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CONTENTS IN DETAIL
TITLE PAGE
COPYRIGHT
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
INTRODUCTION
What Is SQL?
Why SQL?
Who Is This Book For?
What You’ll Learn
INDEX
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order to leave the Turkish dominions. The sequel of that monarch’s
career presents a series of acts that abundantly justify the suspicion
that his mind was shattered by the reverses of fortune he had
undergone; for, after remaining five years in Turkey, and venturing
with a band of grooms and valets, secretaries and cooks to make a
stand against an army of janissaries, spahis, and Tatars he fled in
the disguise of a courier to his own kingdom, where he had not been
seen during that long interval and where his death had for some time
been currently believed in.
The battle of the Pruth, so fatal in its results to Peter, was a very
destructive engagement. If the statements of the czar be correct, his
army, on the first day of the engagement, consisted of 31,554
infantry, and 6,692 cavalry, and was reduced on the last day to
22,000 men, which would make his loss amount to 16,246. The loss
sustained by the Turks was still greater in consequence of their
irregular and scattered method of attack. But numerical details
cannot always be relied upon, since they are frequently modified to
suit the views of one party or the other. There can be no doubt,
however, that the czar fought at an extraordinary disadvantage, and
that the losses on both sides were dreadful.
When the treaty was concluded, Peter returned into Russia,
causing the fortresses of Samara and Kamenka to be demolished;
but, as some unavoidable delay occurred in the surrender of Azov
and Taganrog, the sultan became dissatisfied, and Peter entered into
a fresh treaty, by which he pledged himself to evacuate Poland
within three months; stipulating, however, that Charles, who was still
intriguing with the Divan, should be required immediately to withdraw
from Turkey. The fatigues of the campaign required repose; and
Peter, who had suffered considerably by ill health, rested for some
time at Carlsbad for the benefit of the waters.
When Peter returned to St. Petersburg, he again solemnised his
wedding with the czarina, and held a festival in that city which was
remarkable for its pomp and the expression it drew forth of the
popular confidence. But this was only the prelude to fresh labours.
He renewed his plans for the improvement of the country, laid down
a number of new roads, cut several canals, enlarged his navy, and
encouraged the erection of more substantial dwellings in the new
city. His ultimate design of establishing St. Petersburg as the capital
of the empire now gradually developed itself; and the first open
measure he adopted towards the accomplishment of that object was
the removal of the senate from Moscow. The commercial
advantages the people had already gained through their
communication with the Baltic had reconciled them to the change,
and the opposition with which the return had been originally received
was now considerably relaxed. But much remained yet to be done
before the prosperity of the new capital could be secured.
Resistance from without was more to be apprehended than
remonstrances at home; and Peter was not slow to act upon the
necessity of circumstances.
The czar arrived at St. Petersburg from his foreign tour on the 21st
of October, 1717. Twenty years before he had signalised his return
from a first visit to civilised countries by the inhuman butchery of the
strelitz, and now he was about to give still more appalling evidence
of the deep depravity of his heart.
Peter’s early aversion to Eudoxia had a most deplorable influence
on Alexis, the son she bore him in 1690. The dissensions between
the father and the mother speedily diminished the father’s affection
for Alexis. Moreover, as Peter’s vast labours prevented him from
paying much attention to the education of his son, Alexis at first grew
up under female tuition, and then fell into the hands of some of the
clergy, under whose guidance he daily conceived a greater
abhorrence for his father. This being observed by Peter, he put an
end to the spiritual education, and appointed Menshikov
superintendent of the prince’s preceptors.
Menshikov was no friend to Alexis, and the latter had been early
inspired by his mother with contempt and aversion for the favourite
of his father. The tutors who were now placed about the prince were
not able to eradicate the prejudices impressed on his mind from his
infancy, and now grown inveterate; besides, he had an
unconquerable dislike to them as foreigners. The future sovereign of
so vast an empire that was now reformed in all its parts, and by
prosperous wars still further enlarged; the heir of a throne whose
possessor ruled over many millions of people, had been brought up
from his birth as if designed for a Russian bishop; theology
continued to be his favourite study. With a capacity for those
sciences which are useful in government, he discovered no
inclination to them. Moreover, he addicted himself early in life to
drunkenness and other excesses. There were not wanting such as
flattered his perverse dispositions, by representing to him that the
Russian nation was dissatisfied with his father, that it was impossible
for him to be suffered long in his career of innovation, that even his
life was not likely to hold out against so many fatigues, with many
other things of a like nature.
The conduct of Alexis, particularly his indolence and sloth, were
highly displeasing to Peter. Menshikov, from political motives, to
preserve himself and Catherine, was constantly employed in fanning
the czar’s resentment, while the adherents of Alexis, on the other
hand, seized every opportunity to increase the aversion of the
prince, who, from his very cradle, had never known what it was to
love, and had only dreaded his father. Alexis at times even gave
plain intimations that he would hereafter undo all that his father was
so sedulously bringing about. Nay, when the latter, in 1711,
appointed the prince regent during his absence, in the campaign of
the Pruth, Alexis made it his first business to alter many things in
behalf of the clergy, so as clearly to evince in what school he had
been brought up.
The czar was in hopes of reforming his son by uniting him with a
worthy consort; but even this attempt proved fruitless. The princess
of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, who was selected for his bride, and to
whom Alexis was married at Torgau, in 1711, notwithstanding all her
eminent qualities of mind and heart and her great beauty, could
make no impression on him, and sank under the load of grief brought
on by this unhappy connection, soon after giving birth to a prince,
who was called by the name of his grandfather, Peter (1715). By a
continuance in his dissolute mode of life, by his bad behaviour
towards his spouse, and his intercourse with persons who were
notorious for their hatred of Peter and his reforms, Alexis seemed
bent upon augmenting his father’s displeasure.
After the death of the princess, Peter wrote his son a letter, the
conclusion of which ran thus: “I will still wait awhile, to see if you will
amend; if not, know that I will deprive you of the succession, as a
useless limb is cut off. Do not imagine I am only frightening you; nor
would I have you rely on the title of being my eldest son; for since I
do not spare my own life for the good of my country and the
prosperity of my people, why should I spare yours? I shall rather
commit them to a stranger deserving such a trust than to my own
undeserving offspring.”
At this very juncture the empress Catherine was delivered of a
prince, who died in 1719. Whether the above letter disheartened
Alexis, or whether it was imprudence or bad advice, he wrote to his
father that he renounced the crown, and all hopes of reigning. “God
is my witness,” said he, “and I swear upon my soul, that I will never
claim the succession; I commit my children into your hands, and for
myself desire only a subsistence during life.”
His father wrote to him a second time. “I observe,” says he, “that
all you speak of in the letter is the succession, as if I stood in need of
your consent. I have represented to you what grief your behaviour
has given me for so many years, and not a word do you say of it; the
exhortations of a father make no impression on you. I have brought
myself to write to you once more; but for the last time. If you despise
my counsels now I am living, what regard will be paid to them after
my death? Though you may now mean not to violate your promises,
yet those bushy beards will be able to wind you as they please, and
force you to break your word. It is you those people rely on. You
have no gratitude to him who gave you life. Since you have been of
proper age, did you ever assist him in his labours? Do you not find
fault with, do you not detest everything I do for the good of my
people? I have all the reason in the world to believe that, if you
survive me, you will overthrow all that I have been doing. Amend,
make yourself worthy of the succession, or turn monk. Let me have
your answer either in writing, or personally, or I will deal with you as
a malefactor.”
Though this letter was harsh, the prince might easily have
answered that he would alter his behaviour; but he only acquainted
his father, in a few lines, that he would turn monk. This assurance
did not appear natural; and it is something strange that the czar,
going to travel, should leave behind him a son so obstinate, but this
very journey proves that the czar was in no manner of apprehension
of a conspiracy from his son. He went to see him before he set out
for Germany and France; the prince being ill, or feigning to be so,
received him in bed, and confirmed to him, by the most solemn
oaths, that he would retire into a convent. The czar gave him six
months for deliberation, and set out with his consort.
He had scarcely reached Copenhagen when he received advice
(which was no more than he might well expect) that Alexis admitted
into his presence only evil-minded persons, who humoured his
discontent; on this the czar wrote to him that he must choose the
convent or the throne, and, if he valued the succession, to come to
him at Copenhagen.
The prince’s confidants instilled into him a suspicion that it would
be dangerous for him to put himself into the hands of a provoked
father and a mother-in-law, without so much as one friend to advise
with. He therefore feigned that he was going to wait on his father at
Copenhagen, but took the road to Vienna, and threw himself on the
protection of the emperor Charles VI, his brother-in-law, intending to
continue at his court till the czar’s death.
This was an adventure something like that of Louis XI, who, whilst
he was dauphin, withdrew from the court of Charles VII, his father, to
the duke of Burgundy. Louis was, indeed, much more culpable than
the czarevitch, by marrying in direct opposition to his father, raising
troops, and seeking refuge with a prince, his father’s natural enemy,