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Published
Forthcoming
Edited by
BLACKWELL PUBLISHING
350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA
9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia
The right of Kathleen McCartney and Deborah Phillips to be identified as the Authors of the
Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright,
Designs, and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without
the prior permission of the publisher.
1 2006
Blackwell handbook of early childhood development / edited by Kathleen McCartney and Deborah
Phillips.
p. cm.—(Blackwell handbooks of developmental psychology)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-2073-9 (hardcover : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-4051-2073-8 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Child psychology. 2. Child
development. I. Title: Handbook of early childhood development. II. McCartney,
Kathleen. III. Phillips, Deborah. IV. Series.
A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.
The publisher’s policy is to use permanent paper from mills that operate a sustainable forestry
policy, and which has been manufactured from pulp processed using acid-free and elementary
chlorine-free practices. Furthermore, the publisher ensures that the text paper and cover board
used have met acceptable environmental accreditation standards.
7. Temperament 126
Jennifer N. Martin and Nathan A. Fox
12. Language Experience and Language Milestones During Early Childhood 233
Erika Hoff
15. Getting Along with Others: Social Competence in Early Childhood 297
Richard A. Fabes, Bridget M. Gaertner, and Tierney K. Popp
Tables
Figures
In the first two years of life, infants develop amazing competencies across development,
from controlled movements to representational thought to goal-directed attachment
relationships. Our story picks up from this point through about age 7, the early childhood
years. Early childhood, like infancy, represents a time of emerging skills – skills that make
the 7-year-old seem more like an adult than an infant. In early childhood, children
exchange magical and egocentric thinking for a theory of mind, the ability to execute a
plan of action, and a rudimentary logic. Over time, “terrible” 2-year-olds become young
children who can exhibit self-control by delaying gratification and inhibiting inappro-
priate responses. In a stunning feat, by the end of early childhood, children master most
of the grammatical rules that adults use. Parents and teachers respond to these kinds of
noticeable changes by using reasoning, encouraging independence, arranging play dates,
and providing explicit opportunities for learning in their dealings with young children.
Soon, children are reading, counting, developing friendships, choosing to engage in
favorite activities, and more.
There are two main ways to study development at any age. The first is to chart the
milestones that reflect changes observed in the average child, while the second is to assess
individual differences among children. Both perspectives inform the knowledge base on
early childhood development. Individual differences are of particular interest to those
concerned with applied problems. For this reason, an understanding of early childhood
necessitates an investigation of the contexts of development, what we refer to here as the
social ecology of early development, including the family, peers, poverty, child care, and
the media. To some extent, research on early childhood has informed policy issues, as
reflected in work on assessment as well as evaluations of early interventions for children
and parents. Comparative studies reveal vast differences across cultures in policies for
children and families, which are more likely to reflect public will than research per se.
We began our editing task by reflecting on the emerging competencies in early child-
hood, the approaches social scientists use to study it, and methodological issues in the
Preface xv
field. Then we constructed topics that represent our view of the landscape in early child-
hood development. We recruited leading scholars in developmental science to write rela-
tively short, albeit comprehensive, reviews of the literature from both a theoretical and a
conceptual perspective. To give the volume a unified voice, we asked authors to consider
four organizing themes in their reviews: the role of early experiences as they shape the
course of development; contributions of the cultural contexts within which children grow
up; individual differences in developmental trajectories; and applications of development
science to issues of practice and policy.
The result is a Handbook that we have organized into seven parts: Part I, Conceptual
Frameworks; Part II, Early Biological and Physiological Development; Part III, Cognitive
Development; Part IV, Language and Communicative Development; Part V, Social,
Emotional, and Regulatory Development; Part VI, The Social Ecology of Early Develop-
ment; and Part VII, Policy Issues. The four conceptual frameworks that open the Hand-
book provide a foundation for the field through their discussions of how to describe the
interplay of genes and environments, how research on children’s vulnerability and resili-
ence informs our understanding of individual differences, how the study of normal and
atypical development can enhance our understanding of developmental processes, and
how domains of development intersect.
Our aim, like that of other editors in this Blackwell series, is to provide a Handbook
that is accessible to a broad audience, from students to researchers to practitioners. Each
chapter offers an independent overview of a topic, which can be read as a stand-alone
piece. Note, however, that the authors liberally reference other chapters in the volume to
help readers make important connections across the field. Indeed, several authors read
one another’s first drafts to discover not only common ground, but also points of diver-
sion. One can easily imagine organizing an early childhood seminar around cross-chapter
discussions of key developmental issues. In the final analysis, our aim has been to assem-
ble a Handbook that will be useful to all within our field who seek to understand the
developing child, to move the knowledge base forward, and apply this knowledge toward
constructive policies and programs for all children.
Kathleen McCartney
Deborah Phillips
PART I
Conceptual Frameworks
1
Human genes and environments share remarkable similarities across populations. Indeed,
humans share much of their genotype with many other species. However, there also
is awesome variability in the form and function of genes and environments that give
rise to equally remarkable variability across individuals, and it is the examination of the
etiology of these individual differences that is at the root of contemporary quantitative
and molecular genetics research (Plomin, DeFries, McClearn, & McGuffin, 2001). With
few exceptions, behavioral and molecular genetic data are correlational. However, even
4 Kirby Deater-Deckard and Katherine Cahill
correlational genetic designs yield data that are useful in pointing toward likely causal
mechanisms, because they control for potential confounds between genetic and environ-
mental influences – confounds that go undetected in most developmental studies of
genetically related family members. Behavioral and molecular genetics research, in
addition to experimental and quasi-experimental studies of the effects of familial and
extra-familial experiences in development, are important contemporary approaches to
understanding the contributions of both genes and environments to human development
(Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, & Bornstein, 2000).
The Human Genome Project revealed that there are around 30,000 functional human
genes – far fewer than the 100,000 that researchers expected to find. Genes are the func-
tional parts of chromosomes that synthesize proteins. These proteins act as enzymes that
are the building blocks for neurotransmitters, hormones, and other bio-chemicals. Human
chromosomes come in pairs, and people have one allele (i.e., form) of a gene on one
chromosome and one allele on the second. There are variations in alleles; some are longer
or shorter or more complex than others, and these differences correspond to differences
in protein synthesis and the production of chemicals involved in guiding human behav-
ior. Base pairs are the unit of analysis in genome scans, and variability in base pairs at
specific gene loci is related to variability in the production, destruction, and expression
of enzymes. For instance, single base pair substitutions/single nucleotide polymorphisms
(SNPs) and simple sequence repeats (SSRs) are structural variations that are associated
with complex trait expression (Craig & McClay, 2003).
Consider as an example the dopamine receptor D4 gene (DRD4), which plays a role
in determining the number of dopamine receptors in the brain. Having more dopamine
receptors typically translates into greater dopamine activity in the brain, which is related
to novelty seeking, attention problems – and, in more extreme cases, schizophrenia and
disorganized attachment (Ebstein, Benjamin, & Belmaker, 2003). DRD4 alleles come in
at least ten forms (Kluger, Siegfried, & Ebstein, 2002), but the most common are the
4- and 7-repeat alleles, often referred to as the short and long forms of DRD4, respectively.
The long form is associated with higher levels of novelty seeking (Ebstein et al., 2003).
DRD4 and the serotonin transporter 5-HTTLPR gene have received substantial attention
in molecular genetics research, because they are thought to have widespread effects on
complex human behaviors.
Molecular genetic techniques allow scientists to identify specific genes involved in the
expression of complex human traits and behaviors, based on the analysis of structural
differences in DNA like the differences just described in the DRD4 gene. Linkage and
association approaches to studying genetic similarity (e.g., allele sharing and allelic fre-
quency at specific locations on chromosomes) among family members have vastly increased
our knowledge about individual genes implicated in some of the most widely studied
human attributes, including how those genes are differentially expressed in individuals.
More recent advances in molecular genetics have focused on understanding the complex
processes involved in gene structure and functional expression.
Nature and Nurture in Early Childhood 5
Unlike molecular genetic approaches, quantitative genetic techniques are based on math-
ematical models that employ principles of population genetics to estimate the propor-
tions of variance that are accounted for by genetic and environmental factors. Studies
of sibling and parent–offspring pairs that vary in their genetic similarity (e.g., biological
and non-biological relatives in intact, step, and adoptive families; twins; families that
have used egg or sperm donation) allow for estimation of genetic, shared environmen-
tal, and non-shared environmental effects on outcomes of interest. If family members
who are more genetically similar (e.g., identical versus fraternal twins) are more similar
on a trait, then genetic variance or heritability is said to account for the greater similar-
ity. If genetic similarity is controlled and family members continue to show similarity,
shared environmental variance is said to be present. Non-shared environmental variance
includes effects of all the non-genetic influences that lead to dissimilarity among family
members, and includes measurement error (Reiss, Neiderhiser, Hetherington, & Plomin,
2000).
The overwhelming majority of research on the effects of nature and nurture in early
childhood has employed quantitative techniques, but that trend is changing as molecular
genetic techniques become more accessible (Plomin & Rutter, 1998). With this in mind,
we turn to review the research on the contributions of genes and environments to
children’s early physical, cognitive, and psychosocial development.
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