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Principles of Data Fabric

Become a data-driven organization by implementing Data

Fabric solutions efficiently

Sonia Mezzetta

BIRMINGHAM—MUMBAI
Principles of Data Fabric
Copyright © 2023 Packt Publishing
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case
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for any damages caused or alleged to have been caused directly or indirectly by this book.
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To my daughter, Melania; you are and will always be my forever inspiration in everything I do. You
are my hero. I know it wasn’t easy at times not having my undivided attention, so thank you for your
patience while I wrote this book.

To Mike, thank you for your love and significant support throughout this journey. I couldn’t have done
this without your help.

To my parents and sisters, thank you for always being there for me and for rooting me on. Family is
everything.

To my loving pets at home, Cody and Stella, and to those pets no longer with us, Bella and Lobo. I
miss you both dearly.

– Sonia Mezzetta
 Contributors

About the author

Sonia Mezzetta is a senior certified IBM architect working as a Data Fabric program director. She
has an eye for detail and enjoys problem-solving data pain points. She started her data management
career at IBM as a data architect. She is an expert in Data Fabric, DataOps, Data Governance, and
Data Analytics. With over 20 years of experience, she has designed and architected several enterprise
data solutions. She has authored numerous data management white papers and has a master’s and
bachelor’s degree in computer science. Sonia is originally from New York City and currently resides
in the area of Westchester County, New York.
About the reviewers
Lena Woolf is an experienced senior technical staff member of IBM Watson Knowledge Catalog,
Data, and AI. Over the course of her IBM career, Lena has made sustained technical contributions to
IBM software products and has been recognized as a deep technical expert and thought leader in the
fields of information management and governance. Lena regularly speaks at professional conferences.
As an inventor, she has contributed to many patents and constantly pushes the boundaries of what’s
possible with IBM technology. Lena is passionate about providing a gender-inclusive workspace where
everyone can collaborate to drive innovation and business growth.

Jo Ramos is a distinguished engineer and the Director and Chief Solutions Architect for Data Fabric
at IBM Expert Labs. Jo leads the technology and platform architecture team to support clients on their
data modernization and transformation journey to accelerate the adoption of data and AI enterprise
capabilities. Jo has extensive experience working as a technologist and thought leader across multiple
industries, designing innovative data and analytics solutions for enterprises. His specialties includes Data
Fabric, Data Mesh, DataOps, Data Governance, Data Integration, Big Data, Data Science and Analytics.

Rosalind Radcliffe is an IBM Fellow and CIO DevSecOps CTO. Rosalind is responsible for driving
DevSecOps and application modernization transformation for the IBM CIO office with the goal of
making the office the showcase for hybrid cloud. In this role, she works with the CIO office and partners
on research and development to drive the adoption of common practices and tools. Ultimately, this
effort will transform, standardize, and automate the processes, tools, and methodologies used to make
IBM the most secure, agile, efficient, and automated hybrid cloud engineering organization. In her prior
role, she was responsible for bringing open modern toolchains to the z/OS platform and working with
clients on their DevOps transformation. She is a frequent speaker at conferences, a master inventor, a
member of the IBM Academy of Technology, and the author of Enterprise Bug Busting.
 Table of Contents
Preface xiii

Part 1: The Building Blocks

1
Introducing Data Fabric 3
What is Data Fabric? 3 Data Fabric principles 9
What Data Fabric is 4 The four Vs 10
What Data Fabric is not 5 Data Governance 10
Knowledge layer 13
Why is Data Fabric important? 5 Data Integration 15
Drawbacks of centralized data Self-Service16
management6
Decentralized data management 7 Operational Data Governance
Building Data Fabric architecture 8 models16
Summary17
Data Fabric building blocks 8

2
Show Me the Business Value 19
Digital transformation 19 Trusting your decisions with governed
data23
Data monetization 20
Creating a unified view of your data
Revenue20
with intelligent Data Integration 26
Cost savings 21
Gaining a competitive advantage with
Data Fabric’s value proposition 22 Self-Service26
viii Table of Contents

Data Fabric for large, medium, Small and medium-sized businesses 27

and small enterprises 27
Summary28
Large enterprise organizations 27

Part 2: Complementary Data Management

Approaches and Strategies
3
Choosing between Data Fabric and Data Mesh 31
Introducing Data Mesh 32 Data Fabric and Data Mesh’s
Domain ownership 32 friendship41
Data as a product 33 How Data Fabric supports a federated-
Self-Serve data platform 33 based organization 42
Federated computational governance 33 How Data Fabric manages data as a
product42
Comparing Data Fabric and Self-Service data platform via a Data
Data Mesh 33 Fabric and Data Mesh architecture 42
Objectives34 Federated computational governance
with Data Fabric 43

Summary43

4
Introducing DataOps 45
What is DataOps? 45 Data Fabric with DataOps 57
DataOps’ principles 46 Develop58
The evolution of DataOps 47 Orchestrate58
DataOps’ dimensions 49 Test58
MLOps and AIOps depend on DataOps 52 Deploy59
Monitor59
DataOps’ value 53
From traditional Data Quality to data Summary59
observability54
 Table of Contents ix

5
Building a Data Strategy 61
Why create a data strategy? 61 Creating a data strategy document 67
A data maturity framework 62
Data strategy implementation 68
A data maturity assessment 64
Summary70
Creating a data strategy 65
Topics in a data strategy document 66

Part 3: Designing and Realizing Data Fabric

Architecture
6
Designing a Data Fabric Architecture 73
Introduction to enterprise Data Fabric architecture layers 82
architecture73 Data Governance 83
Types of enterprise architecture 75 Data Integration 84
Self-Service84
Data Fabric principles 78
Data Fabric architecture principles 79 Summary85

7
Designing Data Governance 87
Data Governance architecture 87 Operational models 99
Metadata-driven architecture 88
The Data Fabric’s governance
EDA89
applied99
Metadata as a service 90 The Create phase 100
Metadata collection 90 The Ingest phase 102
Metadata integration 92 The Integrate phase 103
Metadata-based events 96 The Consume phase 104
The Archive and Destroy phase 105
The Data Governance layer 97
Active metadata 97 Summary105
Life cycle governance 98
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x Table of Contents

8
Designing Data Integration and Self-Service 107
DataOps-based architecture 108 Phase 1 – Create phase in the Data
Integration layer 114
Data Integration layer 109
Phases 2 and 3 – Ingest and Integrate
Data management 109
phases in the Data Integration layer 115
Development workflow 111
Phase 4 – Consume phase in the
Self-Service layer 111 Self-Service layer 118
Phase 5 – Archive and Destroy phase  119
Data democratization 112
Data consumption 113 Data Fabric reference
architecture120
Data journey in a Data Fabric
architecture113 Data Fabric architecture highlights 120

Summary122

9
Realizing a Data Fabric Technical Architecture 123
Technical Data Fabric Data Mesh multi-plane
architecture124 requirements132
Data Fabric tools 124 Multi-plane architecture 132
Vendor and open source tools 129 Data Mesh assumptions 135

Use cases 130 Data Fabric with Data Mesh

Distributed data management and reference architecture 136
sharing via Data Mesh 130 Reference architecture explained 137
Regulatory compliance 131 Federated operational model 139

Summary141

10
Industry Best Practices 143
Top 16 best practices 143 Best practice 3 146
Data strategy best practices 144 Best practice 4 146

Best practice 1 144 Data architecture best practices147

Best practice 2 145
Best practice 5 147
 Table of Contents xi

Best practice 6 147 Best practice 11 152

Best practice 7 148 Best practice 12 153
Best practice 8 149
Best practice 9 150
Data Governance best practices153
Best practice 13 153
Data Integration and Best practice 14 154
Self-Service best practices 151 Best practice 15 155
Best practice 10 151
Summary156
Index 157
Other Books You May Enjoy 166
 Preface
Data constitutes facts, statistics, and information based on real-world entities and events. The word
fabric represents a body of material with texture and structure, such as silk cloth. These two keywords,
Data Fabric, create a representation of disparate data that has been connected by a data architecture
driven by governance, active metadata, automated data integration, and self-service. In today’s big
data era, there are many complexities faced by enterprises looking to become data driven. Many of
these issues, such as data silos, agility, lack of collaboration between business and IT, high maintenance
costs, data breach, and data integrity, revolve around the large volume and velocity of proliferated
data. Data Fabric is a mature, composable data architecture that faces these complexities head-on to
enable the management of data at a high scale with established business value.
I wrote this book to introduce a slightly different perspective on the definition of Data Fabric architecture.
The view I offer is flexible and use case agnostic and supports diverse data management styles,
operational models, and technologies. I describe Data Fabric architecture as taking a people, process,
and technology approach that can be applied in a complementary manner with other trending data
management frameworks, such as Data Mesh and DataOps. The main theme of this book is to provide
a guide to the design of Data Fabric architecture, explain the foundational role of Data Governance,
and provide an understanding of how Data Fabric architecture achieves automated Data Integration
and Self-Service. The technique I use is by describing “a day in the life of data” as it steps through the
phases of its life cycle: create, ingest, integrate, consume, archive, and destroy. I talk about how each
layer in Data Fabric architecture executes in a high-performing and thorough manner to address
today’s big data complexities. I provide a set of guidelines, architecture principles, best practices,
and key concepts to enable the design and implementation of a successful Data Fabric architecture.
The perspective I offer is based on decades of experience in the areas of Enterprise Architecture, Data
Architecture, Data Governance, and Product Management. I remember when I started my career in
Data Governance, I faced many challenges convincing others of the business value that successful data
management with Data Governance achieves. I saw what many others failed to see at that time, and
that was when I knew data was my passion! Since then, I’ve broadened and increased my knowledge
and experience. I have learned from brilliant thought leaders at IBM and a diverse set of clients. All
these experiences have shaped the frame of reference in this book.
As technologists, we are very passionate about our points of view, ideas, and perspectives. This is my
point of view on what a Data Fabric architecture design represents, which aims to achieve significant
business value while addressing the complexities enterprises face today.
xiv Preface

Note
The views expressed in the book belong to the author and do not necessarily represent the
opinions or views of their employer, IBM.

Who this book is for

This book is for an organization looking to venture on a digital transformation journey, or an existing
data-driven organization looking to mature further in their data journey. It is intended for a diverse
set of roles, both business and technical, with a vested interest in strategic, automated, and modern
data management, including the following:

• Executive leaders such as chief data officers, chief technology officers, chief information officers,
and data leaders prioritizing strategic investments to execute an enterprise data strategy
• Enterprise architects, data architects, Data Governance roles such as data security, data privacy
roles, and technical leaders tasked with designing and implementing a mature and governed
Self-Service data platform
• Business analysts and data scientists looking to understand their role as data producers or data
consumers in a Self-Service ecosystem leveraging Data Fabric architecture
• Developers such as data engineers, software engineers, and business intelligence developers
looking to comprehend Data Fabric architecture to learn how it achieves the rapid development
of governed, trusted data

What this book covers

Chapter 1, Introducing Data Fabric, presents an introduction to the definition of Data Fabric architecture.
It offers a position on what Data Fabric is and what it isn’t. Key characteristics and architectural principles
are explained. Essential concepts and terminology are defined. The business value statement of Data
Fabric architecture is discussed and the core building blocks that make up its design are established.
Chapter 2, Show Me the Business Value, is a chapter focused on providing a business point of view
on the benefits of Data Fabric architecture. It establishes the business value the architecture offers by
explaining how the building blocks that make up a Data Fabric design address pain points faced by
enterprises today. Data Fabric architecture takes a strategic and multi-faceted approach to achieve data
monetization. Real-life examples have been positioned on the impact of not having the right level of
focus provided by each of Data Fabric’s building blocks. Finally, a perspective is offered on how Data
Fabric architecture can be leveraged by large, medium-sized, and small organizations.
Chapter 3, Choosing between Data Fabric and Data Mesh, provides an overview of the key principles
of Data Mesh architecture. Both Data Fabric and Data Mesh are discussed, including where they share
similar objectives and where they take different but complementary approaches. Both architectures
represent sophisticated designs focused on data trust and enable the high-scale sharing of quality data.
 Preface xv

This chapter closes with a view on how Data Fabric and Data Mesh can be used together to achieve
rapid data access, high-quality data, and automated Data Governance.
Chapter 4, Introducing DataOps, introduces the DataOps framework. It discusses the business value it
provides and describes the 18 driving principles that make up DataOps. The role of data observability
and its relationship to the Data Quality and Data Governance pillar is explained. This chapter concludes
by explaining how to apply DataOps as an operational model for Data Fabric architecture.
Chapter 5, Building a Data Strategy, kicks off the creation and implementation of a data strategy
document. It describes a data strategy document as a visionary statement and a plan for profitable
revenue and cost savings. You will familiarize yourself with the different sections that should be defined
in a data strategy document, and have a reference of three data maturity frameworks to use as input
in a data strategy. The chapter ends with tips on how Data Fabric architecture can be positioned as
part of a data strategy document.
Chapter 6, Designing a Data Fabric Architecture, sets the foundation for the design of a Data Fabric
architecture. It introduces key architecture concepts and architecture principles that compose the logical
data architecture of a Data Fabric. The three architecture layers, Data Governance, Data Integration, and
Self-Service, in a Data Fabric architecture are introduced. The objectives of each layer are highlighted,
with a discussion on the necessary capabilities represented as components.
Chapter 7, Designing Data Governance, dives into the design of the Data Governance layer of a Data
Fabric architecture. Key architecture patterns, such as metadata-driven and event-driven architectures,
are discussed. The architecture components, such as active metadata, metadata knowledge graphs, and
life cycle governance, are explained. The chapter ends with an explanation of how the Data Governance
layer executes and governs data at each phase in its life cycle.
Chapter 8, Designing Data Integration and Self-Service, drills into the design of the two remaining
architecture layers in a Data Fabric, Data Integration and Self-Service. The Data Integration layer is
reviewed, which focuses on the development of data with a DataOps lens. The Self-Service layer is
also discussed, including how it aims to democratize data. An understanding is provided of how both
architecture layers work with each other, and how they rely on the Data Governance layer. At the end
of the chapter, a Data Fabric reference architecture is presented.
Chapter 9, Realizing a Data Fabric Technical Architecture, positions a technical Data Fabric architecture
as modular and composable, consisting of several tools and technologies. The required capabilities and
the kinds of tools to implement each of the three layers in a Data Fabric architecture are discussed. Two
use cases are reviewed – distributed data management via Data Mesh and regulatory compliance – as
examples of how to apply a Data Fabric architecture. The chapter ends by presenting a Data Fabric
with Data Mesh technical reference architecture.
Chapter 10, Industry Best Practices, presents 16 best practices in data management. Best practices are
grouped into four categories: Data Strategy, Data Architecture, Data Integration and Self-Service, and
Data Governance. Each best practice is described and has a why should you care statement.
xvi Preface

To get the most out of this book

To understand the key concepts and themes in this book, you should have a general understanding
of the IT industry, enterprise architectures, data management, and Data Governance.

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 Preface xvii

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 Part 1:
The Building Blocks

Data Fabric architecture, alongside its distinguishing qualities and business value proposition, needs
to first be defined to enable its adoption as part of any data management strategy.
The first part of this book introduces Data Fabric architecture by establishing the core building blocks
and their business value proposition. I offer a different perspective on what defines Data Fabric
architecture than ones on the market today. Data Fabric is a flexible and composable architecture
capable of adopting several data management styles and operational models. Foundational Data
Governance pillars and their intended focus are explained, and a list of key characteristics of what
does and doesn’t define Data Fabric is provided.
By the end of Part 1, you will have an understanding of what Data Fabric architecture is, its
differentiating characteristics and architecture principles, and the impact of not having a Data
Governance-centric architecture.
This part comprises the following chapters:

• Chapter 1, Introducing Data Fabric

• Chapter 2, Show Me the Business Value
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Other documents randomly have
different content
On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand
with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system;
nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia
must necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the
negotiations relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as
minister of the king's household, with the idea this choice would be
agreeable to the Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was
not accepted, for the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated
beside the regicide Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that
Alexander was displeased at the aspect of a ministry so entirely
devoted to England, and which had been formed under the
ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have already mentioned the
causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after its dissolution, Louis
XVIII. considered that the Russian influence would alone be capable
of procuring for us some alleviation of the heavy burdens imposed
by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party whose interest was
not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to read the diplomatic
correspondence of Lord Castlereagh and the German diplomatists to
judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by the Allies.
Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had been
published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same
time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the
presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the
powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed
the Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the
council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office.
Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion
of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed
in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the
noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had
but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who
had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone
had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to
lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe. The
Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took
care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France
would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals,
and would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia.
Alexander's inclinations were favourable to our country, and by
drawing out these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the
immense task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a
retrospect of the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year
1815. 700,000 soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany
were in a state of extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious
and disorganised army on the other side of the Loire had been
disbanded with great difficulty; add to which, the treasury was
exhausted, and the course of the contributions interrupted by a long
abuse of power. Surely it required a mind of no common energy to
grapple with a situation so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In
quiet times diplomacy is a work of skill and address, a polished
interchange of political generalities, and some plans proposed for
future accomplishment; but at this time, when we must recollect
that Paris was in the hands of an imperious and vindictive enemy,
what could we expect from the magnanimity of conquerors so long
humbled and trampled upon by French domination? Under these
fearful auspices the course of the negotiation was intrusted to the
Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment when, after a most
stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to an agreement
concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact from
France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England,
Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between
four points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of
Condé, Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and
Landau, and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the
fortifications of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800
millions; and the occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000
men, kept up at the expense of France for seven years. England
insisted particularly that the chain of fortresses on the northern
frontier should be so closely curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last
in the possession of the French. The country was to be restored to
the limits it occupied in the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its
birth from the national excitement which roused Germany against
Napoleon, considered it undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to
be reunited to the Germanic confederation. The map which
represented France deprived of these fine provinces had already
been designed by the German geographers, and it has since been
preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.
Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister drew up a
memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with
the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in
regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they
governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The
minister depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the
despair of a great people, and the prospective consequences to be
feared from it; for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to
arms. This remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander,
and though it was not possible to induce the allied powers to agree
to the general idea contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in
obtaining that the important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont,
and the forts of Joux and Ecluse, should not be included in the
territorial cessions. The pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by
100 millions of francs, and it was determined the military occupation
should not exceed five years, and might possibly terminate at the
end of three. The French minister signed the memorable treaty on
the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears honourable witness to the
sadness that oppressed his heart.[44] He had succeeded in obtaining
great and noble advantages for his country, but he bore the name of
Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal who
had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and he could not, without
pain and grief, see the smallest particle of its grandeur torn away.
The speech he made five days afterwards bears the stamp of
patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was impossible,
while listening to it, not to feel that the minister had yielded solely
because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the measure of
imperious necessity.
The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the
Duke to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while
the chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the
government to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the
ministry was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against
those who, by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the
misfortunes of their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals.
The fatal trial of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now
that political ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by
declamation, the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily
explained. The marshal was summoned before a council of war, by
an ordonnance signed under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand;
and this council having declared itself incompetent, the marshal
ought to have been tried by the House of Peers, this being the
natural order of jurisdiction. The Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of
November, 1815, carried to the chamber the royal ordonnance,
which constituted it a court of justice, and, with his heart still full of
the sad sacrifices that had been exacted from his country, he
expressed himself with warmth and firmness against the authors of
the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the actions of
those people that had brought a million of foreigners into our land?
After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous of
calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a
bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were
no exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by
Fouché. During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyond the
plans proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber
of 1815 established its system of categories; and the regicides were
banished the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis
XVIII. In the course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate
the property of condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu
rejected the measure, saying that "confiscations rendered the evils
of war irreparable." And how much generosity was exhibited in this
conduct, when we consider that the Duke had himself been
deprived, by the most implacable confiscations, of all the property of
his family!
The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great
object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded
France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the
situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness.
It was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the
European balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions
imposed by the treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears
entertained by the different cabinets, the Duke gave them to
understand that the divisions arising in the chambers were merely
the natural result of the representative system. One ought to
remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the dearness of
grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces, the
occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and
a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all
these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign
army, thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater
results; and, on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to
the chambers that 30,000 men were about to repass the frontier,
and that the expense of the army of occupation would be diminished
by 30 millions of francs. This relief was owing to the reparative
system he had pursued, and to the efforts of France, so fruitful in
resources.
We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two
years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed
invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and
withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and
in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all
means preserved.
The army of occupation having been diminished, it became
indispensable to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety
and the dignity of the country; and a law for that purpose was
proposed and accepted at the opening of the session of 1817, as a
complete military system: the essentials of this law are still in force.
At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de
Richelieu and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great
ability, and who remained faithful to his memory. And let me be
permitted to offer a last tribute to both these distinguished persons,
then in the flower of their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for
men of strong feelings are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de
Rayneval belonged to an ancient diplomatic family, whose
employment in the foreign office dated from the ministry of M. de
Vergennes, and the treaty with the Low Countries. M. Mounier was
endowed with a lively and penetrating mind, and possessed
immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in early youth, been
thrown into the administration of the Empire, and had filled the
situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke conceived a
friendship for both these men equal to the confidence he deservedly
reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and probity, and
where could it be more fully met with than in people, whose
characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained
an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign
debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs?
When the peace of 1814 was signed, the governments had declared
their reciprocal debts at an end; but while they renounced their own
claims upon the treasury, they made a reservation in favour of those
of private individuals, which had been so violently attacked by the
wars of the Revolution and of the Empire. When Europe dictated the
implacable treaty of November, 1815, claims poured in on every
side; it was stipulated that payment should be effected by
inscriptions in the great book of the public debt of France, and 9
millions a-year were at first set aside for that purpose; the time,
however, for presenting claims was not to expire until the 28th of
February, 1817; and—will it be believed?—the sum total amounted
to 1600 millions![45] a sum of almost fabulous magnitude, which
surpassed the value of the two budgets of France. It was enough to
drive one to despair, especially as each person demanded payment
in full. What was to be done under circumstances of so much
difficulty? Russia was so situated as naturally to assume the
character of a mediator, for she had but few claims; and the
Emperor Alexander, convinced that, unless the negotiation were
carried on by an arbiter common to all parties, it would fall to the
ground before the diversity of views and opinions, proposed, as I
have before stated, to intrust it to the Duke of Wellington, making,
at the same time, a sort of appeal to his generosity.
The mediator, under the guidance of M. Mounier, and after unheard-
of retrenchments, fixed the sum destined for the payment of the
debts of France to individuals at 16 millions and 40,000 francs.
People are too apt to forget in the present times the extreme
difficulties encountered by the public credit of the restoration, during
the period of our misfortunes. The Duc de Richelieu very soon came
to the conclusion, that a system of well-conducted loans offered the
only possible means of fulfilling the obligations imposed by the
treaty. During the sway of Napoleon, the credit of the government
had been utterly null; confidence had been destroyed by too many
violations of the public faith, and too many arbitrary actions, for the
Revolution and the Empire were merely the abuse of power; and the
events of 1814 and 1815 having compelled the government to
increase the public debt to 126 millions, would it be possible to
obtain an additional loan? No French house had presented itself
possessed of sufficient capital to act upon so vast a scale; their fear
of the risk was too great. But the Duke considered there would be
an advantage in foreign loans, in raising a competition among all the
capitals of Europe, and effecting our deliverance by a mere change
of location. The necessary pecuniary resources were found in the
opulent firm of Hope and Baring; and, to prepare the departure of
the foreign troops, the minister succeeded in obtaining that the
sovereigns who signed the treaty of 1815 should assemble at Aix-la-
Chapelle, to determine whether the occupation should terminate at
the end of three years, or whether it should be prolonged to five,
according to the alternative left by the treaty.
This proposal having been accepted, the congress assembled on the
20th of September 1818. All the obstacles had been already
overcome by the pacific views of Russia, which had acted favourably
upon the scruples entertained by Prussia and England; and on the
2d of October the evacuation of the French provinces was decided
upon, and the last traces of the invasion disappeared; besides which
the Duc de Richelieu obtained a reduction of part of the indemnity
still unpaid. Who does not recollect the proud and natural delight of
the French minister on his return? France was no longer a country in
the occupation of Europe, but a government admitted into the first
rank among nations, with its greatness, its liberty, and its
independence. Sufficient justice is seldom rendered to statesmen
who restore to a country its dignity and consideration: vulgar history
only extols those that destroy.
Another crisis, however, was in preparation. The value of the public
securities, owing to excessive speculations, had risen to an
immoderate height, which was followed, in 1818, by an equally rapid
fall, and the Allies might have destroyed the public credit by
rejecting the rentes that had been assigned in payment of the
subsidies; but the word of the Duc de Richelieu was sufficient to
obtain a considerable extension of the time fixed for the payments to
be made to the allied powers: and as great embarrassments still
prevailed on the Exchange, he still farther obtained, that 100 millions
which were to have been discharged by inscriptions of rentes, and
which were included in the payments stipulated by the Allies, should
be withdrawn, and in their stead bons on the treasury should be
substituted, to become due in eighteen months.
Such was the end attained by the negotiations of the Duc de
Richelieu with foreign powers; the great object of his life was
fulfilled, for in what a state of misery was France when he assumed
the reins of government! 700,000 foreigners, contributions of all
kinds, the country placed at the ban of Europe! Now to that country
he had restored liberty, he had reorganised her army, had
established her public credit, and reconciled France with the world.
Before this great result was achieved, the Duke had repeatedly
declared to his friends that, as soon as the personal credit he
enjoyed with foreign powers was no longer necessary, he should quit
the situation he had been compelled to accept, and retire into
private life, and accordingly he sent in his resignation; but it was not
accepted, for the old liberal spirit had arisen to struggle for victory.
Many men possessed of no ability, except for public speaking, had
striven to secure the elections, and the result of the proceedings of
several of the electoral colleges had caused great anxiety to the
friends of government. M. de Richelieu was therefore compelled to
remain at the head of affairs; and he returned to Paris for the
purpose of concerting the measures rendered necessary by the
actual circumstances.
The cabinet were agreed upon the necessity of opposing a barrier to
democratic opinions and principles; nevertheless, serious dissensions
arose when the electoral system came to be debated; and the Duke,
much annoyed by the difference of opinion that existed in the
council between himself, M. Decaze, and Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr,
returned to his former wish of retiring from office. His example was
followed by the rest of the ministers, who gave in their resignation in
a simultaneous manner that was very remarkable. It is a melancholy
truth, that the statesman who had so powerfully contributed to
deliver the territory from foreign occupation, was compelled to retire
before the petty intrigues suggested by narrow policy and the
Chamber of Deputies. The Duke's opinion of the electoral system
was different from that entertained by the partizans of the old liberal
school, and he resigned his portfolio to General Dessole.
In spite of all the great affairs in which M. de Richelieu had been
engaged, he was in a condition of honourable poverty, and the king
conferred upon the retired minister the appointment of Grand
Huntsman, in the same manner as he had conferred the title of
Grand Chamberlain upon M. de Talleyrand, after his services in 1815.
The chambers, however, were conscious that a recompense was due
from the country to the able negotiator of Aix-la-Chapelle, and M. de
Lally made a proposal that the king should be requested to confer a
national reward upon the Duc de Richelieu. The same suggestion
was made in the upper chamber, at the very moment when a letter
from the Duke declared to the president of the deputies, that he
should be proud of receiving a mark of the king's favour, given with
the concurrence of the chambers; but that as it was proposed to
award him a national recompense at the expense of the nation, he
could not consent to see any thing added for his sake to the burdens
under which the country was already groaning. Every body was well
aware that the Duke possessed no fortune, and that his sole income
was derived from his office of grand huntsman; a good deal of
littleness, however, was exhibited in the Chamber of Deputies when
it was proposed to assign a majorat of 50,000 francs to the heir of
the name of Richelieu, as a recompense to the minister who had
obtained the liberation of the territory. Are public bodies only
capable of great actions when a profit arises from them to the
passions by which they are actuated? The proposed majorat was
afterwards changed into an annuity; and, out of respect to the king's
wishes, the Duke did not refuse this acknowledgement of his
services, but he devoted the entire income derived from it to the
foundation of a religious charity in the city of Bourdeaux. Such was
the personal generosity of this great man, who was desirous of
retiring entirely to private life.
Alas! his political career was not yet concluded! The Decaze ministry,
on every side inundated by old liberal opinions, was at its last gasp.
Advantage was taken of the law of elections against the
government, one concession led to another, and the Duke was
summoned to the council extraordinary, presided over by the king in
person, to advise upon the measures to be pursued in this
emergency. The crime of Louvel had filled Paris with grief and horror,
and M. Decaze, abandoned by the côté gauche of the chamber, who
defended the law of February 5th, 1817, rejected by the royalists,
who reproached him with not having agreed to the propositions of
the Marquis Barthélemy, at last sent in his resignation; and at this
difficult juncture, the king again placed the Duc de Richelieu at the
head of affairs. The most urgent entreaties were required to induce
him to accept the appointment, for the situation was melancholy,
and the country full of anxiety, while the irritation of parties had
reached its highest pitch. The preceding administration had
proposed an electoral system, which was distasteful to all parties in
the chamber; it had demanded laws arming the government with
extraordinary powers; no majority was yet formed, and the ministry
were doubtful whether these laws would be capable of overcoming
the formidable opposition they would have to encounter; the fears of
Europe also had been aroused, and it was necessary to appease
them. At length, every thing, however, was provided for, and, at the
end of a long and painful discussion, exceptional laws were voted.
But then, who was able to calm the public mind? and what hand was
sufficiently powerful to arrest the evil tendency of society? A bias
had been given to education in France ever since the revolution of
1789; people were closely surrounded by mischievous opinions and
frightful systems; parties considered themselves sufficiently powerful
to conspire openly, and intimidate the government by tumultuous
meetings. Seditious assemblies took place with a view to political
catastrophes, and the slightest hesitation might have given rise to
the most dreadful calamities. The command of Paris was now
committed to Marshal Macdonald, by the ministers' council,
formidable military preparations were made, and proofs were
obtained of a conspiracy, involving some names since exalted by
another revolution. During the ten days that this state of anxiety and
trouble prevailed, they had only to regret the lives of two of the
disturbers of the public peace; and now that the ideas concerning
government are become more advanced, people will be surprised at
the declamations of those who held liberal opinions, against
measures which were indispensable for the safety of the country.
Has not every government a right to defend itself, and is it not
bound to do so?
Europe now began to assume an alarming aspect. The revolt of the
Spanish army at the island of Léon found an echo in a similar
movement among the Neapolitan troops. Portugal quickly followed
their example; and the seditious, imagining the French army well
inclined to imitate the conduct of their neighbours, directed all their
efforts towards this end. After having broken all the bonds of civil
order, the revolution endeavoured to overturn the principle of duty
and obedience among the soldiery. In most of the corps, however,
the officers continued faithful to their engagements; a few only were
unable to resist the torrent, and a conspiracy was formed in several
of the regiments at Paris, extending in its ramifications to various
military stations, and it was determined that the rising should take
place in the barracks on the 20th of August, 1820. On the proposal
of M. Mounier, then director-general of the police, the ministers'
council determined upon arresting the conspirators before they had
unfurled a standard and actually proclaimed the insurrection. The
heads of this military conspiracy are well known at present, and
some of them have even been rewarded; but, as is always the case,
the plot was denied by the parties engaged in it. The Chamber of
Peers behaved with much indulgence, as able and experienced
authorities usually do when severity is not indispensably necessary;
and the government preferred pardoning many offences, and
consigning much to oblivion, to being compelled to authorise the
shedding of blood.
The elections of 1820, which had taken place when a favourable
impression had been raised by the birth of the Duc de Bourdeaux,
gave a powerful and compact côté droit to the chamber, and MM. de
Villèle and Corbière, who had assumed the position of its chiefs,
ought naturally to have supported the Duc de Richelieu; but, at the
very commencement of the session, clouds appeared on the horizon.
The côté droit of the chambers had hitherto fought by the side of
the ministers, and triumphed with them, and consequently they
claimed a direct participation in the administration. Negotiations
were entered into with them; the Duke would not consent that any
of the men who had hitherto governed with him, and preserved the
kingdom in its hour of peril, should be excluded from the council;
however, two only of the principal deputies on the côté droit, MM. de
Villèle and Corbière, were appointed members of the cabinet, with
the title of ministerial secretaries of state.[46] M. Lainé, a man with
whose honest and upright character the Duke had been particularly
struck, was also a member of this administration.
The political principle of this revised ministry was the agreement of
the centre of the côté droit, and the droite itself, in one common
vote; but the session under this management was long and
troublesome, and a tedious and stormy debate took place before the
Duke was able to decide upon the execution of his idea of an
extended system of canal navigation, like that at present in force. He
drew up a plan, inviting men possessed of large capital to take a
part in these great works; for at that time the principal part of the
capital in the kingdom, was invested in the funds, and enterprises
tending to the benefit of industry and the improvement of the
country were not popular: many difficulties were encountered, but
they were all overcome by means of firmness and determination.
Order was now established in all the departments of government;
the restraints formerly imposed upon the action of the municipal
authorities, by a system of excessive centralisation, were removed;
and in the financial department the most unlimited competition was
invited, for the first time, in the sale of stock, and the value of public
securities reached its highest pitch. In his foreign policy, the Duke
never ceased for a moment to support the idea of the Russian
alliance, less from former recollections, and his affection for the
Emperor Alexander, than upon the principle constantly expressed in
all his correspondence, that the Russian alliance was advantageous
to France because it was perfectly disinterested. In fact, what can
Russia demand of us? On what point can we clash? Commerce with
her can never be otherwise than an equal exchange; the productions
of industry in her country are not of equal value with ours; she
requires our wines, our fashions, our manufactures, and we, in
exchange, require her timber, her copper, and her iron. Her fleets
cannot assume any dominion over us, her frontiers do not reach us
in any direction, and we are benefited by her influence; whilst, on
the other hand, the designs and interests of France are opposed by
the English alliance in all questions of importance. M. de Richelieu's
system was resumed by M. de la Ferronays in 1828.
During the Duke's second ministry the great European powers met
at Laybach, to agree upon a vast repressive system to be pursued
against the insurrection rising in arms around. The Richelieu cabinet
was resolved upon a firm resistance against all the tumults and
disorders that were disturbing the peace of Europe. Agitation had
also arisen in the East, and the Greeks had raised the standard of
the cross. But Russia, which under Catherine had supported the
Hellenic emancipation, was now too fully occupied with her own
affairs to be able to follow up the system she had then commenced.
France, therefore, determined upon sending a naval force into the
Grecian seas for the protection of commerce, and, while observing a
generous neutrality, assistance was still afforded to all who implored
it from the French flag. But now the Richelieu cabinet, entirely
occupied with its foreign relations, was threatened with danger to
itself. Its very feeble parliamentary combination rested upon a false
basis in the chamber. The ministry only existed by the will of the
côté droit; and that party with its chiefs, MM. de Villèle and Corbière,
would not fail, sooner or later, to assume the direction of affairs,
because they possessed the majority. The droite and the gauche
were both distinct from the cabinet, and the former was evidently
impatient to seize the reins of government.
These two fractions of the chamber were desirous of concluding with
a coup d'éclat; and the reply to the speech from the throne in 1821
became the arena for the great political struggle. The commission
under the direction of the côté droit insisted that in the plan of the
address presented to the chamber these words should be inserted:
"We congratulate you, sire, upon your friendly relations with foreign
powers, feeling a just confidence that so valuable a peace has not
been purchased by sacrifices incompatible with the honour of the
nation and the dignity of the crown." So offensive an expression was
an open rupture with the cabinet. M. de Richelieu declared such an
insinuation was an insult to the crown, and the ministers tendered
their resignation. The chamber persisted, and voted the address,
which was, in fact, a declaration that they did not wish the ministry
to stand: the cabinet, therefore, retired in a mass, and were
succeeded by MM. de Montmorency and de Villèle.
And here let us pause, and observe to what trials men are exposed
who devote themselves entirely to the defence of the interests of
their country, without intrigue or passion, simply from the feeling for
all that is right and noble! No character can bear a comparison with
that of the Duc de Richelieu; no services equal those he rendered to
his country; and, behold! he was overturned both by the côté droit,
and the gauche of the Chamber of Deputies. The conduct of the
gauche was this: the Duke took charge of France at the time of the
foreign invasion; the Buonapartists and the remains of the Jacobin
faction, having a second time endangered the country by their
madness of the hundred days; the enemy was in Paris—it occupied
France; the influence of the Duke succeeded in preserving the
country, and diminishing the sacrifices exacted from it; the foreign
troops were withdrawn, and, as a recompense, the spirit of
liberalism overturned the Duke.
Would you also know the conduct of the ungrateful monarchical
party? A great crisis had occurred for the crown; the royalists were
giving way, and the power was about to be wrested from their hands
by the côté gauche. The restoration was completely compromised,
when the Duke again sacrificed himself: holding his popularity
cheap, he augmented and strengthened the royalist party, and this
was the summary of the instructions concerning the elections,
directed by M. Mounier: "Before every thing, the friends of royalty;"
and then the ultras, masters by this means of the majority, had
nothing so much at heart as the dismissal of the Duc de Richelieu, in
order to give themselves up to their mad projects.
This moment was the conclusion of the Duke's political life; his
feelings had been severely tried by the injustice of parties. It soon
became apparent that his health was rapidly declining, and in a
journey to the Château of Courteille, where the Duchess was living,
he was taken ill, suddenly became insensible, and died at Paris, on
the night of the 16th of May, 1822. He was only fifty-five years of
age; his carriage was erect, and his features simple and regular, as
they appear in the fine portrait of Lawrence of which I have spoken.
All parties concur in awarding the highest praise to the noble
qualities of the Duc de Richelieu. He was not a man of extraordinary
genius, but of a thoroughly honest and upright character; and there
are times, when no talent possessed by a statesman is of so much
avail as honesty. I admire the infinite superiority of a man capable of
allowing virtue and honour their full weight in the political balance,
and I take especial pleasure in rendering this tribute to the Duc de
Richelieu, because I have never known so fine a character combined
with so noble a name.
 PRINCE HARDENBERG.

It is natural that States which feel an incessant desire of increasing,

should not retain the inflexible principles of upright and generous
policy in their diplomatic system. Every time they feel stifled, they
strive for more space and the means of more extended respiration;
and such has constantly been the condition of the Prussian
monarchy, from the time of its foundation, which may be said to
have taken place unexpectedly, at the beginning of the eighteenth
century. At this period the Duchy became a Kingdom, and no sooner
was the kingdom established than it wanted to become great; for
more room is required to unfold the sweeping train of a King, than
to wear the robes merely of a Duke or a Margrave.
This necessity for augmentation created a national law peculiar to
Prussia; and looking at nothing but the necessities of her position,
she seized every thing she could lay her hands upon. Frederic II.
carried on this system of conquest, for his wars were regulated by
no principle of the law of nations, and he appeared to have but one
object in view, which was, to attack at one time Poland, and at
another Silesia, for the purpose of conquering cities and provinces.
On this account he availed himself of all means of distinction,
striving for the celebrity of a writer and the pretension of a poet;
even making the most of the puerile vanity of the philosophical party
of the eighteenth century. When we examine into the actual
constitution of Prussia, as well as into that she formerly possessed,
we shall observe that her organisation has always been such as to
render conquest imperatively necessary; even at present is not the
kingdom like a lean giant, armed at all points, whose head is at
Königsberg and his feet dipped in the Rhine, but whose middle is
wanting? and the country that is required to complete the picture, is
it not Saxony?
It is, then, as the personification of the Prussian political system,
that I am about to write the life of Baron, afterwards Prince
Hardenberg, the most remarkable statesman that has been at the
head of affairs in the monarchy of Frederic. Charles-Augustus, baron
Hardenberg, was born in October 1750, at Hanover, that principality
wedged into the midst of Germany, which recalls to the recollection
the origin of the kings of England. Hanover preserves its German
character under a separate administration, although it belongs to the
patrimonial inheritance of the princes called to wear the English
crown; and this separation was imperatively demanded by the
English, a people so tenacious of their liberty, in order to avoid the
chance of fatal continental wars, to defend the patrimony of their
sovereign—a contingency their constitution will not permit.
Baron Hardenberg was descended from an ancient family, carried
back by the old heraldic traditions as far as the eleventh century, at
the time of the Emperors of the house of Suabia; he was himself the
son of a marshal of the empire, and went to the military university of
Brunswick with the intention of following his father's profession. The
bent of his inclinations, however, appeared to be different, and while
he applied his mind to the severest studies, he felt a strong vocation
for a diplomatic life, and his curiosity led him always to endeavour to
discover by what springs the cabinets recorded in history were
actuated. He afterwards went to travel, gaining knowledge while
visiting the different parts of Europe, and arrived in London at the
time when Mr. Pitt was at the head of affairs, and a most violent and
active opposition surrounded the ministry. As Hanover, as I have
before mentioned, forms part of the patrimonial inheritance of the
reigning family, Baron Hardenberg, though not an English subject,
was naturally desirous of acquiring an extensive knowledge of the
laws and customs which form a national law peculiar to England,
and with which every British subject ought to be acquainted. But
England was the scene of his greatest domestic infelicity; for having
in early youth married the most beautiful woman in Germany,
Mademoiselle de Randlaw, he introduced her into the brilliant society
and dissipation of London, and she was received with an almost
chivalric enthusiasm in the highest circles.
A Prince, from whom Richardson would have drawn his character of
Lovelace, the Prince of Wales, heir to the throne of England,
remarkable for his personal beauty, magnificent in his equipages,
and accomplished in all manly exercises, fell desperately in love with
Baroness Hardenberg; and so much publicity attached to his
admiration, that a separation became inevitable; the Baron therefore
quitted England and returned to Germany. He already gave evidence
of three qualities denoting great ability; the subtlety of intellect
necessary in all negotiations of any importance; a habit of
conversation, alternately discreet and unguarded, cold or vehement,
according to circumstances; and a most profound knowledge of
European national law—talents which naturally fitted him for a high
diplomatic situation: nevertheless, young Hardenberg gave himself
up entirely to the details of the administration of the country—a
circumstance in which he resembled William Pitt, who was at the
same time a first-rate politician and attentive to the smallest
minutiæ regarding war and finance. His perfect acquaintance with
the laws of Germany was a great assistance to him, when he was
summoned to the supreme direction of the affairs of Prussia.
Another quality possessed by Hardenberg, was his strong and
decided taste for literature; and his intimate friendship with Goëthe,
who exercised such absolute dominion over the intellects of his time,
arose from this source. This was not one of the relations of protector
and protégé; for in Germany, where matters of genius and study are
viewed in a serious light, a man of literary celebrity is placed almost
in a superior rank, and he is not only on a footing of equality with
statesmen, but sometimes even in a position of master and scholar.
What a brilliant sceptre was that extended by Goëthe over Germany!
The poet who had shewn such incomparable skill in his delineation
of the feudal ages, appeared to blend in his escutcheon of glory all
the ancient colours of the German nobility. This threefold aptitude of
Baron Hardenberg for literature, politics, and administration,
produced great and uncommon results: first, an expansion of mind
arising from the habit of treating important affairs; then, a close
application to detail, arising from his employment in the executive
administration; and, finally, a clear, exact, and benevolent mind, the
consequence of the literary intercourse he had pursued with
enthusiasm during his youth.
We must recollect what was at that time the spirit that prevailed in
Prussia, and also the bent of its government. In addition to her
never-failing desire of conquest, there is always in that country a
certain inclination for serious study, and a wish for the advancement
of ideas; and though no free debate be permitted on matters
connected with the government, the discussion of philosophical and
rational questions is entirely unshackled; religious opinions also are
independent of any controlling theory, the Protestant spirit having
introduced a sort of egotism into the schools, from which it results
that every opinion, even though it be mischievous, is admitted and
examined without regard to the chivalrous feelings that attach a
people to a dynasty, or a generation to the articles of their faith.
It was in this school the statesmen of Germany were formed, more
especially Baron Hardenberg. His devotion to the study of German
law had given him a precise and accurate manner of examining
facts, without being carried away by prejudice or enthusiasm; and
when the French revolution burst forth, Prussia, which was foremost
to join the coalition, saw a new class of statesmen arise to oppose
the chivalrous spirit of the nobility, and place the check of cool
reason upon the ardour of the old families. Baron Hardenberg did
not completely concur in the opinions of M. Haugwitz, of the
secretary M. Lombard, and the Countess Lichtenau, who were even
well inclined towards the revolutionary powers that then reigned in
France; he had less inclination than Count Goltz towards French
ideas, but being completely a Prussian in his interests and opinions,
he considered that the object of his cabinet could not possibly be to
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