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BRIEF TABLE OF
CONTENTS
GLOSSARY 505
BIBLIOGRAPHY 519
GEOGRAPHIC INDEX 549
SUBJECT INDEX 559
vii
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DETAILED TABLE OF
CONTENTS
PRefAce xxi
PART ONE
A DemOgRAPhIc PeRSPecTIve
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUcTION TO DemOgRAPhy 1
WHAT IS DEMOGRAPHY? 3
HOW DOES DEMOGRAPHY CONNECT THE DOTS? 5
The Relationship of Population to Resources 6
The Relationship of Population to Social and Political Dynamics 7
ESSAY: Demographic Contributions to the “Mess in
the Middle East” 10
How Is the Book Organized? 21
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 22
MAIN POINTS 22
QUESTIONS FOR REvIEW 23
WEBSITES OF INTEREST 23
CHAPTER 2
gLObAL POPULATION TReNDS 25
WORLD POPULATION GROWTH 26
A Brief History 26
How Fast Is the World’s Population Growing Now? 29
The Power of Doubling—How Fast Can Populations Grow? 30
Why Was Early Growth So Slow? 31
Why Are More Recent Increases So Rapid? 32
ix
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x Detailed Table of Contents
CHAPTER 3
DemOgRAPhIc PeRSPecTIveS 58
PREMODERN POPULATION DOCTRINES 61
THE PRELUDE TO MALTHUS 66
THE MALTHUSIAN PERSPECTIvE 67
Causes of Population Growth 68
Consequences of Population Growth 70
Avoiding the Consequences 70
Critique of Malthus 71
Neo-Malthusians 73
ESSAY: Who are the Neo-Malthusians? 74
THE MARXIAN PERSPECTIvE 76
Causes of Population Growth 76
Consequences of Population Growth 76
Critique of Marx 77
THE PRELUDE TO THE DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION THEORY 79
Mill 79
Dumont 80
Durkheim 81
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Detailed Table of Contents xi
CHAPTER 4
DemOgRAPhIc DATA 100
SOURCES OF DEMOGRAPHIC DATA 101
Population Censuses 101
The Census of the United States 105
Who Is Included in the Census? 110
Coverage Error 111
ESSAY: Demographics of Politics: Why the Census Matters 112
Measuring Coverage Error 116
Content Error 117
Sampling Error 118
Continuous Measurement—American Community Survey 118
The Census of Canada 119
The Census of Mexico 120
IPUMS—Warehouse of Global Census Data 121
REGISTRATION OF vITAL EvENTS 122
COMBINING THE CENSUS AND vITAL STATISTICS 125
ADMINISTRATIvE DATA 126
SAMPLE SURvEYS 127
Demographic Surveys in the United States 127
Canadian Surveys 128
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xii Detailed Table of Contents
PART TwO
POPULATION PROceSSeS
CHAPTER 5
The heALTh AND mORTALITy TRANSITION 139
DEFINING THE HEALTH AND MORTALITY TRANSITION 140
HEALTH AND MORTALITY CHANGES OvER TIME 141
The Roman Era to the Industrial Revolution 142
The Industrial Revolution to the Twentieth Century 143
World War II as a Modern Turning Point 146
Postponing Death by Preventing and Curing Disease 148
The Nutrition Transition and Its Link to Obesity 149
LIFE SPAN AND LONGEvITY 150
Life Span 151
Longevity 151
DISEASE AND DEATH OvER THE LIFE CYCLE 153
Age Differentials in Mortality 153
Infant Mortality 154
Mortality at Older Ages 156
Sex and Gender Differentials in Mortality 158
CAUSES OF POOR HEALTH AND DEATH 159
Communicable Diseases 160
ESSAY: Mortality Control and the Environment 164
Noncommunicable Conditions 167
Injuries 168
The “Real” Causes of Death 168
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Detailed Table of Contents xiii
CHAPTER 6
The feRTILITy TRANSITION 189
WHAT IS THE FERTILITY TRANSITION? 190
HOW HIGH COULD FERTILITY LEvELS BE? 191
The Biological Component 191
The Social Component 194
WHY WAS FERTILITY HIGH FOR MOST OF HUMAN
HISTORY? 196
Need to Replenish Society 196
Children as Security and Labor 198
Lower Status of Women in Traditional Societies 198
THE PRECONDITIONS FOR A DECLINE IN FERTILITY 200
IDEATIONAL CHANGES THAT MUST TAkE PLACE 201
ESSAY: Reproductive Rights, Reproductive Health, and the Fertility
Transition 202
MOTIvATIONS FOR LOWER FERTILITY LEvELS 205
The Supply-Demand Framework 205
The Innovation/Diffusion and “Cultural” Perspective 209
HOW CAN FERTILITY BE CONTROLLED? 211
Proximate Determinants of Fertility 213
Proportion Married—Limiting Exposure to Intercourse 213
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xiv Detailed Table of Contents
CHAPTER 7
The mIgRATION TRANSITION 251
WHAT IS THE MIGRATION TRANSITION? 252
DEFINING MIGRATION 253
INTERNAL AND INTERNATIONAL MIGRANTS 254
MEASURING MIGRATION 255
Stocks versus Flows 256
Migration Indices 258
THE MIGRATION TRANSITION WITHIN COUNTRIES 261
Why Do People Migrate? 262
Who Migrates? 266
Migration within the United States 267
MIGRATION BETWEEN COUNTRIES 268
Why Do People Migrate Internationally? 270
Who Migrates Internationally? 272
MIGRATION ORIGINS AND DESTINATIONS 274
Global Patterns of Migration 274
Migration into the United States 277
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Detailed Table of Contents xv
PART THREE
POPULATION STRUcTURe AND chARAcTeRISTIcS
CHAPTER 8
The Age TRANSITION 298
WHAT IS THE AGE TRANSITION? 299
THE CONCEPTS OF AGE AND SEX 299
Age Stratification 300
Age Cohorts and Cohort Flow 301
Gender and Sex Ratios 304
The Feminization of Old Age 306
DEMOGRAPHIC DRIvERS OF THE AGE TRANSITION 307
The Impact of Declining Mortality 309
The Impact of Declining Fertility 313
Where Does Migration Fit In? 315
AGE TRANSITIONS AT WORk 317
The Progression from a Young to an Old Age Structure 317
Youth Bulge—Dead End or Dividend? 317
China’s Demographic Dividend 318
What Happened to India’s Demographic Dividend? 320
Demographic Dividends in the United States and Mexico 322
POPULATION AGING AS PART OF THE AGE TRANSITION 324
What Is Old? 324
ESSAY: Who Will Pay for Baby Boomers to Retire in the Richer Countries? 326
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xvi Detailed Table of Contents
CHAPTER 9
The URbAN TRANSITION 343
WHAT IS THE URBAN TRANSITION? 344
Defining Urban Places 345
WHAT ARE THE DRIvERS OF THE URBAN TRANSITION? 347
Precursors 347
Current Patterns 349
The Urban Hierarchy and City Systems 352
An Illustration from Mexico 354
An Illustration from China 355
THE PROXIMATE DETERMINANTS OF THE URBAN TRANSITION 357
Internal Rural-to-Urban Migration 357
Natural Increase 358
International Urbanward Migration 362
Reclassification 362
Defining the Metropolis 363
ESSAY: Nimby and Bnana—The Politics of Urban Sprawl
in America 364
THE URBAN EvOLUTION THAT ACCOMPANIES THE URBAN
TRANSITION 368
Urban Crowding 369
Slums 371
Suburbanization and Exurbanization 374
Residential Segregation 377
CITIES AS SUSTAINABLE ENvIRONMENTS 379
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Detailed Table of Contents xvii
CHAPTER 10
The fAmILy AND hOUSehOLD TRANSITION 384
WHAT IS THE FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD TRANSITION? 385
Defining Family Demography and Life Chances 386
The Growing Diversity in Household Composition and
Family Structure 388
Gender Equity and the Empowerment of Women 392
PROXIMATE DETERMINANTS OF FAMILY AND HOUSEHOLD
CHANGES 393
Delayed Marriage Accompanied by Leaving the Parental Nest 393
Cohabitation 396
Nonmarital Childbearing 397
Childlessness 399
Divorce 399
Widowhood 400
The Combination of These Determinants 401
CHANGING LIFE CHANCES 401
Education 402
Labor Force Participation 406
Occupation 409
Income 410
Poverty 414
Wealth 416
ESSAY: Show Me the Money! Household Diversity and Wealth
Among the Elderly 418
Race and Ethnicity 420
Religion 424
DOES MARRIAGE MATTER? 426
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 428
MAIN POINTS 429
QUESTIONS FOR REvIEW 430
WEBSITES OF INTEREST 431
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xviii Detailed Table of Contents
PART FOuR
USINg The DemOgRAPhIc PeRSPecTIve
CHAPTER 11
POPULATION AND SUSTAINAbILITy 432
THE USE AND ABUSE OF THE EARTH’S RESOURCES 434
Economic Growth and Development 435
Measuring GNI and Purchasing Power Parity 436
HOW IS POPULATION RELATED TO ECONOMIC DEvELOPMENT? 439
Is Population Growth a Stimulus to Economic Development? 440
Is Population Growth Unrelated to Economic Development? 442
Is Population Growth Detrimental to Economic Development? 443
THE BOTTOM LINE FOR THE FUTURE: CAN BILLIONS MORE PEOPLE
BE FED? 446
The Relationship between Economic Development and Food 446
Extensification—Increasing Farmland 449
Intensification—Increasing Per-Acre Yield 451
The Demand for Food Is Growing Faster Than the Population 456
How Many People Can Be Fed? 457
ENvIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION 461
Polluting the Ground 461
Polluting the Air 463
ESSAY: How Big is Your Ecological Footprint? 464
Damage to the Water Supply 468
HUMAN DIMENSIONS OF ENvIRONMENTAL CHANGE 469
Assessing the Damage Attributable to Population Growth 470
Environmental Disasters Lead to Death and Dispersion 471
SUSTAINABLE DEvELOPMENT—POSSIBILITY OR OXYMORON? 473
Are We Overshooting Our Carrying Capacity? 475
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 477
MAIN POINTS 478
QUESTIONS FOR REvIEW 479
WEBSITES OF INTEREST 480
CHAPTER 12
WhAT LIeS AheAD? 481
FROM REvOLUTION TO EvOLUTION 482
The Health and Mortality Evolution 484
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Detailed Table of Contents xix
gLOSSARy 505
bIbLIOgRAPhy 519
geOgRAPhIc INDex 549
SUbJecT INDex 559
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PREFACE
Growth, transition, and evolution. These are the key demographic trends as we
move through the twenty-first century, and they will have huge impacts on your
life. When I think about population growth in the world, I conjure up an image
of a bus hurtling down the highway toward what appears to be a cliff. The bus
is semiautomatic and has no driver in charge of its progress. Some of the pas-
sengers on the bus are ignorant of what seems to lie ahead and are more worried
about whether the air conditioning is turned up high enough or wondering how
many snacks they have left for the journey. Other more alert passengers are look-
ing down the road, but some of them think that what seems like a cliff is really just
an optical illusion and is nothing to worry about; some think it may just be a dip,
not really a cliff. Those who think it is a cliff are trying to figure out how to apply
the brakes, knowing that a big bus takes a long time to slow down even after the
brakes are put on.
Are we headed toward a disastrous scenario? We don’t really know for sure,
but we simply can’t afford the luxury of hoping for the best. The population bus is
causing damage and creating vortexes of change as it charges down the highway,
whether or not we are on the cliff route; and the better we understand its speed
and direction, the better we will be at steering it and managing it successfully.
No matter how many stories you have heard about the rate of population growth
coming down or about the end of the population explosion (and those stories are
true, up to a point), the world will continue to add billions more to the current
7 billion before it stops growing. Huge implications for the future lie in that growth
in numbers.
The transitions represent the way in which population growth actually affects
us. The world’s population is growing because death rates have declined over the
past several decades at a much faster pace than have birth rates, and as we go from
the historical pattern of high birth and death rates to the increasingly common pat-
tern of low birth and death rates, we pass through the demographic transition. This
is actually a whole set of transitions relating to changes in health and mortality, fer-
tility, migration, age structure, urbanization, and family and household structure.
Each of these separate, but interrelated, changes has serious consequences for the
way societies and economies work, and for that reason they have big implications
for you personally. Over time, these transitions have evolved in ways that vary from
xxi
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xxii Preface
one part of the world to another, and so their path and progress are less predictable
than we once thought, but we have good analytical tools for keeping track of them,
and potentially influencing them.
The growth in numbers (the bus hurtling toward what we hope is not a cliff)
and the transitions and evolutions created in the process (the vortex created by the
passing bus) have to be dealt with simultaneously, and our success as a human civi-
lization depends on how well we do in this project. A lot is at stake here and my
goal in this book is to provide you with as much insight as possible into the ways in
which these demographic trends of growth, transition, and evolution affect your life
in small and large ways.
Over the years, I have found that most people are either blissfully unaware of
the enormous impact of population growth and change on their lives, or they are
nearly overwhelmed whenever they think of population growth because they have
heard so many horror stories about impending doom, or, increasingly, they have
heard that population growth is ending and thus assume that the story has a happy
ending. This latter belief is in many ways the scariest, because the lethargy that
develops from thinking that the impact of population growth is a thing of the past is
exactly what will lead us to doom. My purpose in this book is to shake you out of
your lethargy (if you are one of those types), without necessarily scaring you in the
process. I will introduce you to the basic concepts of population studies and help
you develop your own demographic perspective, enabling you to understand some
of the most important issues confronting the world. My intention is to sharpen your
perception of population growth and change, to increase your awareness of what is
happening and why, and to help prepare you to cope with (and help shape) a future
that will be shared with billions more people than there are today.
I wrote this book with a wide audience in mind because I find that students in
my classes come from a wide range of academic disciplines and bring with them an
incredible variety of viewpoints and backgrounds. No matter who you are, demo-
graphic events are influencing your life, and the more you know about them, the
better off you will be.
Populations are constantly changing and evolving and each successive edition of
this book has aimed to keep up with demographic trends and the explanations for
them. Thus, every chapter of this twelfth edition has been revised for recency, rel-
evancy, reliability, and readability.
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Preface xxiii
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different content
Tornando alle particolarità dei nomi, il prenome indicava l’individuo,
come i nostri di battesimo; e davasi al bambino nove giorni dopo la
nascita. I prenomi arrivavano appena alla trentina; alcuni erano
prediletti in certe famiglie, e aveano da principio qualche significato.
Noi gli esibiamo colle etimologie, comecchè spesso forzate, de’
grammatici:
Agrippa da ægre partus, nato con difficoltà.
Appius, variazione di actius, indicava qualche azione particolare: era
proprio d’un ramo di casa Claudia, che si estinse colla repubblica:
dappoi diventò nome di famiglia.
Aulus da alere, consacrato agli Dei alimentatori.
Cœso da cœdere, tratto dal seno materno con un taglio.
Cajus o Gajus da gaudium, gioja de’ genitori.
Cnæus da nævus, neo, macchia sulla pelle.
Decimus, Sextus, Quintus ecc.; numero progressivo de’ figliuoli del
padre stesso.
Faustus, felice, caro agli Dei.
Hostus da hostis, nato in terra straniera; quod esset in hostico
procreatus, dice Macrobio.
Lucius da lux, nato all’aprirsi del giorno.
Mamercus, nome osco del dio Marte: era usitato in casa Emilia.
Manius da mane mattina, o da manus, che anticamente significava
buono.
Marcus, nato in marzo.
Numerius. Uccisi tutti i Fabj a Crèmera, ne sopravanzò un solo, che
sposò la figlia d’un cittadino di Benevento detto Numerio Otacilio, il
quale volle che il primogenito si chiamasse Numerio; donde questo
prenome venne in quella famiglia.
Opiter, ob patrem, nato dopo la morte del padre, ma vivo l’avo che
gliene fa le veci.
Posthumus, nato dopo sepolto il padre.
Proculus, nato nell’assenza del genitore, o nella vecchiaja; quasi
procul progressa ætate.
Publius, divenuto orfano prima d’aver nome, pupilli facti priusquam
prænomina haberent. Fors’anche si riferiva alla forza del corpo o ad
augurio, da pubes.
Servius, nato da madre schiava.
Spurius, di padre incerto.
Tiberius, nato presso al Tevere.
Titus deriva da un Sabino di questo nome.
Tullus da tollere, indicante l’intenzione che il padre aveva di
accettare e allevare il neonato.
Volero da volo: volentibus nasci liberis parentibus indebatur, dice un
grammatico ch’io non intendo. Era proprio della gente plebea
Publilia.
Vibius?
Vopiscus, usato in casa Giulia; e dicono indicasse un gemello venuto
a maturità, mentre l’altro uscì abortito.
Sotto gl’imperatori, parecchi nomi che indicavano famiglie e rami,
diventarono personali, come Cossus, Drusus, Paulus, e
principalmente Flavius dopo che imperarono i Flavj.
Le donne avevano il prenome? Qualche esempio sembra provare il
sì; ma generalmente s’indicarono col nome di famiglia del padre o
del marito, distinguendole una dall’altra cogli epiteti di major, minor,
tertia, e per vezzo primilla, secundilla, tertilla ecc.
Il nome dicemmo come indicasse la gente, cioè la casa.
Primieramente esprimeva l’origine d’essa casa, o il luogo donde
veniva; perciò finivasi per lo più in ius. Alcuno traevasi da antichi
prenomi, come Marcius da Marco, Postumius da Postumo; o da
qualche animale, Porcius, Asinius; o da funzioni sostenute, o da altra
accidentale particolarità.
Dal non avere gli Etruschi usato il nome, volle arguirsi non
conoscessero la divisione per genti; ma conviene ricordare che
neppure i Romani lo adoprarono nei primi tempi.
Ogni casato distinguevasi in più rami, chiamati stirpes che si
dividevano in familiæ, a cadauna delle quali si affiggeva un nome
particolare, che era il cognome. Per lo più deducevasi da circostanze
speciali del capostipite, buone o cattive qualità, difetti corporei,
imprese e simili. Non termina in ius, ma in us, in or, ecc.
L’agnome s’aggiungea talvolta ai tre precedenti per indicare la stirpe,
o per memoria di qualche splendido fatto, o per esprimere che uno
era entrato nella famiglia per adozione. In quest’ultimo caso, un
figlio di famiglia rinunziava ai suoi diritti di nascita, e diveniva
membro della famiglia in cui entrava; e conservando il prenome suo,
assumeva il nome del casato e della famiglia del padre adottivo; se
conservasse l’antico suo casato, mutavane la desinenza in ius o
anus, e lo collocava come agnome dopo il nuovo nome e cognome.
Publio, figlio di Paolo Emilio vincitore di Perseo, quando fu adottato
da Publio Cornelio Scipione Africano, s’intitolò Publius Cornelius
Scipio Africanus Æmilianus, al che poi aggiunse il soprannome di
Numantinus.
Taluni, in luogo dell’agnome, portavano il nome della tribù o curia a
cui appartenevano, ponendolo all’ablativo: per tal modo gli ablativi
Curio, Capito ecc. divennero nomi di famiglia.
Affatto incerta è la valutazione delle monete antiche, e i ragguagli dati dagli eruditi
differiscono può dirsi in ciascuno, anche di buon tratto. Dopo degli altri, e perciò
profittando di tutti, ne ragionò Boeckh, Metrologische Untersuchungen über
Gewichte, Münzfüsse und Mässe des Alterthums in ihren Zusammenhange. Berlino
1838.
L’asse, prima unità monetaria romana, era una libbra da dodici oncie di bronzo non
coniato, æs rude. Un’impronta vi si pose sotto Numa o Servio Tullio, che fu una
pecora, donde il nome di pecunia.
La prima moneta d’argento fu battuta nel 485 di Roma, ed era il denaro (dena
æris), equivalente a dieci assi di bronzo: sua metà fu il quinario; suo quarto il
sesterzio, sesquitertius, cioè due assi e mezzo. Per comodo di cambio ebbero la
libella = 1 asse, o ad una libbra di rame; la sembella = 1⁄2 libbra; il teruncio = 1⁄4
libbra. In una libbra v’avea quaranta denari d’argento e voleansi dieci assi per fare
un denaro, sicchè la proporzione del rame all’argento era :: 400:1.
Al fine della prima guerra punica, l’asse fu ridotto da dodici oncie a due; e quindi il
denaro a 1⁄84 della libbra, ossia grani 73 333; essendo il grano di marco = 0 0531
gramme di peso metrico. La proporzione dunque fra l’argento e il rame monetato
era :: 84 × 10 : 6, ossia :: 140:1. Nell’anno di Roma 536, l’asse fu ridotto al peso
d’un’oncia, e il denaro, senza alterarne il valore, fu alzato a sedici assi, il quinario a
otto, il sesterzio a quattro; onde la proporzione dell’argento al rame coniato stette
:: 112:1. La legge Papiria del 562 abbassò l’asse a mezz’oncia di rame; il denaro
restò uguale, e valse ancora sedici assi; quindi la proporzione fra il rame coniato e
l’argento fu :: 1:56. Ma non era un valor mercantile, bensì arbitrario; l’asse non
restava più che moneta di conto; e unità monetaria divenne il sesterzio.
Questo sestertius non va confuso col sestertium, moneta di conto che valea mille
sesterzj. Spesso negli autori si trova sestertium, genitivo contratto di sestertiorum.
È marcato IIS o HS, cioè assi due e mezzo: e cogli avverbj semel, bis, ter, decies
esprime 100,000 sesterzj, presi una, due, tre, dieci volte. Così ter HS varrà
300,000 sesterzj.
I Romani nel 547 batterono la prima moneta d’oro alla ragione di uno scrupolo per
venti sesterzj; e abbiamo di tali monete coll’impronta del xx, xxxx, ix. La libbra
romana è ducentottantotto scrupoli; perciò conosciuto il peso dello scrupolo, s’avrà
la libbra. Le esperienze più squisite diedero grani 6154.
Mentre da principio in Roma l’aureus si riferiva allo scrupolo, dappoi si riferì
anch’esso alla libbra, come il denaro. Tale cambiamento non sappiano bene
quando si facesse, ma pare dopo Cesare; quantunque Eckhel (Doctrina
nummorum) neghi che durante la repubblica siansi coniate monete d’oro, per la
ragione che troppo bello n’è il conio, e somiglia a quello de’ Siciliani e de’ Campani.
Ma Roma non poteva adoperare a ciò qualche Greco?
Dopo il 705, la moneta d’oro fu la quarantesima parte della libbra, e venticinque
denari di valore. La proporzione dunque fra i due metalli era
:: 40×25 : 1,
84
ossia press’a poco come 12 a 1.
Ai tempi d’Erodoto, l’oro valea tredici volte l’argento; a quelli di Platone, dodici; alla
morte di Alessandro, dieci; e così al tempo del trattato fra gli Etolj ed i Romani.
In Italia non troviamo antiche miniere d’oro e d’argento, talchè sino al 247 avanti
Cristo non corse nella settentrionale che moneta di rame, e sembra che le colonie
della meridionale tirassero dalla Grecia l’argento per le monete loro. Roma esigeva
i tributi in argento, lo che mantenne l’oro ad una proporzione superiore alla greca.
Sotto gl’imperatori succeduti ad Adriano, la moneta andò in disordine: la
proporzione dell’oro coll’argento sotto Domiziano era di 11 1⁄2. Verso il regno di
Postumo l’argento scompare, poi ricompare con Diocleziano. Usandosi allora
moneta scadente, l’oro dovette crescere enormemente di prezzo e uscire d’Italia;
onde sotto Costantino la proporzione era di 1 a 15; sotto Teodosio il Giovane, di 1
a 18; ma al tempo di Giustiniano il troviamo ancora di 1 a 15.
Sebbene le monete deteriorassero di peso, il titolo restò quasi eguale, fra 0.998 e
0.991 di fino per l’oro, e per l’argento da 0.993 a 0.965. Regolator del valore era
l’oro, come oggi in Inghilterra; perciò conservasi inalterato di peso e di titolo, e una
Novella di Valentiniano III porta: — L’integrità e inviolabilità del segno favoriscono
il commercio, e mantengono la stabilità del prezzo delle cose venali».
Così valutando, senza tener conto delle spese di monetazione, Letronne riscontra il
denaro d’argento dalla repubblica sino a Domiziano rappresentare un valore da
centesimi 83 fino a 70, ossia precisamente:
MONETE EPOCHE
MISURE LINEARI
MISURE DI SUPERFICIE
Pedes Scripulum Clima Actus Jugerum Heredium Centuria Saltus ettare are metri
q. q.
100 1 8
3,600 36 1 3 8
14,400 114 4 1 12 34
28,800 188 8 2 1 24 68
57,600 576 16 4 2 1 49 36
4 2 98 72
6 3 1 48 8
8 4 1 97 44
L’unità dei quadrati era lo jugero, 10 5 2 46 80
nella cui divisione ricorre la 12 6 2 96 16
partizione dell’asse in oncie e loro
14 7 3 45 52
frazioni. Lo jugero era un bislungo
di 240 piedi sopra 120, cioè 16 8 3 94 88
28,800 piedi quadrati. 18 9 4 44 24
20 10 4 93 60
200 100 1 49 36
800 400 4 1 197 44
MISURE DI CAPACITÀ
LEGENDA - A: Ligula - B: Cyathus - C: Acetabulum - D: Quarantarius - E: Hemina - F: Sextarius
- G: Congius - H: Modius - I: Urna - L: Amphora - M: Culeus
A B C D E F G H I L M hl dal l dl cl
1 1 14
4 1 4 58
6 1½ 1 6 87
12 3 2 1 1 3 75
24 6 4 2 1 2 7 5
48 12 8 4 2 1 5 5
288 72 48 24 12 6 1 3 3
384 96 64 32 16 8 1⅓ ½ 4 4
768 192 128 64 32 16 2⅓ 1 3 8
1,152 288 192 96 48 24 4 1½ 1 13 2
2,304 578 384 192 96 48 8 3 2 1 26 3 9 9
46,080 11,520 7,680 3,840 1,920 960 610 60 40 10 2 64
20 1 5 28
30 7 92
L’unità di misura di capacità era l’anfora, che dapprima 40 2 10 56
chiamavasi quadrantal, come quella che conteneva un piede 50 13 20
cubo. Il suo peso, secondo Festo, era uguale a 80 libbre di 60 3 15 84
vino, il che monta a litri 26,3995, posto il peso specifico del 70 18 8
vino = 0,9915. 80 4 21 12
90 26 76
100 5 26 39 9 5
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