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ENERGY, ENVIRONMENT, AND CLIMATE, Third Edition

CHAPTER 8: Energy from Earth and Moon

QUESTIONS

1. Primordial heat from Earth’s formation and the decay of naturally occurring radioactive
elements in the planet’s interior.

2. The water may not boil (much) at the lower temperatures of a binary geothermal plant, but the
working fluid should boil, and its vapor will turn turbines.

3. Ground-source heat is mostly solar, not geothermal.

4. The environmental impacts include depletion or contamination of water sources; land

subsidence; earthquakes; emission of GHG, and sulfur and nitrogen compounds; industrialization
of natural areas; and noise pollution.

5. Two factors are: (i) loss of water due to steam extraction, and (ii) cooling of the source, or
heating of the environment.

6. Estuaries are good breeding and feeding habitat for many creatures. They are often shallow,
with high surface area in vegetation as well as land, so pollutants can get trapped easily. Dams
shift flows, salinity, sediment, and the motion of larger creatures.

7. The ultimate source is gravitational interaction of the Earth–Moon system (with a little help
from the Sun).

8. No, although they might contribute substantially in a few localized regions where geothermal
or ocean energy resources are concentrated.

EXERCISES

1. Earth has surface area = 4πR 2 = 4π ( 6.38 106 m ) = 5.11014 m 2 , so

2

power 87 ´ 10-3 W
energy flow rate = ´ area = 2
´ 5.1 ´ 1014 m 2 = 4.4 ´ 1014 W = 44 TW
area m

2. To find the high temperature TH of the heat engine, first take the geothermal gradient
dT 25˚C dT 25˚C
= over the depth dx =1 km: DT = × dx = ´ 1 km = 25˚C = 25K.
dx km dx km

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 1

This is the temperature difference across the geothermal well: DT = TH - TC , so the high
temperature at the bottom of the well is TH = DT + TC =25 K + 295 K = 320 K .

(a) A heat engine operating between these two temperatures has a maximum theoretical
DT 25 K
efficiency e = = = 7.8% .
TH 320 K

(b) The total power available is 10% e Pgeothermal = 0.01 (0.078) 44 TW = 0.34 TW (from Exercise
1).
available geothermal power 0.34 TW
= = 1.9%
total power required 18 TW

dT
3. Recall Equation 4.1: Conductive heat flow H = kA , so the energy flow rate per unit area is
dx

H dT 3.37 W æ 25 K ö 8.4 ´ 10-2 W

=k = ç ÷ = = 84 mW/m 2
A dx m× K è 10 m ø
3
m 2

4. (a) The area of the city is A = R2, where 2R = 15 km: A = π ( 7.5 103 m ) = 1.77  108 m 2 .
2

The heat emitted by the cooling granite is Q = mcT, where mass m = density • volume, and the
volume = A x. The mass of granite is
m =  Ax =
2,700 kg
m 3 (1.77  108 m2 ) 4  103 m = 1.91  1015 kg
so the energy that could be extracted is:
 J 
Q = mcΔT = 1.911015 kg  840  50 K = 8.02 10 J = 80 EJ
19

 kg·K 

(b) Power = energy per time, so this geothermal resource could last for a

eQ 0.05 (8.02 10 J )

19
 y 
time = = = 4.0 108 s  = 12.7 y
P 10 109 J/s  π 10
7
s

(c) The rate of heat flow by conduction is

H =A
dT
dx
=
3.37 W
m K
(1.77 108 m2 ) 3 = 1.49 107 W
25 K
10 m

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 2

 P 10 ´ 109 W
This is far lower than the rate of power use by the city, by a factor of = = 672 ,
H 1.49 ´ 107 W
so the resource is not renewable under these circumstances.

DT TH - TL
5. Recall that e = = .
TH TH
(a) For the geothermal source, TH =150C + 273 = 423 K and
DT 123 K
DT = TH - TL = 423 K - 300 K = 123 K , so e = = = 29% .
TH 423 K

(b) For the magma, TH =1,000C + 273 = 1273 K and DT = TH - TL = 1,273 K - 300 K = 9,733 K
T 973 K
so e = = = 76% .
TH 1,273 K
The hotter source yields a more efficient heat engine.

6. The available geothermal power to a house of area A is

87 10−3 W
Pgeothermal =
power
area
A=
m2
(150 m2 ) = 13 W
The geothermal floor supply could provide

geothermal energy geothermal power Pgeothermal 13 W

= = = = only about 0.4%
home's energy needs home's power needs Phome 3.5 ´ 103 W

of the home’s needs.

7. First, get the temperatures in Kelvin, as usual:

TH = 60C + 273 = 333 K and T = 50C = 50 K

1 TH 333 K
(a) Coefficient of performance (COP) = = = = 6.7 (so the efficiency e = 15% )
e DT 50 K

Prequired 15 kW
(b) Pused = = = 2.2 kW : This is less because Earth preheated the system.
COP 6.7

Pe 700 MW
8. (a) The rate of heat extraction is Pth = = = 10 GW
e 0.07

(b) Power = energy per time, so

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 3

 E 35 ´1018 J æ y ö
time = = = 3.5 ´109 sç = 111 y
Pth 10 ´10 J/s
9
è p ´107 s ÷ø

heat max heat min minmaxheatheat=

9. COPfall = 4 = and COPspring = 2.5 = . Assuming
electricmin electricmax
(because the temperatures were the same in those 2 months), we can easily find the relationship
between electricmax /electricmin :

heat max = 4 electric min = heat min = 2.5 electricmax

2.5
electric min = electric max = 62% electricmax
4
So, your energy use in spring is 62% higher than in fall, due to ground chilling.

10. TH =170C + 273 = 443 K and T = 170C −90C =80C = 80 K, so the efficiency is

DT 80 K
e= = = 18%
TH 443 K

11. (a) Following Ex.8.2, the gas furnace requires

1 1
ffurnace = = = 1.18 MBtu
e f 0.85

for every MBtu of gas energy delivered as heat to the house.

With its COP of 4.1, the heat pump delivers 4.1 times as much heat as it uses electricity. Taking
into account the limited efficiency of the power plant supplying electricity, the heat pump’s ratio
1 1
of fuel used to heat supplied is f heat = = = 0.72 MBtu for every MBtu of heat
pump COP ´ ee 4.1´ 0.34
supplied to the house. So the gas furnace uses 64% more energy than the heat pump, with the
latter including the fuel energy needed to make the electricity that runs the heat pump:

f furnace 1.18
= = 1.64
f heat pump 0.72

(b) Now compare the costs to heat the house. Delivery of 1 MBtu of heat with the gas furnace
costs ffurnace ´ $3.15=1.18 ´ $3.15= $3.72 .

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 4

Using Table 3.1, we can see that the cost of electrical energy is many times that of energy from
gas:

$0.12 æ 103 kWh ö æ 0.293MW × h ö

cost of electricity = = $35.16 per MBtu
kWh çè MW × h ÷ø çè MBtu ÷ø

Now, the heat pump requires 0.72 MBtu of fuel energy at the power plant to deliver 1 MBtu of
heat. But the plant is 34% efficient, so it supplies (0.72 MBtu)(0.34) = 0.245 MBtu of electrical
energy for every MBtu of heat delivered. That electrical energy is what we pay for, and it costs

(0.245 MBtu)($35.16/Mbtu) = $8.61

So, although the heat pump entails less overall energy use, it nevertheless costs more than twice
as much as gas.

12. There are approximately (365 days)(24 hours/day) = 8,760 hours per year. So if it operated at
peak power all the time, a 1.32-GW power plant would produce (1.32 GW)(8,760 hours) =
11,563 GWh, or about 11.6 TWh, in a year. Actual production at Incheon Bay is only 2.41 TWh,
or about 21% of peak—and less than one-fourth of peak, as stated in the text.

13. Figure 1.8 shows that the tidal flow amounts to 0.0017%, or 0.000017 of Earth’s total energy
flow. The latter is almost entirely solar, so it’s very nearly equal to the 1.74  1017 W cited in the
“Big Energy Numbers” table inside the front cover. Therefore the tidal energy flow is
(0.000017)(1.74  1017 W) = 3.0  1012 W = 3.0 TW.

14. As calculated in Exercise 12, there are approximately 8,760 hours per year. So the total wave
power of 910 TWh/year is equivalent to (910 TWh/year)/(8,760 hours/year) = 0.10 TWh/hour,
which is the same as 0.10 TW or 100 GW. If we could harvest all the wave energy incident on
the continental U.S., we would have the equivalent of 100 large power plants.

15. The kinetic energy is ½ mv2. The mass in a cube of seawater is m = V r , where the volume V
= x3, so m = x3 and:
2
1 1 3  1, 030 kg  2.5 m 
(a) Kinetic energy = x3  v = (1 m )    = 3.2 10 J = 3.2 kJ
3

 m  s 
3
2 2

dE dE dx E 3.2 ´103 J 2.5 m

(b) Rate of flow of energy = = × = ×v = ´ = 8.0 ´103 W
dt dx dt x 1m s

power 8.0 ´103 W

That is the power, so the = = 8.0 ´103 W/m 2 .
(1 m )
2
area
(Note that this is about eight times the intensity of noon sunlight—water is dense!)

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 5

ARGUE YOUR CASE

1.) As in Example 2, the heat pump delivers four times as much heat as it uses electricity.
If the power plant supplying electricity has an efficiency of 33%, however, the heat pump’s ratio
1 1
of fuel used to heat supplied is f heat = = = 0.76 .
pump COP ´ e 4 ´ 0.33
The heat pump uses more like three quarters the fuel of a conventional system all told, not one
quarter.

2. Possible responses:

Pro: Every form of green energy for which the total carbon cost is less than the carbon
emissions displaced should be developed. If geothermal meets these criteria, and if
investment in geothermal is more cost effective than investment in other green energy
systems, then go for it.

Con: Geothermal energy is not the solution to our energy needs. The energy quality,
density, and quantity are all far too low.

© 2017 W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.—pg. 6

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tumultuous and unlawful assemblies." Thus Ministers were shielded
under general terms, and to avoid all appearance of personal
movement in this matter by those in the Cabinet the most
immediately active, the Bill was introduced by the Duke of Montrose,
the Master of the Horse.
There was an energetic debate in each House as the Bill passed
through. It was opposed in the Peers by Lords Lansdowne, Holland,
and Erskine, but was carried by ninety-three against twenty-seven.
Ten peers entered a strong protest on the journals against the
measure, denying the traitorous conspiracy or the extensive
disaffection to the Government alleged, affirming that the execution
of the ordinary laws would have been amply sufficient, and that
Ministers were not entitled to indemnity for causeless arrests and
long imprisonments which had taken place, for the Bill went to
protect them in decidedly illegal acts. In the House of Commons the
Bill was strongly opposed by Brougham, Tierney, Mr. Lambton—
afterwards Lord Durham—and Sir Samuel Romilly. They condemned
the conduct of Ministers in severe language, while the Bill was
supported by Canning, by Mr. Lamb—afterwards Lord Melbourne,
who generally went with the other side—by Sir William Garrow, and
Sir Samuel Shepherd, Attorney-General.
Ministers carried their indemnity in the Commons by one hundred
and sixty-two against sixty-nine; but this did not prevent a
prolongation of the demands of the Reformers for a searching
inquiry into their employment of the spies. Many petitions were
presented to the House of Commons for this inquiry—one of them
from Samuel Bamford, who had been a sufferer by imprisonment.
On the 3rd of February Hone's case was brought forward by William
Smith, of Norwich; on the 10th, Lord Archibald Hamilton made a
motion for inquiry into similar prosecutions of persons in Scotland,
and especially of Andrew M'Kinley, and this was supported by Sir
Samuel Romilly and others, but rejected; yet the next day Mr.
Fazakerley made a demand for a rigid inquiry into the employment
of the spies, and for ascertaining whether they really had exceeded
their instructions. Here was an opportunity for Ministers to clear
themselves, were they really innocent of sending them out to excite
as well as to discover conspirators. There was a violent debate, but
the motion was rejected by one hundred and eleven against fifty-
two. The discussion left no doubt of the employment of Oliver and
others, and this fact being put beyond dispute, Ministers should, in
self-vindication, have cleared themselves, if they were guiltless, as
their friends pretended; but they did not do so. On the 17th Lord
Folkestone moved for inquiry into the treatment in prison of Mr.
Ogden and others, and a similar motion was made on the 19th, in
the Lords, by the Earl of Carnarvon. In both cases Ministers, instead
of courting inquiry, resented it, and closed the door of investigation
by large majorities. Lords Sidmouth, Bathurst, and Liverpool were
prominent in staving off these inquiries; and Lords Grosvenor, King,
and Holland were earnest in urging the necessity of such inquiry for
their own good fame. Lord Stanley, afterwards Earl of Derby, put this
in the strongest light. He said that he thought Ministers "had been
much calumniated, but they would be most so by themselves if they
refused to inquire into those acts, when inquiry, according to their
own statements, would fully acquit them of the charges laid against
them." This was so self-evident that the fact that they would not
admit this inquiry might, were there no other grounds for decision,
be taken as positive proof of their guilt. But it is not likely that Oliver
and his comrades, who were for months in daily communication with
Ministers whilst on their detestable missions, would have dared so
far to exceed their orders, or, had they done so, that they would
have been protected at the expense of the reputations of Ministers
themselves, and rewarded into the bargain. The instructions to these
men were undoubtedly of too dark a character to be produced in
open daylight.
Amid this melancholy manifestation of a convicted, yet dogged,
treason against the people on the part of their rulers, many motions
for reform and improvements in our laws were brought forward. On
the part of Mr. Sturges Bourne, a committee brought in a report
recommending three Bills for the improvement of the Poor Law: one
for the establishment of select vestries, one for a general reform of
the Poor Law, and one for revising the Law of Settlement. On the
part of Henry Brougham, a Bill was introduced for appointment of
commissioners to inquire into the condition of the charities in
England for the education of the poor. There were many attempts to
reform the Criminal Law, in which Sir Samuel Romilly especially
exerted himself. One of these was to take away the penalty of death
from the offence of stealing from a shop to the value of five shillings,
another was to prevent arrests for libel before indictment was found,
and another, by Sir James Mackintosh, to inquire into the forgery of
Bank of England notes. There was a Bill brought in by Mr. Wynn to
amend the Election Laws; and one for alterations in the Law of
Tithes, by Mr. Curwen; another by Sir Robert Peel, father of the
great statesman, for limiting the hours of labour in cotton and other
factories; a Bill to amend the Law of Bankruptcy, and a Bill to amend
the Copyright Act, by Sir Egerton Brydges; and finally a Bill for
Parliamentary Reform, introduced by Sir Francis Burdett, and
supported by Lord Cochrane, subsequently the Earl of Dundonald. All
of these were thrown out, except the Select Vestries Bill, Brougham's
Bill to inquire into the public charities, a Bill for rewarding
apprehenders of highway robbers and other offenders, and a Bill
granting a million of money to build new churches. The cause of
Reform found little encouragement from the Parliamentary majorities
of the Sidmouths, Liverpools, and Castlereaghs. This list of rejections
of projects of reform was far from complete; a long succession
followed. The Scots came with a vigorous demand, made on their
behalf by Lord Archibald Hamilton, for a sweeping reform of their
burghs. Municipal reform was equally needed, both in Scotland and
England. The whole system was flagrantly corrupt. Many boroughs
were sinking into bankruptcy; and the elections of their officers were
conducted on the most arbitrary and exclusive principles. The Scots
had agitated this question before the outbreak of the French
Revolution, but that and the great war issuing out of it had swamped
the agitation altogether. It was now revived, but only to meet with a
defeat like a score of other measures quite as needful. Lord
Archibald Hamilton asked for the abolition of the Scottish
Commissary Courts in conformity with the recommendation of a
commission of inquiry in 1808; General Thornton called for the
repeal of certain religious declarations to be made on taking office;
and Dr. Phillimore for amendment of the Marriage Act of 1753; and
numerous demands for the repeal of taxes of one kind or another all
met the same fate of refusal.
The death of the Princess Charlotte left the prospect of the
succession to the Crown equally serious. Of the numerous sons and
daughters of George III. not one had legitimate issue. It might be
necessary soon to look abroad in Germany or in Denmark for an heir
to the Crown. This consideration led to a number of royal marriages
during the earlier part of this year. The first of these marriages was
not of this description. It was that of the Princess Elizabeth, his
Majesty's third daughter, to the Landgrave and Hereditary Prince of
Hesse-Homburg, on the 7th of April. As the princess was already
nearly eight-and-forty, no expectation of issue in that quarter was
entertained. On the 13th of April Lord Liverpool brought down a
message from the Regent to the Peers, and Lord Castlereagh to the
Commons, announcing treaties of marriage in progress between the
Duke of Clarence and the Princess Adelaide Louisa, of Saxe-
Meiningen; and also between the Duke of Cambridge and the
Princess Augusta Wilhelmina, of Hesse, youngest daughter of the
Landgrave of Hesse. The House of Commons was also asked to add
an additional ten thousand pounds a year to the allowance of the
Duke of Clarence, and six thousand pounds a year each to those of
the Dukes of Cumberland and Cambridge, and to that of the Duke of
Kent, if he, too, should marry. Ministers intimated that it had been
the intention to ask much larger sums, but they found that it was
necessary to reduce the sum asked for the Duke of Clarence. It was
a matter of notoriety that the duke had already a large family by the
actress, Mrs. Jordan, and probably the feeling of the House was
influenced by his desertion of that lady; but there was a stout
opposition and the sum was reduced to six thousand pounds. Loud
acclamations followed the carrying of this amendment, and Lord
Castlereagh rose and said, after the refusal of the sum asked, he
believed he might say that the negotiation for the marriage might be
considered at an end. The next day the duke sent a message
declining the sum granted; yet, after all, his marriage took place.
The Duke of Cumberland was already married to the Princess
Frederica Sophia, the daughter of the Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz,
who had been divorced from Frederick Louis, Prince of Prussia. The
Duke of Cumberland was one of the most unpopular men in the
whole kingdom, for there were rumours of very dark passages in his
life, and Parliament had rejected an application for an additional
allowance on his marriage; and it now rejected this application amid
much applause. The sum asked for the Duke of Cambridge was
carried, but not without considerable opposition. The spirit of reform
was in the air.
On the 13th of May came down a message, announcing the
approaching marriage of the Duke of Kent with the daughter of the
Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld, Victoria Maria Louisa, sister of Prince
Leopold, and widow of Emich Charles, the Prince of Leiningen. The
princess was already the mother of a son and daughter. The nation
was extremely favourable to this match. The Duke of Kent was
popular, and the more so that he had always been treated with
unnatural harshness by his father. He had been put under the care
of an old martinet general in Hanover, who had received a large
annual allowance with him, and kept him so sparely that the poor
youth ran away. He had been then sent to Gibraltar, where the
severe discipline which he had been taught to consider necessary in
the army brought him into disgrace with the garrison. But towards
the public at large his conduct had been marked by much liberality
of principle.
It was deemed necessary, before the end of the Session, which
would close the term of Parliament, to renew the Alien Act. It had
been renewed in 1814, and again in 1816, each time for two years.
On the last occasion it had been vehemently opposed, and as
determined an opposition was now manifested against its renewal.
From the 5th of May to the 29th the fight was continued, every
opportunity and advantage which the forms of Parliament afforded
being resorted to to delay and defeat it; but on the 29th it passed
the Commons by ninety-four votes against twenty-nine. It was
introduced into the Lords on the 1st of June by Lord Sidmouth. But it
had been discovered that, by an Act of the Scottish Parliament of
1685, all foreigners holding shares in the Bank of Scotland to a
certain amount became thereby naturalised; and, by the Act of
Union, all subjects of Scotland became naturalised subjects of
England. A clause, therefore, was introduced by the Lords to obviate
this, and passed; but on the Bill being sent down to the Commons it
was struck out; and Ministers were compelled to allow the Bill
without this clause to pass, and to introduce their separate Bill,
which was passed on the 9th of June.
Ministers were in haste to close and dissolve Parliament in order to
call a new one before the very probable demise of the king—for
though they had provided that in case of the decease of the queen
the Parliament should not reassemble, this did not apply to the
decease of the king; and should this take place before the day fixed
for the assembling of the new Parliament, the old Parliament—even
though formally dissolved—would reassemble: therefore, on the 10th
of June—the very day after the passing of the supplementary Alien
Bill—the Prince Regent came down to the House of Lords, prorogued
Parliament, and then immediately the Lord Chancellor pronounced it
dissolved. The members of the Commons were taken by surprise. No
such sudden dismissal had taken place since 1625, when Charles I.
dismissed his Oxford Parliament after a single week's session. On the
return to their own House the Speaker was proceeding, as usual, to
read the Royal Speech, but he was reminded by Mr. Tierney that
there was no Parliament in existence, and by Lord Castlereagh that,
by so doing, he might render himself liable to a Præmunire, and he
therefore desisted and the members withdrew.
The elections for the new Parliament were carried on with much
vigour, and there were upwards of a hundred contested ones. In
some cases the contest was extremely violent, considering the death
of the king was almost daily expected, and that the term of the
Parliament must necessarily be a short one. In Westminster there
were no less than six candidates. Lord Cochrane was about to depart
for Chili to take the command of the naval forces of that state, and
therefore did not offer himself again. There were Sir Francis Burdett
again, the Honourable Douglas Kinnaird, Sir Murray Maxwell, Sir
Samuel Romilly, Major Cartwright, and Mr. Henry Hunt, commonly
called Orator Hunt. Of these Sir Murray Maxwell was a Tory, and
received severe treatment. Major Cartwright and Hunt obtained very
little support, and soon withdrew from the contest. The members
returned were Romilly and Burdett, a Whig and a Radical. For
London were returned four new members, all Whigs, Wood, Wilson,
Waithman, and Thorpe. Brougham patriotically stood for
Westmoreland, to break, if possible, the influence of the Lowther
family; but he was compelled to retire on the fourth day, and two of
the Lowther family were returned. A hundred and ninety new
members were returned, and the Opposition gained considerably by
the election. An acute observer, well accustomed to party battles,
remarked that Government did not appear much beloved, and that
they had almost spent all their war popularity; and they were not
destined to recover it in the coming year.
 GIBRALTAR.
[See larger version]
Scarcely were the elections over when a strike took place amongst
the working cotton-spinners in Manchester. Food was dear, and the
rate of wages was not in any proportion to the dearness. The men
who turned out paraded the streets, and, as is generally too much
the spirit of strikes, endeavoured forcibly to compel the workmen of
other factories to cease working too. The magistrates, on the 1st of
September, issued a proclamation, that they were determined to
resist such attempts, and to punish the offenders. Sir John Byng, the
same who had favoured the endeavours of Oliver in Yorkshire,
commanded the forces there, and every precaution was taken to
secure the factories still in work. On the very next day the spinners
were joined by a great mob from Stockport, and they endeavoured
to break into Gray's mill, in Ancoat's Lane, and force the men to
cease. But there was a party of soldiers placed within in expectation
of the attack, and they fired on the assailants, and killed one man
and wounded two others. The troops then dispersed the mob, which
was said to have amounted to at least thirty thousand men. This
ended the strike and the rioting for the time. The coroner's jury
pronounced the death of the man justifiable homicide, and Ministers
congratulated themselves on the speedy end of the disturbance. But
the elements of fresh ones were rife in the same districts. The
country was by no means in the prosperous condition that they had
represented it.
In the autumn the great Congress of Sovereigns assembled at Aix-la-
Chapelle. We have already anticipated their chief object—the final
evacuation of France by the Allied troops, and the settlement of
compensations. They assembled about the middle of September, and
remained together till the middle of November. Their business
conferences, however, did not commence till the 30th of September.
With regard to the evacuation of France, we need only state that it
was greatly promoted by the exertions of the Duke of Wellington.
Robert Owen was there to endeavour to enlist the Sovereigns in his
schemes of social reform, but did not make any proselytes amongst
the crowned heads, though the Czar Alexander told him he fully
entered into his views, as he was generally accustomed to tell all
reformers and religious professors, leaving them in the pleasing
delusion that they had won him to their opinions. Clarkson was there
to engage them to sanction the suppression of the slave trade, but
with as indifferent a result. This was the closing scene of the great
European drama, which opened with the French Revolution and
terminated with the capture of Buonaparte. The Congress of Aix-la-
Chapelle may be regarded as the recital of the epilogue.
The year 1818 did not close without one more brush of war. This
was in India. There had not been much quiet, even after the
destruction of Tippoo Sultan and the power of Mysore. When the
Earl of Moira (afterwards Marquis of Hastings) succeeded, as
Governor-General, to Earl Minto, in 1813, he found the country still
disturbed in different directions, particularly on the north-west
frontiers. The Burmese engaged his immediate attention, and then
the Nepaulese, who were not quietened till after two campaigns. But
there was a far more troublesome enemy than either of these in the
field. These were the Pindarrees, a multitude of horsemen made up
of the scum of Hindostan—men who had either lost caste, or never
had any—who formed themselves into flying bands, and with the
swiftness of the wind rushed down on the cultivated districts, and
swept all before them—cattle, sheep, money, jewels, everything that
could be made prey of. The two most celebrated chiefs of the
Pindarrees were Kureem and Cheetoo, but Cheetoo managed to put
down Kureem, and became the one great and formidable head of
these robbers. In 1811 he rode at the head of twenty-five thousand
cavalry. In 1814, whilst our troops were engaged in Nepaul, the
Pindarrees, under Cheetoo, crossed the Nerbudda, the Godavery,
and advanced to the Kistnah, ravaging the whole of the Deccan and
the neighbouring territories; and in spite of our forces under Major
Frazer in one direction, and Colonel Doveton in another, they
effected their retreat across the Nerbudda again, loaded with
enormous booty. In 1816 they made a still more extensive incursion,
ten thousand of them descending into the Madras Presidency as far
as Guntoor, and though Colonel Doveton exerted himself to come up
with them, it was in vain. In twelve days Cheetoo's marauders had
plundered three hundred and ninety villages in the Company's
territory, put to death one hundred and eighty-two people, wounded
five hundred and five, and tortured in various ways three thousand
six hundred.
It was now found that our pretended Mahratta allies, the Peishwa,
Scindiah, and other chiefs, were in league with Cheetoo, and unless
this conspiracy were broken the most fearful devastations might be
expected on our states. The Governor-General represented this to
the authorities at home, and recommended that the Pindarrees
should be regularly hunted down and destroyed. In the course of
1816 he received full authority to execute this scheme. At the end of
October he posted Lieutenant-Colonel Walker along the southern
bank of the Nerbudda, to prevent the Pindarrees from crossing into
the Company's territories; but as the line of river thus to be guarded
was one hundred and fifty miles in length, the force employed was
found insufficient against such adroit and rapid enemies. In
November Cheetoo dashed across the river between Lieutenant-
Colonel Walker's posts, and his forces dividing, one part made a
rapid gallop through forests, and over rivers and mountains, right
across the continent, into the district of Ganjam, in the northern
Circars, hoping to reach Juggernaut and plunder the temple of its
enormous wealth. But this division was met with in Ganjam by the
Company's troops, and driven back with severe loss. The other
division descended into the Deccan, as far as Beeder, where it again
divided: one portion being met with by Major Macdonald, who had
marched from Hyderabad, was completely cut up, though it was six
thousand strong. The other body struck westward into Konkan,
under a chief named Sheik Dulloo, and then, turning north,
plundered all the western coast, and escaped with the booty beyond
the Nerbudda, though not without some loss at the hands of the
British troops on that river.
As it was now clearly useless to endeavour to prevent these
desperate hordes from crossing the Nerbudda, it was determined to
march into their own retreats beyond that river, and regularly hunt
them down. Sir John Malcolm, one of our ablest officers, who has
left us a most graphic account of these transactions, had just now
returned from England, and he was appointed, with Major-General
Marshall, to this service. Not only Cheetoo, but Kureem, was again
on foot; and Sir John learnt that Cheetoo was posted near the camp
of the Holkar Mahrattas, and had received a lac and sixty thousand
rupees from the Peishwa. By this time he had advanced as far as
Agra, but on this information he fell back on Oojein, where Sir
Thomas Hislop lay with another body of troops. On the 21st of
December, 1817, Holkar's army and Cheetoo's army made a united
attack on the British at Mahidpore, on the banks of the Seepra. They
were received with a murderous slaughter, and fled, leaving seventy
pieces of artillery, all they had, and a great quantity of arms. They
fled in confusion to Rampoora, a fortified town in Malwa. The British
on their part had suffered severely, having one hundred and
seventy-four killed, and six hundred and four wounded. Amongst
these were thirty-five officers wounded, half of them severely.
Sir John Malcolm and Captain Grant pursued the fugitives along the
banks of the Seepra, killing numbers, and seizing immense booty,
including elephants and numerous camels. He left them no time to
reassemble, but advanced rapidly on the capital of Holkar, joined by
reinforcements from the Bombay army under Major-General Sir
William Keir. Alarmed at this vigorous action, the Holkar Mahrattas
hastily concluded peace, gave up all their forts, and placed their
territories under British protection. Some Pathan chiefs attempted to
resist, trusting to the defences of Rampoora; but General Brown
soon stormed that place, and the whole country of the Holkar
Mahrattas was reduced to obedience. No respite was granted to the
Pindarrees. Cheetoo was followed from place to place by the Gujerat
army under Sir William Keir, and sought refuge in vain amongst the
hills and jungles of Malwa and along the Nerbudda. At length, in
January, 1818, Cheetoo's last camp was surprised and cut to pieces.
After seeking refuge amongst various tribes, Cheetoo was ultimately
found in the jungle near the fort of Aseerghur, torn to pieces by a
tiger, his horse grazing not far off, safe, and a bag on his saddle
containing his remaining jewels and two hundred and fifty rupees.
And thus ended the existence of the long formidable hosts of the
Pindarrees.
Whilst this extirpation of the Pindarrees had been going on, the
cholera broke out at Jessore, in the low lands of the Delta of the
Ganges. This fatal disease has been supposed by medical men to
receive its force, if not its origin, from the want of salt in this
unhealthy district. Salt being one of the monopolies of the East India
Company, it was not permitted, though abundant in Madras, to be
carried into Bengal except on payment of a duty of two hundred per
cent. The natives, therefore, who subsisted on a rice diet, not being
able to procure this necessary antiseptic, frequently fell victims to
the terrible scourge of cholera. From this centre, where it may fairly
be said to have raged in perpetuity, it now spread rapidly up the
course of the Ganges, the Jumna, and their confluent rivers, and if
the British impost on salt had anything to do with the prevalence of
the epidemic, a severe retribution now fell upon those who profited
by it. The Marquis of Hastings, the Governor-General, was posted in
Bundelcund with his army, when it appeared there and swept away
thousands. The very men attending on the Governor-General at
dinner dropped down behind his chair and died. To seek a healthier
region, he marched eastward, but all the way the pest pursued him,
and when he reached the healthy station of Erich, on the right bank
of the Betwah river, towards the end of November, one-tenth of the
force had fallen under its ravages. The scourge did not stop there,
but for a number of years continued to spread at an amazing speed,
and eventually overspread Europe with its horrors.
During the time that Malcolm, Keir, Hislop, and other officers were
running down the Pindarrees, Major-General Smith, who had
received reinforcements at Poonah, was performing the same service
against Bajee Rao, the Peishwa who had furnished Cheetoo with
funds. He marched from Poonah at the end of November, 1817,
accompanied by Mr. Mountstuart Elphinstone. They encountered the
army of the Peishwa on the Kistnah, where his general, Gokla, had
posted himself strongly in a ghaut. The pass was speedily cleared,
and the army of the Peishwa made a rapid retreat. The chase was
continued from place to place, the Peishwa dodging about in an
extraordinary manner, till, at length, he managed to get behind
General Smith, and, passing between Poonah and Seroor, he was
joined by his favourite Trimbukjee, whom he had long lost sight of,
with strong reinforcements of both horse and infantry. General
Smith, so soon as he could discover the route of the Peishwa,
pursued it, but soon after the Mahrattas showed themselves again in
the vicinity of Poonah. To secure that city from the Peishwa's arms,
Captain F. F. Staunton was dispatched from Seroor on the last day of
the year with six hundred sepoys, three hundred horse, and two six-
pounders; but he was not able to reach Poonah. The very next day,
the 1st of January, 1818, he found his way barred by the whole
army of the Peishwa, consisting of twenty thousand horse and
several thousand foot. Could they have remained a little longer,
General Smith, who was on the track of the Peishwa, would have
been up to support them. But in the night of the 2nd of January,
having no provisions, Staunton fell back, carrying with him all his
wounded and his guns, and reached Seroor by nine o'clock on the
morning of the 3rd of January.

SURRENDER OF THE PEISHWA. (See p. 141.)

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That very day General Smith reached Corregaum in force, and at this
apparition the Peishwa fled back towards the sources of the Kistnah,
whence he had descended. Not only General Smith, but Brigadier-
General Pritzler and Colonel Boles kept up the pursuit, advancing
from different quarters, as the slippery Mahratta chief turned and
manœuvred. At length weary of the chase, they determined to
reduce Satara, his capital, and then each of his strong forts and
towns one after another, thus depriving him of supplies, and leaving
him no place of refuge or subsistence. Satara surrendered to General
Smith on the 10th of February, the same day that he appeared
before it. As one place after another fell, Gokla, the Peishwa's
general, made an effort to arrest this process of reduction, and this
enabled General Smith to attack him on the 20th of February, at
Ashtee, where he completely routed him. Gokla himself was killed,
and the Peishwa only escaped by abandoning his palanquin and
mounting a horse. General Smith and Lieutenant Warrand were
wounded, but not a man was killed on the British side. Great booty
was taken, including twelve elephants and fifty-seven camels.
The remnant of the Mahratta army fled northwards, pursued and
continually reduced by the British. At the same time the reduction of
the towns and forts was steadily going on, and every day the
fugitive Peishwa became more and more involved in the toils of his
enemies. He endeavoured to escape into Nagpore, but on the banks
of the Wurda he was met, on the 1st of April, by Colonel Scott and
driven back, only to fall into the hands of Colonel Adams, who
attacked him near Soonee with only one regiment of native cavalry
and some horse artillery, and gave him a thorough defeat, taking
five guns, three elephants, and two hundred camels. More than a
thousand Mahrattas fell, and the Peishwa himself narrowly escaped,
his palanquin, which he had abandoned, being found shot through.
Bajee Rao now endeavoured to get to the north-east into Malwa, but
he was stopped by General Sir Thomas Hislop, who was advancing
from that quarter towards the Deccan. At length, his forces
dispersed, his towns in possession of the British, his way on all sides
cut off, the Peishwa came in and surrendered himself to Sir John
Malcolm, on the 3rd of June, 1818, on promise of good treatment.
Sir John granted him eight lacs of rupees per annum, on condition
that he resigned the title of Peishwa for ever, and surrendered all his
possessions. This was confirmed by the Supreme Government at
Calcutta. Thus was the existence of the Pindarrees, and the power of
the Mahrattas, broken up, and the Rajah of Satara restored. He was
a minor, but on reaching the age of twenty-one, which was in the
year 1821, he was invested with the government of his dominions.
These included a district of about eleven thousand square miles, and
produced a net revenue of fifteen million rupees. Out of this,
however, three lacs per annum were reserved for chiefs who had
become subjects of the Company, and three more lacs were
alienated. As for Trimbukjee, whose crimes and murders had
determined the British to secure him at any cost, he was discovered,
after a long quest, in the neighbourhood of Nassick, by Captain
Swanston, and carried to Tannah, the prison from which he had
escaped. He was thence transferred to Calcutta, and finally to the
rock of Chunar, near Benares. The last success of this war was the
reduction of the fortress of Aseerghur, one of the most formidable
strongholds in India, which had undergone some most arduous
sieges.
None of the princes who accepted our protection benefited more
than Scindiah. He was relieved from the insolence of haughty
military chieftains, who commanded his armies, and left him as little
free will as they left to his subjects quiet possession of their
property. He was enabled to disband his vast armies, and reduce
them to thirteen thousand infantry and nine thousand horse. His
disbanded soldiers returned home, and became tillers of the land
lately running into jungle, by which, and other influences of peace,
his revenue was nearly doubled. All the districts wrested from him by
the Pindarrees were restored to him; he lost only the mischievous
fortress of Aseerghur. Sir John Malcolm cleared the country of the
swarms of Arabs, and of Mekranees from Beluchistan, who had
acquired a most formidable ascendency in the armies of the Indian
chiefs; and these chiefs were informed that again to employ these
mercenary ruffians, or to allow them to remain on their territories,
would be regarded as a declaration of hostility by the British
Government. Similar changes were introduced into the territories of
the dethroned Peishwa by the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone,
who resided at Poonah; and by the conquest of the Poonah territory,
by the treaty of Mundissoor, made by Sir John Malcolm after his
great victory at Mahidpore, and by exchanges made with the
Guicowar of Baroda, and other arrangements, the British dominions
were now linked together in one broad and continuous expanse,
from Calcutta to Bombay, and from Bombay to Madras, as by the
former Mahratta war they had been established between Madras and
Calcutta.
If we were to believe figures, and the returns of exports and
imports, and of duties paid, we must set down the opening of the
year 1819 as considerably prosperous. This was the view which
Ministers took of the condition of Great Britain when they met the
new Parliament on the 14th of January. The speculations that had
been carried on during 1818 had swelled the revenue, and given an
impression of growing commerce, which unfortunately did not exist.
The results of these speculations in imports of raw material,
especially of cotton, and in extensive exports of manufactures to
countries not yet sufficiently reinvigorated to purchase, had
produced numerous and heavy failures during the latter part of the
past year, and these still continued, in strange contrast to the self-
congratulating language of Ministers. In nothing was the fall of price
so great as in cotton, and those who had bought largely suffered in
proportion. These bankruptcies were not confined to Great Britain;
they extended to New York, and to southern ports of the United
States, where the same speculation had been going on largely.
Besides the flattering assurances of the steady improvement in
commerce and manufactures, and, consequently, in the revenues,
the Regent's Speech, read, as usual, by the Lord Chancellor, justly
congratulated the country on the successful termination of the
Pindarree war by the Marquis of Hastings. It informed the two
Houses that a new treaty had been entered into with the United
States for adjusting the different points at issue between the two
nations, not settled by the treaty of peace, and also for regulating
the commerce between them. It announced the results of the
Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle, and stated that some new measures
were needed for the care of his Majesty's person in consequence of
the death of the queen. The Address, in both Houses, was carried
almost pro formâ. Mr. Manners Sutton was elected Speaker of the
Commons by acclamation.
The new arrangements for the care of the king's person came on
first for discussion. On the 25th of January Lord Liverpool introduced
a Bill to make the Duke of York guardian of his Majesty's person in
place of the late queen. This question was decided with little debate.
On the 4th of February a message was brought down from the
Regent informing the House of Commons that, in consequence of
the demise of her Majesty, fifty-eight thousand pounds became
disposable for the general purposes of the Civil List; and
recommending that the claims of her late Majesty's servants to the
liberality of the House should be considered. Lord Castlereagh
moved that the House should go into committee on this subject, as,
besides the fifty-eight thousand pounds, there was another sum of
one hundred thousand pounds, which had been appropriated to the
maintenance of the establishment at Windsor. It was understood
that Ministers would propose to reduce the sum for the
establishment at Windsor to fifty thousand pounds, but that they
would recommend that ten thousand pounds, which her Majesty had
received in consideration of her charge of the king, should be
transferred to the Duke of York. Mr. Tierney objected to the charge
of fifty thousand pounds for the maintenance of the establishment at
Windsor. He said he could not conceive how this money was to be
spent, or on whom, for certainly it could not be on the king, who, he
understood, was in that state of mental and bodily debility which
made it necessary that as few persons as possible should be about
him, and that his regimen was so very simple that it could cost next
to nothing.
On the 22nd the Commons went into committee on this subject, and
Mr. Tierney then proposed that both the establishment at Windsor
and the salary to the Duke of York should be paid out of the Privy
Purse or other private funds of the Crown. There was a private
property belonging to the Crown of one hundred and forty thousand
pounds a year, and surely this was sufficient to defray the charge of
the necessary care of the king's person. He reminded the House also
of the sums which had been voted for the royal family since 1811.
Besides fifty thousand pounds a year set apart for the debts of the
Prince Regent, he had a privy purse of sixty thousand pounds a year,
besides an additional grant of ten thousand pounds a year made
since. The king had also a privy purse of sixty thousand pounds a
year, with an additional revenue of ten thousand pounds from the
Duchy of Lancaster. Surely, out of all these sums, there must be
ample means of taking care of the king's person. To all these second
statements Mr. Peel—afterwards the Sir Robert who began his
political career in the ranks of high Toryism—replied that the Duke of
York would accept no salary which came from the Privy Purse, and
he quoted Sheridan and Adam, old friends of the Prince Regent, and
staunch Whigs, who had zealously advocated the sacredness of the
Privy Purse. When the vote was taken for the disposal of the sum for
the Windsor establishment, it was carried by two hundred and eighty
against one hundred and eighty-six, a sufficient proof that in the
new Parliament the Government possessed a strong majority. On the
25th the proposal to confer on the Duke of York ten thousand
pounds per annum, for this charge of his own father's person, was
also carried by a still larger majority—two hundred and forty-seven
against one hundred and thirty-seven. In the debate, Denman and
Brougham opposed the vote, and Canning supported it. In the
House of Peers Lords Grey, Lansdowne, and other Whig peers
opposed the vote of the ten thousand pounds to the Duke of York.
And truly, in private life, it would not have seemed very filial conduct
for a man, already possessing a large income, to require a great
annual payment for discharging the simple duty of seeing that his
aged father, a gentleman also of ample means, was well looked
after.
A great portion of the present Session was occupied with discussing
the return to cash payments, which, by the Act of Parliament, ought
to take place on the 5th of July of this year. It appears that no less
than fifty debates and conversations in both Houses took place on
this important subject during the Session. Very soon after the
meeting of Parliament a secret committee of each House was
appointed to inquire into the state of the Bank. These committees
were, however, so managed, by delivering to the members lists of
suitable persons for such committees, that scarcely any but
Ministerial men were voted, though these votes were given by ballot.
In the Commons this result was so evident that the Opposition
declined to vote at all. The first reports of the committees went
rather to close more strictly than to open the issue of gold by the
Bank. It had been paying in gold its notes issued previous to
January, 1817. This payment it was proposed to stop, as, at present,
evidently injurious to the interests of the country. Mr. Peel, on
moving for a Bill for this purpose, stated that the gold at the present
price was fast finding its way abroad, and was as rapidly absorbed in
re-minting a gold coinage for France. It appeared that during the
first half of 1818 gold to the value of no less than one hundred and
twenty-eight million francs had been coined at the French mint, of
which three-fourths were derived from the gold coinage of England.
A Bill was accordingly passed to stop payment altogether in gold till
the necessary preparations were made by a fresh Bill. Still, the
condition of the Bank was represented as flourishing. Its liabilities
were stated in January, 1819, as amounting to thirty-three million
eight hundred and ninety-four thousand five hundred and eighty
pounds; its assets, including the debt due from Government, fifty-
three million seven hundred and eighty-three thousand seven
hundred pounds. The total Bank surplus appeared to be nineteen
million eight hundred and eighty-nine thousand one hundred and
twenty pounds; and its surplus, independent of the Government
debt, and therefore available for current use, was five million two
hundred and two thousand three hundred and twenty pounds. The
committees adopted the scheme broached by Mr. Ricardo in his
"Proposals for an Economical and Secure Currency," published in
1816. This was that the Bank, in the first instance, should not pay
for its notes in gold coin, but in ingots of a certain weight, its
fineness being attested by a stamp; and this degree of purity should
be regulated from time to time till the gold descended to the Mint
price of three pounds seventeen shillings and tenpence-halfpenny
per ounce. When the Mint gold at length reached this rate of value,
then the payment in coin was to be begun. Resolutions to this effect
were moved by the Earl of Harrowby on the 21st of May, and they
received the approval, not only of the Ministerial side, but of the
leading Opposition members, Lords Grenville, Lansdowne, and King.
In the House of Commons similar resolutions were moved on the
24th by Mr. Robert Peel, who, on this occasion, made the first of
those candid admissions of new views which he afterwards repeated
on the question of Catholic Emancipation, and finally on the abolition
of the Corn Laws. This eminent statesman, though beginning his
career in the ranks of Conservatism, had a mind capable of
sacrificing prejudice to truth, though it was certain to procure him
much obloquy and opposition from his former colleagues. He now
frankly admitted that the evidence produced before the secret
committee of the Commons, of which he had been a member, had
greatly changed his views regarding the currency since in 1811 he
opposed the resolutions of Mr. Horner, the chairman of the Bullion
Committee. He now believed the doctrines of Mr. Horner to be
mainly sound, and to represent the true nature of our monetary
system; and, whilst making this confession, he had only to regret
that he was compelled by his convictions to vote in opposition to the
opinions of his venerated father. Several modifications were
proposed during the debate, but there appeared so much unanimity
in the House that no alterations were made, and the resolutions
passed without a division. The resolutions were to this effect:—That
the restrictions on cash payments should continue till the 1st of May,
1822; that, meanwhile, the House should make provision for the
gradual payment of ten millions of the fourteen millions due from
the Government to the Bank; that, from the 1st of February, 1820,
the Bank should take up its notes in gold ingots, stamped and
assayed in quantities of not less than sixty ounces, and at a rate of
eighty-one shillings per ounce. After the 1st of October of the same
year the rate of gold should be reduced to seventy-nine shillings and
sixpence per ounce; and again on the 1st of May, 1821, the price
should be reduced to seventy-seven shillings and tenpence
halfpenny per ounce; and at this rate of gold, on the 1st of May,
1822, the Bank should finally commence paying in the gold coin of
the realm. Bills to this effect were introduced into both Houses by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Peel, and were readily
passed; and such was the flourishing condition of the Bank that it
did not wait for the full operation of the Act, but commenced paying
in coin to any amount on the 1st of May, 1821.

THE MINT, LONDON.

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The select committee of the Commons appointed at the instance of
Lord Castlereagh, to inquire into the state of the national income
and expenditure, now presented its report on the 3rd of June, and it
was agreed to. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated on its
authority that, since 1815, taxation had been reduced eighteen
million pounds per annum; that in 1816 the revenue of Great Britain
and Ireland had been consolidated, and that, at that time, the
interest of the Debt of Ireland, including the Sinking Fund provided
for its reduction, exceeded the entire revenue of that part of the
United Kingdom by one million nine hundred thousand pounds. He
then announced that supplies for the present year would be required
to the amount of twenty million five hundred thousand pounds; that
the existing revenue would only furnish seven million pounds
towards this; and that it would be necessary to have recourse to the
Sinking Fund to make up the deficiency of thirteen million five
hundred thousand pounds. This Sinking Fund was fifteen million five
hundred thousand pounds, so that it would leave only two million
pounds; but as it was necessary to have a tolerable surplus in hand
to meet exigencies, it was proposed to raise this reserve fund to five
million pounds by fresh taxes to the amount of three million pounds.
On this basis Mr. Vansittart, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the
9th of June, produced his Budget. Including the interest on the
Debt, the whole annual expenditure amounted to seventy-six million,
seventy-four thousand pounds—an ominous peace expenditure.
Instead, therefore, of the supplies, aided by the draft from the
Sinking Fund, leaving a surplus of two million pounds, a fresh loan of
twelve million pounds—besides the three million pounds of new
taxes on malt, tobacco, coffee, cocoa, tea, British spirits, pepper, and
foreign wool was needed. By the hocus-pocus of Exchequer accounts
this was made to look like a reduction of the Debt instead of an
increase of it; but the country saw with dismay that three years after
the peace the incubus of past war was still adding to its burden. Mr.
Tierney, on the 18th, moved for a committee to inquire into the state
of the nation, but this was negatived by three hundred and fifty-
seven votes against one hundred and seventy-eight; and a motion of
Sir Henry Parnell on the 1st of July for extensive retrenchments was
got rid of in the same manner.
 SIR SAMUEL ROMILLY.
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But amid the discouragements of monetary legislation, which
showed that it would require a determined contest to compel
Ministers to retrench, there were symptoms of a spirit of legal and
social reform amongst Parliamentary men generally which augured
the approach of better times. Mr. Sturges Bourne obtained the
passing of his long-advocated Poor Law Bill; but Bills for regulating
settlements, and for preventing the misapplication of the poor rates,
were thrown out. A Bill was passed to regulate the treatment of
children in cotton factories, and to limit the hours of their
employment. Mr. Brougham's Act for inquiry into the charitable
foundations of England was extended, with the support of
Government, so as to apply to educational as well as to all kinds of
charities, except such as had special visitors, or were maintained by
private subscriptions. Sir James Mackintosh also took up the humane
track of labour occupied so nobly by the late Sir Samuel Romilly. On
the 2nd of March he moved for the appointment of a select
committee to take into consideration the subject of capital
punishment as regarded felonies. This was eminently needed, for
the penal laws during the reign of George III. were truly Draconian.
Notwithstanding a strong opposition by Ministers, the motion was
carried, amid much cheering, and on the 6th of July Sir James
Mackintosh introduced the report, which was ordered to be printed.
Government, as if to wipe out their disgrace in resisting so humane a
measure, now proposed an inquiry into the condition of gaols and
other places of confinement, and into the best method of employing
and reforming delinquents during their imprisonment. Some reforms
were made in Scottish law. The old rights of trial by battle, and of
appeals of murder, felony, or mayhem, were abolished as rendered
unnecessary by the full exercise of the institution of jury, and as
belonging only to a barbarous age. The severity of the Scottish law
against duels was mitigated, that law pronouncing forfeiture of all
movable property, and banishment against all persons sending, or
even carrying, a challenge to fight a duel. The principle of that law
was sound, but its severity was its own defeat. A more questionable
Bill was one carried, after much opposition, called the Foreign
Enlistment Bill, which was intended to check the aid of Englishmen
in assisting the Spanish South American colonists in throwing off the
oppressive government of the mother country. Numbers of
Englishmen were engaged on the side of independence, and this Bill
was vainly intended to put an end to that generous aid.
The Scottish burgh question was brought forward again this Session.
The magistrates of the burgh of Aberdeen having been elected, in
1817, in the same corrupt manner as those of Montrose had been in
1816, the Court of Session had declared the election illegal. The
burgh of Montrose was found to have been disfranchised; but this
was not the case with Aberdeen, and the magistrates applied to
Government to grant a warrant for a new election, or rather a re-
election of themselves. This the Government, in the face of the
decision of the Court of Session, as well as of a numerously signed
petition from the burgesses praying that the election should be by
open poll, issued. On the 1st of April Lord Archibald Hamilton moved
an address to the Prince Regent, praying for a copy of this warrant.
It was strenuously resisted by Ministers, but the motion was lost by
only a small majority. On the 6th of May Lord Archibald Hamilton
renewed his motion in another form—namely, that the petitions
which had been presented from Scottish burghs on the subject of
Reform should be submitted to a committee of inquiry. He showed
that out of sixty-six royal burghs thirty-nine had voted for Reform;
that these thirty-nine contained a population of four hundred and
twenty thousand souls, whilst the remaining twenty-seven contained
only sixty thousand. The preponderance was so great that, in spite
of the opposition of Ministers, the House took another view of the
matter, and Lord Archibald's motion was carried, though only by one
hundred and forty-nine votes against one hundred and forty-four.
The question of Catholic Emancipation was brought forward on the
3rd of May, by Grattan: it was the last time that he did so, but he
had the satisfaction of seeing that the question was rapidly
advancing, for it was lost by only two votes. A fortnight afterwards
Lord Donoughmore introduced a similar motion, in the hope of
surmounting this small difference, but, after a long debate, he found
the majority increased against it by thirty-nine votes. The closing
contest of the Session was for Parliamentary Reform. Sir Francis
Burdett brought on his annual motion, on the 1st of July, for the
eighteenth time, but was defeated by one hundred and fifty-three
votes against fifty-eight. He was seconded by Mr. George Lamb,
younger brother of Lord Melbourne, who, however, did not go the
length of annual parliaments and universal suffrage. Even at that
day, Joseph Hume was for moderate reform, and Lord John Russell
was alarmed at anything further than Triennial Parliaments, and the
transferring the franchise from certain corrupt boroughs to others
not yet represented. Such were the feeble ideas of Reform amongst
its self-constituted leaders. Parliament was prorogued, on the 13th
of July, by the Prince Regent in person.
During this first Session of the new Parliament Ministers had carried
matters with a high hand, imagining that they had a majority which
would enable them to resist popular opinion, as they had done since
the conclusion of the war. But the progress of the Session did not
warrant this conclusion. They were defeated in several very
important contests, and before the Session came to an end were
made to feel that they had greatly declined in public confidence. In
the severe debate of the 18th of May, on the motion of Mr. Tierney
for a Committee of Inquiry into the state of the nation, they had a
majority of more than two to one. But this was very different on the
3rd of June, when they only carried their Foreign Enlistment Bill by a
majority of thirteen. On the question of the resumption of cash
payments, the conversion of Mr. Peel to the principles of Horner was
a rude shock to the Cabinet, and shrewd men prognosticated that,
the entire system of Mr. Vansittart being thus overturned, he must
retire. Then came not merely partial conversions, or near
approaches to defeat, but actual defeats. Such were those on Sir
James Mackintosh's motion for inquiry into the criminal laws, and on
Lord Archibald Hamilton's for Scottish burgh Reform. The question of
Catholic Emancipation had approached to a crisis, and a majority of
only two against it was, in truth, a real defeat. The consequence was
that the conviction of the insecurity of Ministers was not only shared
by men of impartial judgment, but by themselves. Towards the end
of the Session Lord Liverpool himself was found writing to a friend,
that unless the measure for the return to cash payments raised the
confidence of the public in them, they must soon go out:—"I am
quite satisfied that, if we cannot carry what has been proposed, it is
far better for the country that we should cease to be a government.
After the defeats we have already experienced during this Session,
our remaining in office is a positive evil. It confounds all ideas of
government in the minds of men. It disgraces us personally, and
renders us less capable every day of being of any real service to the
country, either now or hereafter. If, therefore, things are to remain
as they are, I am quite sure that there is no advantage, in any way,
in our being the persons to carry on the public service. A strong and
decisive effort can alone redeem our character and credit, and is as
necessary for the country as it is for ourselves."
This appeal did something to strengthen them, but not permanently.
The fact that Parliament might terminate any day from the death of
the king did much to keep members in remembrance of their
constituents; but the great cause of Ministerial decay of popularity
was that the circumstance and spirit of the times demanded more
liberal legislation than such men as Liverpool, Sidmouth, and Eldon
could comprehend, much less originate. The manufacturing districts
were especially in a depressed condition. The efforts which had been
made to force a trade had failed. The excessive exportation of
manufactured goods had resulted exactly as Brougham had
prognosticated: the foreign markets had been glutted before the
people were capable of buying, and the fall in prices had been
ruinous. The equally great importation of raw material to continue
the supply of fabrics for which the demand was inadequate, had
made matters worse. The bankruptcies during the first half of this
year were double the average number, credit was severely shaken,
and numbers of workmen were thrown out of employment or
reduced to very low wages. Wheat, though not so high as a year or
two ago, averaged eighty shillings per quarter. The consequence was
a renewed political action, and meetings were called by the
workmen in various parts of the manufacturing districts to consider
both their unsatisfactory position and the governmental as well as
commercial causes of it. The Corn Laws were justly denounced as
one potent cause of their sufferings, and the popular leaders of
Reform were called upon to assist them in getting rid of it. So early
as the 18th of January a meeting of this character was held at
Manchester. Application had been made to the borough-reeve to
summon a meeting to petition Parliament for this object, but he
declined, the Manchester authorities of that day standing strangely
aloof from the people in their endeavours for relief from this
enactment, which was as inimical to their own interests as
manufacturers, as it was to the comfort of their work-people.
Refused in this quarter, the people proceeded to hold a meeting
without such sanction, and invited Mr. "Orator" Hunt to go down and
take the chair. Perhaps they could not have selected a more unsafe
guide on the occasion, for personal vanity was Hunt's besetting sin.
Hunt, instead of encouraging the very constitutional object of the
meeting—to petition Parliament for the repeal of the obnoxious law
—treated the petitioning that House as ridiculous, and persuaded the
excited people to put their sentiments into the form of a
remonstrance to the Prince Regent. The meeting then dispersed
quietly; but Hunt found occasion to keep himself in the public eye
there a little longer. Some officers of the 7th Hussars, who were
posted at Manchester, treated him rudely as he appeared at the
theatre, asserting that when "God Save the King" was called for, he
hissed. Whether he did so or not, the conduct of the officers
answered his purpose of making political capital; he wrote to the
Commander-in-Chief, the Duke of York, and then sent his letter to
the newspapers. Still more, he wrote to Samuel Bamford to support
him in a scheme which was particularly calculated to produce riot
and bloodshed, and in this case Bamford did not exercise his usual
good sense. At Hunt's suggestion—to select a dozen stout fellows,
and appear on the evening of the following Monday in the pit of the
theatre, armed with stout cudgels, to inflict a summary chastisement
on the officers in case of a second demonstration of their feelings—
Bamford appeared at the time appointed with ten stout, picked
fellows, with knotty cudgels, marching along the streets to the
theatre. The object was immediately perceived by the people, who
crowded to the door of the theatre, completely filling the space in
front. But the manager was too prudent to open his theatre in such
circumstances. He announced that there would be no performance
that evening. Hunt was, therefore, disappointed of a catastrophe in
the theatre; but he drove up in a carriage, mounted the box, and
addressed the crowd in very exciting tones, declaring that the
magistrates desired nothing so much as an opportunity of letting
loose the bloody butchers of Waterloo upon them—meaning the 7th
Hussars. It was not his fault that all went off quietly.
In May the gingham-weavers of Carlisle and that neighbourhood
held a similar gathering, and in June meetings were held on Hunslet
Common, near Leeds, at Glasgow, Ashton-under-Lyne, and other
places. The meeting at Glasgow, on the 16th of June, was held on
the Green, and amounted to thirty or forty thousand people. They
complained of the low wages for cotton-weaving, and proposed a
petition to the Prince Regent, praying that he would enable them to
get over to Canada, promising that all such as received that favour
should repay the outlay by yearly instalments. But the bulk of the
assembly protested against emigration, asserting that the remedy
for their distresses lay in annual parliaments, universal suffrage, and
the consequent reduction of taxation; and they proposed that they
should march up to London in a body, and present their petition to
the Prince Regent in person. At Ashton the chair was taken by the
Rev. Joseph Harrison, and the strange creature called Dr. Healey, of
whom Bamford gives an extraordinary account in his "Life of a
Radical," made a most wild and seditious harangue. At a great
meeting at Stockport, on the 28th of the same month, a very
different personage presided. This was Sir Charles Wolseley, of
Wolseley Park, in Staffordshire. Sir Charles said that he had been
engaged in the outbreak of the French Revolution, and had assisted
in the taking of the Bastille, and that he would spend his last drop of
blood, if it were necessary, in destroying the Bastilles of his own
country. The acquisition of such an advocate of Reform was not
likely to be received with apathy. Sir Charles was invited to preside
at a similar meeting at New Hall, near Birmingham, on the 12th of
July. At this meeting he was elected "legislatorial attorney and
representative" for that town. This was a circumstance that excited
the alarm of Government. They immediately issued warrants for the
apprehension both of Sir Charles and of Dr. Harrison for seditious
expressions used at the Stockport meeting. Sir Charles was arrested
at his own house, at Wolseley Park; and Harrison was taken on the
platform of a public meeting, at Smithfield, in London, on the 21st of
July, at which Hunt was presiding. On conveying Harrison to
Stockport, the constable who arrested him was attacked by the mob,
and a pistol was fired at him, the ball of which lodged in his body.
Circumstances appeared now to be growing serious. Meetings were
held in defiance of the strict measures of Government throughout
the manufacturing districts; and at Blackburn it was announced at
such a gathering, on the 5th of July, that the women had also
formed themselves into "Sister Reform Associations," and these
called on their own sex everywhere to imitate their example, so as
to co-operate with the men, and to instil into the minds of their
children a hatred of tyrannical rulers. The men, at the same time,
made another advance in the Reform agitation; this was drilling-a
movement which gave great alarm to the magistrates of Lancashire,
who wrote from various quarters to apprise Government of it. It was
a circumstance that might well excite suspicion that something more
than Reform was intended. But when it came to be explained by the
parties themselves, it turned out to mean nothing more than that
the Reformers in the neighbourhood of Manchester were intending
to hold a great meeting in order to elect a representative, as the
people of Birmingham had done, and that they wished to assemble
in the utmost order and quiet. But the very means employed by
them to avoid confusion, and enable them to meet and disperse with
decorum, were just those most calculated to excite the fears of a
magistracy and Ministry already suspicious.
The great meeting had been intended to take place on the 9th of
August; and on the 31st of July an advertisement appeared in the
Manchester Observer calling on the inhabitants to meet on the 9th in
the area near St. Peter's Church for the purpose of electing a
representative to Parliament, as well as for adopting Major
Cartwright's plan of Parliamentary Reform. This immediately drew
from the magistrates a notice that such a meeting would be illegal,
and that those who attended it would do so at their peril. The
working men on this announced that the meeting would not take
place, and a requisition was presented to the borough-reeve and
constables, requesting leave to hold such a meeting. It was refused;
and on its refusal the people proceeded with their original design,
only appointing the 16th as the day of meeting, with Hunt in the
chair.
 THE PETERLOO MASSACRE: HUSSARS CHARGING THE PEOPLE. (See p.
151.)
[See larger version]
This was taking a bold step in defiance of the authorities, and
orderly and peaceable conduct was, more than ever, necessary. On
the morning of the day proposed there was little appearance of any
stir amongst the artisans of the town, and it does not seem that
they took any or much part in the assembly, but that it was made up
of the parties marching in from the country and towns around.
During the forenoon of this day, Monday, the 16th of August, large
bodies came marching in from every quarter, so that by twelve
o'clock it was calculated that eighty or a hundred thousand such
people were congregated in and around the open space designated.
Some of them had disregarded the injunctions of the general