh troops were to have strengthened our
grip on the hill, but before that hour the Irishmen had been out-
bombed.”

That the battalion acquitted itself so well was in the main due to
the manner in which it had been trained by its Commanding Officer,
Lieut.-Colonel Jourdain. He thoroughly understood the men with
whom he had to deal, and had instilled into all ranks a rigid but
sympathetic discipline which proved invaluable in time of trial. He
was unwearied in working for the comfort of his men, and was
repaid not only by their respect and affection, but by a well-earned
C.M.G.
 CHAPTER VIII

ROUTINE

“Scars given and taken without spite or shame, for the Turk be it
said is always at his best at that game.”
— G. K. Chesterton.

Before continuing to describe the doings of the 30th and 31st

Brigades after their withdrawal from the Kiretch Tepe Sirt, a word
must be said about the units which were attached to them, the
Pioneer Battalion, the Royal Engineers and the Field Ambulances.
Details of the movements of these units are hard to obtain, but it
would not be fair to overlook them.
The Pioneer Battalion, the 5th Royal Irish Regiment, was trained
as an infantry unit but also received instruction in engineering work,
especially in road-making. The majority of its men were miners or
artificers and its function was to do the odd jobs of the Division and
also to provide a guard for Divisional Headquarters. On the
Peninsula, however, these duties soon fell into abeyance, since it was
called on to fill up gaps in the line, and did so eagerly. It was an
exceptionally fine battalion, formed by Lord Granard, whose
ancestor, Sir Arthur Forbes, had first raised the 18th (Royal Irish)
two hundred and thirty years before, and possessed an unusually
large proportion of Regular officers. Fighting under difficult
conditions, usually by detached companies, it did well wherever it
was engaged, losing Lieutenants Costello and MacAndrew killed, and
Major Fulda, Captain Morel, and half-a-dozen subalterns wounded.
 The Engineers at Suvla, as everywhere, fully justified the splendid
reputation of their corps. Few braver actions were noted in the
Division than Lieutenant Waller’s rescue of three wounded men on
the Kiretch Tepe Sirt, and throughout the campaign the Sappers
defied danger and did their duty.
The 30th Field Ambulance, which disembarked at Suvla without its
bearer section on the afternoon of the 7th, was, for the first ten
days of the campaign, working single-handed. Then the 31st and
32nd arrived and the pressure became less, but all the ambulances
were working under great difficulties. There was little room for them,
they had been unable to bring all their stores with them, and, as will
be told later, medical comforts were conspicuous by their absence.
In spite of these handicaps, they had to deal, not only with a very
large number of wounded, but with a never ceasing flow of sick. The
doctors, however, did admirable work and everyone was loud in
praise of the Ambulance stretcher-bearers who used regularly to go
out under heavy fire across the plain to bring in the wounded.
After the close of the fighting on August 17th, what was left of the
30th and 31st Brigades was withdrawn to the rest-camp on the
beach at Suvla. The fighting had reduced their strength terribly and
nearly three-quarters of the officers and half the men who had
landed ten days earlier, had fallen or been invalided. Worst of all,
was the fact that, owing to so many senior N.C.O.’s having been hit,
the internal organization of units had been practically destroyed. An
extemporized Company Quartermaster-Sergeant, who possesses no
previous knowledge of his work, will rarely be successful in
promoting the comfort and efficiency of his men, however hard he
may try. Matters were made even more serious by the continued
sickness, which became worse and worse when units were
withdrawn from the front line. Many who had been able to force
their will power to keep them going on, while actually opposed to
the enemy, now succumbed, and among them an officer, whose
departure inflicted a serious loss on the Division as a whole and on
the 31st Brigade in particular.
 BRIGADIER-GENERAL J. G. KING-KING, D.S.O.

On August 22nd, General Hill, who had been in bad health ever
since landing in Gallipoli, was invalided, suffering from acute
dysentery. His departure was deeply regretted by his Brigade, who
had learnt to admire his coolness and courage, and to appreciate his
constant attention to their comfort. Though the Staff Captain of the
Brigade, Captain T. J. D. Atkinson, had been wounded on the 16th,
fortunately the Brigade-Major, Captain Cooke-Collis, still remained,
and as the command was taken over by Colonel King-King the
General Staff Officer (1) of the Division, officers and men did not feel
that they had to deal with a stranger.
It was marvellous how many men who were in bad health,
resisted the temptation to go sick and be sent on board the white
hospital ships, where there was shade and ice and plenty to drink.
No man was invalided who was not sick, but there were very few
people doing duty in Gallipoli who did not from time to time possess
a temperature, and none whose stomachs were not periodically out
of order. The doctors did their utmost to retain men with their units,
but all medical comforts were difficult to obtain, even condensed
milk being precious, and to feed men sickening for dysentery on
tinned meat, is to ask for trouble. Rice was a great stand-by, though
the men did not much appreciate it unless it was boiled in milk. It
was therefore inevitable that men reporting sick should be sent to
the field ambulances, and since these were little better off than the
regimental M.O.’s so far as provision for special diet was concerned,
and since their resources were overtaxed, it followed that it was
almost invariably necessary to send invalids away overseas. Though
all ranks belonging to them showed the utmost devotion to duty, and
worked till they were worn out, a field-ambulance at Suvla was not a
place in which a quick recovery could be made. True, it had tents,
and it is hard to appreciate the amount of solid comfort offered by a
tent to one who has spent weeks in the open under a tropical sun.
There were also a certain number of beds, and it was very pleasant
to find doctors and orderlies taking an interest in you, and doing
their best to make you comfortable.
There were, however, discomforts which they were powerless to
remove. One was the swarm of flies which made sleep by day
impossible, and another was the shortage of water. The worst,
however, was the enemy fire: for although the Turk respected the
Red Cross flag, yet the hospitals were close to the beach, and not
far from some of our batteries, which naturally drew the enemy’s
artillery. The sound of the shells rushing through the air, and the
shock of their explosion were plainly heard and felt by the patients in
hospital, and threw an additional strain on nerves that were already
worn out. It could not be helped; there was no room on the
peninsula to put hospitals at a distance from fighting troops, but it
was very hard on the sick and wounded.
Gradually, however, things grew better. Medical comforts began to
be forthcoming; fresh bread was baked at Imbros and sent across,
milk was less scarce, and a few eggs were issued not only to
hospitals, but in some cases to medical officers of battalions. They
also obtained a compound known as tinned fowl, which appeared to
consist entirely of bones. Fly whisks and veils were provided by the
British Red Cross, an organization to which the soldier owes more
than he will ever be able to say. By the flexibility of its management,
and its freedom from red tape, it has done wonders to secure the
speedier recovery of our wounded.
The rest-camp to which the residue of the nine battalions came,
was somewhat of a jest. It was situated on the beach, and consisted
of a collection of shallow dug-outs burrowed into the yielding sand.
As it was close to some of the extemporized piers at which the
lighters bearing the rations and ammunition were unloaded, and was
in the neighbourhood of the A.S.C. and Ordnance Depôts, it naturally
attracted a good share of the shells which the Turks directed at
those points, and casualties were by no means infrequent. However,
the men were able to take off the clothes which they had worn for
nearly a fortnight, and wash. Some shaved, but others thought it
waste of time and also of the more precious water. Bathing was
possible, for the sea was close by, and the delight of plunging into
the warm sparkling sea was hardly diminished by the thought that a
Turkish shell might possibly find you out as you did so.
The period in the rest-camp gave an opportunity of writing home,
and describing, as far as the censorship permitted, the events of the
previous week. It was clear that the first attempt at Suvla had not
been successful, but reinforcements were arriving nightly, a new
General (Major-General H. B. de Lisle) had taken over command of
the 9th Corps, and everyone was hoping for eventual success. In
this they were much assisted by rumour, which produced scores of
encouraging “shaves.” Occasionally one heard that General Botha
with a large force of Boers, had landed at Helles, but the favourite
and apparently best-authenticated report, was that an army of
150,000 Italians had landed at Bulair and were taking the Turks in
reverse. It did not seem to occur to any of those who circulated this
report that their guns must have been heard at Suvla if they were
really doing so. By this time, however, most sensible people had
discovered that nothing is ever so thoroughly well-authenticated as a
thoroughly baseless rumour, and believed nothing that they were
told. At any rate the “canards” gave a subject for conversation, and
helped to pass the time.
On August 21st, General de Lisle proposed to take the offensive
again, having been reinforced from Egypt and Helles. Although the
Turks had by now brought up ample reinforcements, and carefully
entrenched their whole line, it was thought that it might be possible
to capture Ismail Oglu Tepe, a wooded hill, which buttressed the
Khoja Chemen Tepe. This attack General de Lisle entrusted to the
11th and 29th Divisions, the latter being on the left. The 53rd and
54th Territorial Divisions were to hold the remainder of the line
northwards to the Gulf of Saros, including the trenches on the
Kiretch Tepe Sirt. The newly-landed 2nd Mounted Division
(Yeomanry) and the two brigades of the 10th Division, which had
suffered so heavily in the previous fighting as to be almost unfit for
further aggressive action, were placed in Corps Reserve. At the same
time the co-operation of the Anzac troops, which took the form of
the attack on Kaba Kuyu and Hill 60, and was described in the
previous chapter, was arranged for.
The 10th Division was disposed as follows:—
The 31st Brigade, which was allotted as reserve to the 29th
Division, formed up behind Hill 10 on the northern shores of the Salt
Lake. There was very little cover, and the 6th Inniskilling Fusiliers,
who found themselves in rear of one of our batteries, suffered
severely from the shell fire with which the Turks retaliated on it. The
30th Brigade were at Lala Baba at the south-western angle of the
Lake. At 3 p.m. the attack was launched, and the front line of
Turkish trenches were occupied. Atmospheric conditions, however,
were unfavourable, and further progress was only made with great
difficulty, the 11th Division, which had been much weakened by
previous fighting, finding it almost impossible to get on. The
reserves were then called up, and the Yeomen went forward across
the bare shell-swept plain.

5TH ROYAL IRISH FUSILIERS IN THE TRENCHES

Official photograph issued on behalf of the Press Bureau, Crown copyright
reserved

The long extended lines suffered heavily as they moved forward to

a position in rear of Chocolate Hill, but though they were young
troops who had never been in action before, there was no wavering,
and the formation was preserved throughout. About the same time
the 30th Brigade received orders to advance and occupy the Turkish
trenches, which had been captured at the commencement of
operations. As they moved forward to do this they, too, came under
a heavy fire of shrapnel and sustained numerous casualties, among
them being Lieut.-Col. Worship, of the 6th Munster Fusiliers, who
was wounded in the foot. The most active part in these operations,
however, so far as the 10th Division was concerned, was taken by
the stretcher-bearers of the three Field Ambulances, who had just
arrived. Again and again they went out over the shell-swept plain,
picking up the wounded of the 11th and 29th Divisions, and bringing
them back to the hospitals on the beach. The work was not only hot
and heavy, but dangerous, since although the Turk proved a fair
fighter on the whole and respected the Red Cross, yet his shrapnel
could not discriminate between fighters and non-combatants. Good
and plucky work done on this occasion earned the D.C.M. for Staff
Sergeant Hughes and Corporal Fitch, of the 30th Field Ambulance.
On the following day, the two brigades moved southward, and
took over the front line trenches, the two Inniskilling battalions being
just north of Chocolate Hill, with the Royal Irish Fusiliers on their
right, and the 30th Brigade prolonging the line to the southward. At
the same time, Divisional Headquarters were transferred from the
Kiretch Tepe Sirt to Lala Baba. While the Division was holding this
southern sector, it very nearly came in touch with part of its
detached Brigade operating to the north of Anzac; and the 6th
Dublin Fusiliers from their trenches were able to watch the charge of
the 5th Connaught Rangers on August 27th. The 29th Brigade,
however, remained under the orders of the Anzac Command.
After the fight of the 27th-28th of August, described in the last
chapter, this Brigade also became incapable of further aggressive
action. Every battalion had lost about three-quarters of its strength,
while the casualties in the commissioned ranks had been
exceptionally heavy. Sickness was bad here, as elsewhere, and early
in September three out of the four units composing the Brigade had
only two officers apiece left. The 6th Leinsters were in better case;
but even with them, sickness was taking its toll—Major Currey, the
C.O., being one of the victims. He was succeeded by Major
Colquhoun. The battalion remained with the New Zealand and
Australian Division, doing duty in the trenches at “Russell’s Top” until
August 26th, when it withdrew to Anzac and joined the Royal Irish
Rifles in “Reserve Gully.”
The Rifles and Hampshires, which suffered terribly in the Sari Bair
fighting, were retained behind the Aghyl Dere line for about a week
after the 10th August. Then the Rifles returned to Anzac, where it
took up its quarters in Reserve Gully. After the feint attack on August
21st, in which they suffered so heavily, the 10th Hampshires were
also withdrawn to the beach, bivouacking near No. 2 Post. The
Brigade was completed by the arrival of the 5th Connaught Rangers,
who, after the assault on Hill 60 on the 27th August, remained in
reserve for a week and then moved back to a bivouac on Bauchop’s
Hill.
Though two companies of the Royal Irish Rifles were lent to
General Walker, of the Australians, and did duty for him for three
weeks, the bulk of the Brigade were employed on fatigue duties.
These included road-making, unloading ration boats, and guarding
Turkish prisoners. The work was hard, the sun still hot, and the
enemy’s shells did not spare the fatigue parties, but casualties were
not heavy.
During this period the 29th Brigade received a new commander.
Colonel Agnew returned to Mudros on September 9th, and on the
22nd September Brigadier-General R. S. Vandeleur, C.M.G., who had
come from the Seaforth Highlanders in France, took over command.
Major T. G. Anderson, R.F.A., had previously been appointed Brigade-
Major.
While in many respects fighting in Gallipoli was more unpleasant
than in France or Flanders, yet its trench warfare had certain
advantages over that engaged in there. Though the heat by day and
the cold by night were trying, yet there was but little rain, and it was
easy to keep the trenches dry. Except on the Kiretch Tepe Sirt and
close to the sea, the soil was firm, so that the sides of trenches did
not require much revetment, and repairs were not constantly called
for. Above all, the character of the enemy gave the defender an
easier time.
The Turk is inflexibly stubborn in defence, and when stirred up to
make a mass attack, he appears fearless of death: but he is not an
enterprising foe. Except at one or two points—notably at Apex and
at Quinn’s Post in the Anzac area, where the opposing trench lines
were close together, and trench mortars and bomb-throwers raged
perpetually—he was content to leave the enemy to the attention of
his snipers. These, of course, were persistent and ingenious, and
any point in a trench which could be overlooked, either from a tree
or from high ground in the enemy’s lines, required to be specially
defended. Otherwise, however, the Turk was not much disposed to
institute aggressive enterprises, and his bombardments, though
intensely annoying, and causing a good many casualties, were not to
be compared in intensity with those employed by the Germans in
Flanders.
Trench life, however much its details may be mitigated, is none
the less painfully monotonous, and in the Peninsula there were none
of the distractions sometimes experienced on the Western Front.
There were only two breaks in the tedium: the arrival of the mail
and a visit from a chaplain. The latter should perhaps have
precedence, both out of respect for his cloth and because it
happened more frequently. Walking about at Anzac and Suvla was
neither pleasant nor safe; but the chaplains were quite indefatigable,
and would walk any distance and brave any danger in order to visit
the units to which they were attached. By dint of untiring endeavour,
the Church of England and Roman Catholic chaplains used, as a rule,
to hold a service for each of the battalions in their charge on
Sunday, and one during the week as well. Sometimes these services
took place right up in the firing line, the celebrant moving along the
trench to each communicant in turn. It was in this manner Canon
McLean celebrated Holy Communion for the 6th and 7th Dublins an
hour before the advance on the 15th of August. Often, too, the
priests were able to give absolution to their flock before they went
into action. Besides doing this, the Roman Catholic chaplains heard
confessions regularly, and all denominations were indefatigable in
ministering to the sick.
Apart, however, from the spiritual side of the question, the mere
presence of the “Padre” himself was stimulating. The Division had
been exceptionally fortunate in its chaplains. The robust
cheerfulness of Father Murphy, the recondite knowledge of Father
Stafford, Father O’Farrell’s boyish keenness, and the straightforward
charm that made Father O’Connor such a good sportsman and such
a good friend, were coupled with a fearlessness and devotion to duty
common to all, that made them beloved by their own flock and liked
and respected by those of other creeds. There was but little colour in
Gallipoli; grey olives, bleached scrub and parched sand combined to
make a picture in monotone, and, even to the Protestant eye it was
grateful to see, as the one gleam of colour in a dreary landscape,
the shining golden chasuble of the priest as he celebrated Mass. Few
who beheld those services will ever forget them; the circle of
kneeling worshippers, the robed figure in the centre, the long
shadows cast by the newly-risen sun, and the drone of the shells
passing through the air overhead, made an ineffaceable impression
on the mind.
Nor were the Protestant chaplains behind their Roman Catholic
colleagues in zeal and cheerfulness. The Reverend S. Hutchinson in
the 31st Brigade, and the Reverend J. W. Crozier (a son of the
Primate of All Ireland) in the 29th, worked untiringly and devotedly
for the good of the men who belonged to the Church of England.
Nor should the Reverend F. J. Roche, who was Church of England
Chaplain to the Divisional Troops, be forgotten. Originally, he was
sent to Cairo with the Artillery of the Division; but he had seen
service in South Africa in the Imperial Yeomanry, and was mad to
get into the firing line once more. By dint of many entreaties and
much ingenuity, he finally succeeded in reaching Suvla on August
29th, and laboured unceasingly with the Pioneers and Royal
Engineers. He was a man of exceptionally high character, and all
who knew him were grieved when two days before the Division left
the Peninsula he was invalided with dysentery. Unfortunately, the