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cast abroad in London, and bruited throughout this realm, and
known to her Majesty’s Council. Her Majesty hath not heard of him
ill of me, so it pleaseth her Majesty to signify unto me by her own
gracious letters, which I must believe, notwithstanding his dealing
against me is otherwise so notoriously known that if he escape sharp
and open punishment dishonour will redound to me. This practice
hath a further meaning than the varlets know of.... For mine own
part I have never thought to allow any title, nor will, otherwise than
as shall please her Majesty to appoint.... How can it be supposed that
I should be disposed to favour this Queen for her claim to succeed
the Queen’s Majesty? My dealing towards her hath shown the
contrary. I know her to be a Stranger, a Papist, and my enemy; what
hope can I have of good of her, either for me or my country? I see I
am by my own friends brought in jealousy, wherefore I wish with all
my heart that I were honourably read, without note or blemish, to
the world of any want in me.”
“Wherefore as touching that lewd fellow, who hath not only sought
by unlawful libels extant, so much as in him lay, to deface my dutiful
heart and loyalty, but also the rooting up of my house, utter
overthrow and destruction of my lineal posterity, I neither hold him
a subject nor yet account him worthy the name of a man, which with
a watery submission can appease so rigorous a storm;[23] no, if loss of
my life, which he hath pretended would have fully contented him, I
could better have been satisfied than with these, his unspeakable
vilenesses.... I might be thought hard-hearted if, for Christianity’s
sake, I should not freely forgive as cause shall require, and desire
God to make him a better member, being so perilous a caterpillar in
the Commonwealth. For I have not the man anywise in contempt, it
is his iniquity and Judas dealing that I only hate.”
In other words, “Reptile! But I forgive thee.” It is almost a parallel
to the anecdote of a certain little girl with an over-stern nurse of
gloomy religious tendencies, to whom the child, waking alone in the
dark, called, “Nurse, nurse, come, come! I dreamed that the devil was
here tempting me to call you a duffer—but I resisted the temptation!”
The Corker affair, of course, provided fresh food for the imaginings
and reports of Mary’s adversaries. People thought that it would
necessarily mean the removal of Mary into fresh custody. Mary
herself dreaded this. She did not love Shrewsbury, but she believed
her life to be safe with him, though she may not have entirely trusted
his wife. She heard that poison was to be used against her, and that
there was a suggestion at Court “to make overtures to the Countess of
Shrewsbury.” She was assured that if anyone poisoned her without
Elizabeth’s knowledge, the latter “would be very much obliged to
them for relieving her of so great a trouble.”
There is nothing on the Countess’s side to corroborate this wild
statement. This horrible fear, however, was so implanted in Mary’s
mind that she sent to France for “some genuine terra sigillata, as
antidote.” But she did not apply to her sinister mother-in-law
Catherine De Medici. “Ask M. the Cardinal my uncle,” she writes, “or
if he has none, rather than have recourse to the Queen my mother-
in-law, or to the King, send a bit of fine unicorn’s horn, as I am in
great want of it.”
The year 1574 travelled onward without realisation of her fears.
The “caterpillar,” Corker, had not prevailed in the overthrow of the
Earl’s house or of his “lineal posterity,” and Gilbert Talbot in this
little note writes affectionately enough to his stepmother:—[24]
“To my Lady.
“I received a letter from my Lord since this letter was sealed, and
then I had no time by this messenger to write again unto your La.
which came in a comfortable season unto me.”
CHAPTER VIII
A CERTAIN JOURNEY
It was now the autumn of the year 1574. The Shrewsburys had for the
time being come triumphantly out of official complications, and
despite their grave responsibilities lived as comfortably as might be,
though they were often separated, because the wife, at any rate, had
other duties besides that of gaolership. What social life was
permitted to them by the restraint entailed by this charge could
obviously be enjoyed only by the Countess, and even she must have
found it difficult to meet her cronies, get her children married and
provided for, and keep a firm hand on domestic expenditure at the
various houses she owned. The guarding of Mary of Scotland
certainly had its interesting, romantic side, and this to some extent
was a set-off against the greyer side of the business and its financial
disadvantages. Just now the chances of Mary were at their lowest.
Bothwell was dying in exile,[25] the Duke of Norfolk had shed his
blood vainly for her, Charles Darnley, “The Young Fool,” as Mr. Lang
most justly calls him, though dead, with all his vanity, treachery, and
vice, could still harm her cause, more latterly perhaps through the
popular stigma which attached to her than by the hatred of his
relatives, the family of Lennox. His family, sorely chastened by
Elizabeth for his marriage with Mary, was, since his death, held in
less odium at the English Court, though it did not suit the Queen’s
gracious meanness to raise it out of poverty. Elizabeth and Darnley’s
mother, poor soul—Countess of Lennox, née the Lady Margaret
Douglas—had buried the hatchet after the boy’s death. For the
benefit of those who forget her story—or ignore it—a word as to this
lady:—
From a contemporary
picture
Page 120
Countess [apparently stern]. Say that I have set you a task. Now
do not go to the window!
Elizabeth [checking herself half-way to the window]. Nay, my
Lord, I cannot come indeed. [Drops her voice.] Oh! mother, if it were
one of the grooms or only my brother!
Countess. Little fool! It is the voice of Lennox. Mark you—play him
wisely.
Lennox [calling again]. Mistress, there is no “cannot” when the
sun calls!
Elizabeth. My Lord, lady mother says she ... needs me.
Lennox. It is not true. She is brewing a hot posset for my mother. I
saw her shoulders in the buttery.
Countess [her shoulders shaking]. Oho! it was Mrs. Glasse he saw.
I gave her once an old gown of mine to wear.
Elizabeth [moving to the window]. No, no, my Lord, she says it
was Mrs. Gl.... [The Countess springs up, catches her sharply by the
wrist, and gives her a little rap with her fan.]
Countess. S-s-t! Let him think I am not here. Play him, play him!
Lennox. What is that you say, mistress?
Elizabeth [embarrassed and miserable]. Nothing....
[Lennox throws his cap in at the window. It falls at her feet.]
Countess. Girl, do not touch it.
Lennox. Oh, mistress, how the sun calls! It has called my cap.
Some magic has given wings to it and it is gone.
Elizabeth. It is here!
Countess. Hush! Not yet—not yet.
[Enter at back a maid with a bowl of posset.]
There was, as the two mothers agreed, but one way out of it all—a
speedy marriage. No time to invite the blessing of the bride’s
stepfather, no time for signing of deeds, or for collecting bride-gear,
or for endowing boy and girl with house and lands. These things
would as well be done afterwards as now, and a pompous family
wedding in the Shrewsbury household would just now have been
attended with all sorts of difficulties. Without more ado the matter
was settled, and the actual wedding seems to have taken place at
Rufford in the presence of only a very few persons. Indeed, in the
words of one historian, the pair “married almost as soon as Lady
Lennox was able to leave her bedroom.” It has been suggested by the
same writer that the two dowagers, in aiding and abetting the
marriage, were at cross purposes. It is certain that Lady Shrewsbury
had met her match in character, purpose, and ability in intrigue. She
could not have been able to persuade Margaret Lennox in the affair
against her will and conscience. Henderson elaborates the suggestion
thus: “The motive of Lady Lennox was probably reconciliation with
the Queen of Scots, through the new connection formed with the
Shrewsburys. If Elizabeth died—and there was a general impression
that she would not live long—Mary might very possibly succeed her;
and though Lady Lennox thought it prudent to assert to Elizabeth
that she never could have dealings with the Queen of Scots, since,
being flesh and blood, she could not forget the murder of her child,
yet she did not wish to debar herself from all further favour from the
possible Queen of England, who was also the mother of her
grandchild (i.e. James of Scotland). As for Mary, nothing could suit
her better than a reconciliation with Lady Lennox, since it would
mean the renewal of support from many Catholics who had been
estranged from her by the circumstances attending the death of
Darnley. In any case, whatever Mary’s part in the accomplishment of
the marriage, and whether any understanding was then arrived at by
her with Lady Lennox or not, Mary, after the death of Lady Lennox
in 1578, affirmed that she had been reconciled to her for five or six
years, and that Lady Lennox sent her letters expressing regret at the
wrong she had done her in the accusations she had been induced to
make against her, at the instance of Elizabeth and her Council.”[28]
This is, however, a part of future history. The facts show that Mary
seems to have had no hand in the marriage, and we cannot imagine
that after carefully balancing all possibilities Lady Shrewsbury would
have invited her interest. The whole thing would have been revealed
and exaggerated by spies, and thus assume the form of a very serious
plot. Lady Lennox certainly trusted to Elizabeth’s credence in her old
enmity against her daughter-in-law to clear her from blame. Lady
Shrewsbury doubtless pretended to herself that she could not be
justly accused of a grab at royal rights, on behalf of her family, since
Scotland had already its King and it was open to England to name a
successor. La Mothe Fénélon, the French Ambassador, feared that
the Lennox intimacy would estrange the Shrewsburys from Mary,
and so make her case harder. The very contrary happened, as the
correspondence reveals.
For the moment we are concerned with the days immediately
following that sudden ceremony at Rufford. Details of the itinerary of
the bridal pair are not forthcoming, neither does it appear where the
older Lady Lennox went after her momentous visit, nor whether
young Elizabeth and her husband took shelter with her mother or
his. News of the event did not reach the Queen till fully a month
later. Instantly she scented treason. Here was a chance for her to
behave once more after the pattern of her autocratic father. She
belaboured the Earl of Shrewsbury, and despatched to both
dowagers and the bride and bridegroom a summons to Court.
Lord Shrewsbury, who in these days scarcely ever put pen to paper
except to expostulate, explain, and apologise, wrote three separate
letters on the subject—to the Queen, to Burghley, and to Lord
Leicester. It will suffice to quote the two first:—
“May it please your excellent Majesty,
“My very good Lord, for that I am advertised the late marriage of
my wife’s daughter is not well taken in the Court, and thereupon are
some conjectures more than well, brought to her Majesty’s ears, in ill
part against my wife; I have a little touched the same in my letters
now to her Majesty, referring further knowledge thereof to letters I
sent my Lord of Leicester a good while since, wherein I made a long
discourse of that matter; and if your Lordship meet with anything
thereof that concerns my wife or me, and sounds in ill part against
us, let me crave of your Lordship so much favour as to speak your
knowledge and opinion of us both. No man is able to say so much as
your Lordship of our service because you have so carefully searched
it, with great respect to the safe keeping of my charge. So I take leave
of your Lordship.
“Sheffield, 2nd December, 1574.”
These letters did not help matters in the slightest. The two
Countesses were obliged to go to Court for chastisement, and
apparently Bess Shrewsbury repaired thither before any interview
could be secured with her husband. Nor have any letters from her
been found to show whether she was awestruck or defiant, though
correspondence must have passed between wife and husband upon a
matter so urgent.
The fateful northern journey took place about October 9th. Queen
Elizabeth’s summons was dated November 17th, and reached the
delinquents within a few days. Lady Lennox, who, in her royal
capacity and as mother of the bridegroom, may legally be regarded as
the prime offender, followed Lord Shrewsbury’s example of
explanation and expostulation. She, too, wrote promptly to Lords
Burghley and Leicester:—[29]
“To the Right Honourable my very good Lord and friend, the Lord-
Treasurer of England.”
There were other letters from her repeating the statements about
her careful avoidance of Chatsworth and Sheffield, the helpless
position in which she was placed by “the sudden affection” of her
son, and begging for the Queen’s compassion “on my widowed
estate, being aged and of many cares.”
She reached Court on December 12th, and was accorded such a
reception that La Mothe Fénélon thought it worth while to include,
in his despatches to France, her fears and apprehensions. He records
her dread of her old prison, the Tower, and her hope that she may
escape at least that indignity through the influence of good friends.
She went meekly to her house at Hackney, with Charles and
Elizabeth Lennox, who had scarcely learnt the meaning of the word
honeymoon. There the three, forbidden to leave the precincts of the
house, spent a joyless Christmas, while, in lieu of a royal festival
greeting, Christmas Eve brought them Elizabeth’s orders that they
were to have intercourse only with such persons as were named by
the Privy Council. Immediately after Christmas the door of the Tower
gaped and swallowed the Lennox dowager. To the Tower also, it
seems, was sent her confederate. The comments of Bess of
Shrewsbury have not been chronicled. But she probably remembered
keenly enough the days when as “Sentlow” she had the sense to keep
out of any active participation in the marriage of Lady Catherine
Grey. Her thoughts in retrospect could not have been very pleasant,
and genuine fears for the fate of her young and easily-led daughter
must have jostled fears for her own skin.
As for Lady Lennox, her sensations were still more poignant.
“Thrice have I been cast into prison,” said she, “not for matters of
treason, but for love matters. First, when Thomas Howard, son to
Thomas first Duke of Norfolk, was in love with myself; then for the
love of Henry Darnley, my son, to Queen Mary of Scotland; and lastly
for the love of Charles, my younger son, to Elizabeth Cavendish.”
It was just after Christmas that Lord Shrewsbury again bestirred
himself and applied to Burghley, though he ostensibly does it less on
behalf of his wife than of Lady Lennox.
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