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The Labour Theory of Culture A Re examination of
Engels s Theory of Human Origins 1st Edition Charles
Woolfson Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Charles Woolfson
ISBN(s): 9780415555838, 0415555833
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 5.44 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
R OUTL E D G E L I B R A RY E DI T I ONS :
P O L I T I C A L S C I E NCE

T H E LABOUR TH EORY
OF CULTUR E
 THE LABOUR THEORY
OF CULTURE

A Re-examination of Engels’s Theory of

Human Origins

By
CHARLES WOOLFSON

Volume 42
 First published 1982
This edition first published in 2010
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1982 Charles Woolfson

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or

reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechan-
ical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 10: 0-415-49111-8 (Set)

ISBN 13: 978-0-415-49111-2 (Set)

ISBN 10: 0-415-55583-3 (Volume 42)

ISBN 13: 978-0-415-55583-8 (Volume 42)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of
this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the original
copies may be apparent.

Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and
would welcome correspondence from those they have been unable
to trace.
The labour
theory of
culture
a re-examination of
Engels's theory of
human origins
Charles W oolfson
Department if Social and Economic Research
University ifGlasgow

Routledge & Kegan Paul

London, Boston and Henley
First published in 1982
o/ Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd
39 Store Street, London WC 1E 7DD,
9 Park Street, Boston, Mass. 02108, USA and
Broadway House, Newtown Road,
Hen ley-on- Thames, Oxon RG9 1EN
Photoset in 10/12 point Baskerville o/
Saildean Limited, Surrey
and printed in Great Britain l!J
Ebenezer Baylis & Son Ltd, Worcester
@ Charles W oolfson, 1982
No part of this book may be reproduced in
any jo1m without permission .from the
publisher, except for the quotation of brief
passages in criticism

Library ofCongress Cataloging in Publication Data

Wooljson, Charles, 1946-
The labour theory of culture.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
1. Communz~~m and anthropology. 2. Human evolution. 3. Labor and laboring
classes-History. 4. Engels, Friedrich, 1820-1895- Anthropology. I. Title.
HX550.A56W66 306 81-19960

ISBN 0-7100-0997-6 AACR2

For John Foster and William Coyle
Contents

Acknowledgments Vlll

Introduction 1
1 Engels and human origins 5
2 The fossil record 11
3 Hunting and gathering 23
4 Primate tool-use and tool-making 34
5 Primate communication and culture 44
6 Theories of language origins 55
7 Labour and culture 67
Conclusion 79
Appendix: diagram of the interconnected processes
of hominisation through labour 81
Notes 82
Bibliography 104
Name index 117
Subject index 119
Acknowledgments

The following people provided helpful comments and suggestions:

David Hamilton, Bridget Fowler, Barbara Littlewood,John Hoff-
man,Jeffrey Weeks, Henry Mins and Bruce Trigger. Kathleen
Clark typed and retyped more times than she probably cares to
remember.
Despite the inevitable selectivity in this brief text, the writer
sincerely hopes that he has not misrepresented the views of those
whose work has been cited.

Vlll
Introduction

What is surprising, given the concern of Marxist theory with the

issue of human development, is the almost total neglect by Western
Marxists of recent advances in archaeology, palaeontology, linguis-
tics and such related fields as primatology and anthropology, all of
which have raised new and important questions concerning the very
origins and nature of the human species. 1 Despite an increasing
penetration of Marxist ideas in some quarters, little has been said by
Marxists about the emergence of early human beings since Engels
attempted to outline the unique path of progressive evolutionary
advance towards humankind from our anthropoid ancestors in a
brief unfinished essay, written in 1876, entitled 'The Part Played by
Labour in the Transition from Ape to Man'. 2 Until very recently,
only a handful of scholars have attempted to pursue a materialist
interpretation of human development of the kind advanced by
Engels. 3 Yet Engels's essay raises an issue central to the whole
premises of Marxist theory, namely the formative role of labour in
human development and the genesis of human culture.
Nowadays the work of Engels, when not simply ignored, is
otherwise subjected to vigorous attack. 4 Presumably this is intended
in part to prove yet again that all the blame for the dogmatic and
mechanistic 'errors' of Marxism should be laid at the door of Marx's
co-worker and not at that of the 'great man' himself. Thus rid of the
ballast of Engels, Marxist theory can float even higher in the rarified
atmosphere of theoreticism. It is time, however, to come down to
earth- and in the most literal sense. In the last two decades exciting
evidence concerning the birth of humanity has been dug out of the
soil and rock faces of Europe, Africa and Asia. Moreover, in
scientific laboratories and in the field, experiments and observations
of animal behaviour, including that of our nearest primate relatives,
have revealed wholly unexpected patterns of behaviour with
1
2 Introduction

profoundly suggestive implications for any theory of how human

beings might have developed. So, too, the surviving remnants of
simpler forms of society than our own have raised questions about
the social nature of human beings and the manner in which they
organise their survival. With the whole future evolution of humani-
ty now at stake, the study of our past evolution as a species is more
than a fascinating diversion. Our possibilities as well as our
limitations are revealed in this study. Yet, with a few notable
exceptions, Marxists in particular have remained indifferent to the
questions which these researches have raised. 5 A work that spans the
whole period of human evolution is entirely beyond the competence
of this writer. Indeed, following Engels, only the very first conjectur-
al stage (although perhaps most crucial 'transitional' phase, in as
much as all subsequent development was shaped by it) is sketched
here. Yet if the role of conjecture still remains embarrassingly large,
how much more so this was for Engels.
Much of Engels's essay appears to be simply speculative. Th~
evidence available at the time comprised little more than a few
fragments of jaw-bone. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century
it was still possible to discern only the most blurred outlines of our
prehistoric progenitors. In the last quarter of the twentieth century
the role of speculation in some ways looms even larger, although
certain issues which were unresolved through sheer lack of evidence
have been clarified. It is now not so much the results by themselves
of this or that piece of research which are important, but their
interpretation. Very often it is the interpretation of existing results
which shapes the whole direction which future research will take.
What Engels achieved over a century ago was to suggest an entirely
new emphasis in the study of human evolution based upon a close
study of the existing theories which were reinterpreted within the
perspective of dialectical materialism that Marx and Engels both
shared as the fruits of their joint labour over many years. 6 In that
sense Engels provided the guidelines for a future Marxist interpreta-
tion of human evolution. In their own day both Marx and Engels
eagerly seized upon the work of Charles Darwin, as representing the
most advanced scientific understanding of the process of evolution-
ary development.7 When Darwin eventually turned his attention to
humankind in The Descent rif Man, over a decade after the
publication of the Origins rif the Species, he provided Engels with a
starting-point for a dialectical reworking of Darwin's ideas that
 Introduction 3

generated a number of formulations and hypotheses which still have

relevance for contemporary scholarship. 8
Darwin, like many of the writers whose work is examined below,
was more anxious to stress the continuities between anthropoids and
man. Engels, on the other hand, considered also the qualitative
discontinuities introduced by the emergence of social labour, what it
was that was special about the development of human beings as a
species. While it is true that certain details of his work have been
refuted, had Engels been alive today he would undoubtedly have
greeted the latest scientific data with alacrity. It is the intention of
this book to show that the broad outlines of Engels's theory are, by
and large, confirmed by contemporary research, and that in this
respect Engels's essay is a brilliant scientific anticipation of what is
now thought, by some writers at least, to be the likely pattern of
early human evolution. It will be suggested, moreover, that if we are
to succeed in providing the kind of interpretation of these researches
which will enable their broader significance to be grasped, it is
necessary to reappropriate Engels's theoretical legacy in the kind of
dialectical reconstruction of recent discoveries that Engels himself
proposed.
First of all, therefore, in chapter 1 the main ideas contained in
Engels's essay are further elaborated. In chapter 2, some of the
archaeological data describing the tools and fossil remains of the
earliest hominids are commented upon and certain suggestions are
made as to how the first humans might have begun to develop
physically as creatures that gradually adapted to labour and, in
turn, were themselves adapted by labour. The forms of rudimentary
social organisation within which members of the species possibly
learned the advantages of co-operation are discussed in chapter 3. It
is argued that this was the most likely precondition for subsequent
cultural advance, rather than the competitiveness and aggression
which some palaeontologists have attempted to read into the
prehistory·of humanity. In chapter 4, various field studies of higher
primates are reviewed, particularly with regard to behaviour
involving the use and manufacture of tools. Some writers have
argued on this basis that such behaviour is equivalent to labour
activity among humans. In chapter 5, more evidence is presented
which would seem to blur still further the line of demarcation
between human and animal behaviour, specifically in the labora-
tory investigations of linguistic skills of primates. However, by a
4 Introduction

careful examination of the specifics of activity involved in human

tool-behaviour and linguistic behaviour it can be shown that, taken
together, these would have decisively altered the way in which early
humans interacted with each other and their environment. Labour
as such cannot be performed by animals other than humans and
this is the real basis of their uniqueness. In other words, as is argued
in chapter 6, fairly early on in human development, perhaps much
earlier than many may have imagined hitherto, members of our
species had begun to plan and organise their lives precisely because
they had developed some form of spoken language in the labour
process. Language also provides initial access to the dimension of
time and, therefore, it is suggested, the historical passing on of a
cultural inheritance of acquired skills and knowledge won through
labour becomes possible. The final chapter takes forward the
question of the interconnection of tool-making and language, and
examines, within the framework of a Marxist psychology, the crucial
connection between hand and brain which is forged through labour
and opens up to human beings alone the possibility of mastering
both themselves and their world.
1 Engels and human
• •
or1g1ns

The starting-point for a materialist analysis of human development

is the manner in which mankind produces its means of subsistence.
What is produced and how it is produced identifies what Marx
had called 'the species-character' of human beings. 1 For Engels, as
for Marx, the central feature distinguishing human beings from
other species is labour. In Capital Marx had defined labour in terms
of the contradiction between the subject, man, and the object,
nature.
Labour is, in the first place, a process in which both man and
Nature participate, and in which man of his own accord starts,
regulates and controls the material reactions between himself and
Nature. He opposes himself toN ature as one of her own forces,
setting in motion arms and legs, head and hands, the natural
forces of his body, in order to appropriate Nature's production in
a form adapted to his own wants. By thus acting on the external
world and changing it, he at the same time changes his own
nature. He develops his slumbering powers and compels them to
act in obedience to his sway. 2
Marx was here describing labour in its developed form. What
Engels attempted to do was to show how humanity developed up to
that point where labour became the typical and enduring form of
human activity and the main impetus to its further development.
Engels, indeed, like Marx regarded human labour as central to
mankind's overall development as a species. 'It is the primary basic
condition for all human existence, and this to such an extent that, in
a sense, we have to say that labour created man himself.' 3
Engels's position may be briefly summarised as follows: with the
adoption of an erect posture and bipedal locomotion, the hand of
early man wasfreed to acquire an increasing facility in tool-use and

5
6 Engels and human origins

tool-making which led in turn, over time, to further changes in the

structure of the hand, such that the hand became not only 'the
organ of labour', but also 'the product rif labour'. 4 Elsewhere in Dialectics
rif Nature Engels contrasts the development of the human hand
through labour with the 'tools' and 'production' of animals.
The specialisation of the hand - this implies the too4 and the tool
implies specifically human activity, the transforming reaction of
man on nature, production. Animals in the narrower sense also
have tools, but only as limbs of their bodies: the ant, the bee, the
beaver; animals also produce, but their productive effect on
surrounding nature in relation to the latter amounts to nothing
at all. Man alone has succeeded in impressing his stamp on
nature. 5
Thus for animals 'tools' are, in the main, biologically pre-given and
consolidated in the natural development of each member of the
species as part of their physical make-up. Their interaction with
nature in the form of direct responses to environmental stimuli is in
this sense a generally passive and 'one-sided' affair. 6 Mankind's
relation to nature, on the other hand, is an active transformative one
in which extra-bodily, artificially produced and indirect means of
adapting nature to its requirements are frequently employed. Marx
also was clear that, as an aspect of the labour process, the making of
tools, substituting so to speak for the lack of natural equipment,
provided a key to the unique mode of interaction between humans
and their environment. Again, in Capital Marx writes,
An instrument of labour is a thing, or a complex of things which
the labourer interposes, between himself and the subject of his
labour, and which serves as the conductor of his activity ... As the
earth is his original larder, so too it is his original tool house. It
supplies him, for instance, with stones for throwing, grinding,
pressing, cutting &c ... No sooner does labour undergo the least
development, than it requires specially prepared instruments ...
For use and fabrication of instruments of labour, although
existing in germ among certain species of animals, is specifically
characteristic of the human labour-process, and Franklin defines
man as a tool making animaP
The original tools of early humans were, as is suggested in the
following chapter, fairly primitive efforts. Nevertheless, they were
 Engels and human origins 7

profoundly significant in terms of what they represented for the

future development of human capacities.
The mastery over nature, which begins with the development of
the hand, within labour, widened man's horizon at every new
advance. He was continually discovering new, hitherto unknown,
properties in natural objects. On the other hand, the develop-
ment of labour necessarily helped to bring the members of society
closer together by multiplying cases of mutual support, joint
activity, and by making clear the advantage of this joint activity
to each individual. In short, men in the making arrived at the
point where they had something to say to one another. 8

Speech provided the necessary symbolic apparatus with which to

begin to organise, preserve and transmit the collective labour
experience of humanity. 'First comes labour, after it and then side
by side with it, articulate speech- these were the two most essential
stimuli under the influence of which the brain of the ape gradually
changed into that of man. '9 Finally, the development of the brain in
turn further stimulated both tool-related activity and language,
which became a more precise instrument for planning future labour
activity.

The reaction on labour and speech of the development of the

brain and its attendant senses, of the increasing clarity of
consciousness, power of abstraction and of judgement, gave an
ever renewed impulse to further development of both labour and
speech. 10

Here Engels was positing a relationship of positive feedback between

the general development of mental faculties and the continuous
increase in the efficiency and the quality of human labour. As the
planning of future activity, the identification of the aims of labour,
the assessment of properties of objects, and the division of tasks
within the labour process, slowly came into being, they did so within
an increasingly social and co-operative context. Earliest man
became humanised through labovr. The feedback was not merely
positive but cumulative, with labour activity providing the starting-
point for general human advance.
By the co-operation of hands, organs of speech and brain, not
only in each individual but also in society, human beings became
8 Engels and human origins

capable of executing more and more complicated operations, and

of setting themselves, and achieving higher and higher aims.
With each generation labour itself became different, more
perfect, more diversified. 11

In principle at least, the productive techniques of early humans

could be refined and augmented. Not so among animals who have
no way other than through the adaptation of their own bodies of
adding to the efficiency with which they produce. Human beings
can create their own special access through speech and tool-making
to an ever widening pool of social information about the problems
met with and overcome in securing their means of subsistence.
Tool-making and speech, therefore, could be said to provide the
twin foundations for the whole subsequent development of human
culture. Appreciation of environment, knowledge of the seasons,
observed regularity in the habits of prey, an understanding and
selection of materials and the processes of manufacture of tools to
serve different purposes, all that became the field for the successive
expansion of increasingly human action as mankind sought to bring
both the external world of nature and its own activity under
conscious control.

In short, the animal merely uses external nature and brings about
changes in it simply by his presence; man by his changes makes it
serve his ends, masters it. This is the final, essential distinction
between man and other animals, and once again it is labour that
brings about this distinction.l 2

The general processes of such mastery may be designated by the

term culture. Cultural development then, is expressed through the
accumulated material achievements of social practice and the social
and spiritual achievements conditioned by them. At every stage of
historical development, culture is a measure of man's humanisation,
the degree to which he has separated himself from his animal
origins, the extent to which he has humanised nature and his own
being as a part of nature through his labour activity. It can be said
that what Engels outlined was in effect a 'labour theory of culture',
culture being as unique to mankind in terms of the possibilities for
development which its possession offers, as is labour itself.
For Marx and Engels these possibilities could only be realised
fully in a future form of society in which there would be the
 Engels and human origins 9

conscious organisation of social production in a planned way. Only

then, as labour was freed from the distorting effects of exploitative
modes of production, would the results of human activity corre-
spond with their intentions. 13
Darwin's understanding of human mastery of the environment
was a far more limited one than this. Lacking a clear conception of
labour he also lacked the necessary grounds for identifying precisely
the qualitatively new characteristics that placed human evolution-
ary development on a new path. Darwin saw only the quantitative
and gradualist aspect of this question, claiming that there was no
fundamental difference between man and higher mammals in their
mental faculties, but rather the difference between them consisted

solely of his almost infinitely larger power of associating together

the most diversified sounds and ideas ... the difference in mind
between man and the higher mammals, great as it is, certainly is
one of a degree and not of kind. 14

This essentially idealist proposition still commands considerable

allegiance today, although the arguments in its favour are presented
in a more sophisticated way. It usually consists in marking out a
continuum of behaviours and abilities. By stressing continuities at
the expense of discontinuities, human activity is seen as merely a
quantitative extension of that of other species. The qualitative
uniqueness of mankind is contested on every side and the role of
labour in defining that uniqueness is submerged. 15
It is not possible here to trace out the full lines of Marx and
Engels's thinking on the question of the eventual outcome of the
historical process of human development. The concern of this work
is rather to examine what new evidence there is which might throw
some light on the very first basic step in the evolution of humanity
as represented by the inauguration of labour activity. Darwin
performed an important service by interesting us in, as Marx put it,
'the history of Nature's Technology', that is of the formation of
'productive organs' of plants and animals which 'serve as instru-
ments of production for sustaining life'. 16 Marx then adds, by
analogy

Does not the history of the productive organs of man, of organs

that are the material basis of all social organisation, deserve equal
attention? And would not such a history be easier to compile,
10 Engels and human origins

since as Vico says, human history differs from natural history in

this, that we have made the former, but not the latter?
Technology discloses man's mode of dealing with Nature, the
process of production by which he sustains his life, and thereby
also lays bare the mode of formation of his social relations, and of
the mental conceptions that flow from themP
There are those who perhaps with good reason would dispute
whether, given the relatively incomplete state of scientific know-
ledge, it is yet very much 'easier' to compile the history of early
humanity's 'productive organs'. For the greater part of human
history spanning a period of literally millions of years the evidence
of the technology of mankind which has been uncovered to date is
still infinitesimally small. What we know of early human social
relations and of their 'mental conceptions' is even less. Nevertheless,
the fossil record does at least provide us with certain clues as to what
might have been. Whether the erection of a whole theory of human
origins of the kind Engels proposed is justified, on such a limited
data base, readers must judge for themselves, since, even without an
explicitly Marxist interpretation, the fossil record is now the subject
of acute scientific controversy.
2 The fossil record

The earliest hominid fossils, which date as far back as 14 million

years before the present, show no association with tools at any of
the forty odd sites discovered since G. Edward Lewis first uncover-
ed a jaw-bone of Ramapitherus in the Siwalik Hills in north-west
India in 1932. 1 This is either because the first hominids did not
employ tools or, as seems more likely, given what we know of
subsequent hominid evolution, because such tools were made of
wood and other perishable materials which have not been
preserved in the fossil record. However, although no tools have
been found the earliest hominid does differ in certain crucial
aspects from his ape-like cousins, particularly in his denti-
tion and the shape of his jaw. Commenting on this, Simons
remarks:
The proportions of the jaw indicate a foreshortened face. The size
ratio between front teeth and cheek teeth is about the same as it is
in man. (The front teeth of living apes are relatively large.)
Estimating from the size of its socket the canine tooth was not
much larger than the first premolar - another hominid character-
istic, opposed to the enlarged canine of the pongids. The arc
formed by the teeth is curved as in man, rather than being
parabolic, or U-shaped as in the apes.2
The gradual reduction of canines to the level of incisors suggests
strongly that the teeth of Ramapitherus were no longer employed for
purposes of killing and tearing. Rather, 'extra-somatic' tools had
begun to be substituted for these functions. As Washburn has
pointed out, 'Small canines and incisors are biological symbols of a
changed way of life; their primitive functions are replaced by hand
and tool'. 3 Simons suggests that these changes could well be the
result of a dietary shift consequent upon foraging on the ground at

11
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