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 STRATEGIC DATA
WAREHOUSING
Achieving Alignment with Business

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 STRATEGIC DATA
WAREHOUSING
Achieving Alignment with Business

Neera Bhansali

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Bhansali, Neera.
Strategic data warehousing : achieving alignment with business / Neera Bhansali.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-4200-8394-1 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Data warehousing. 2. Business--Data processing. I. Title.

QA76.9.D37B53 2010
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Dedication

To Shrenik and Divya

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Contents

Preface.......................................................................................................... xiii
Acknowledgments.......................................................................................... xv
About the Author.........................................................................................xvii
1. Introduction............................................................................................1
Data Warehouse...........................................................................................2
Challenges in Data Warehousing..................................................................3
Goal..............................................................................................................4
Strategic Alignment......................................................................................5
Current Status of Strategic Alignment Research...........................................6
The Gap........................................................................................................7
Case Studies..................................................................................................8
Organization of Remaining Chapters...........................................................8
2. Benefits of a Data Warehouse..................................................................9
Evolution of Information Technology...........................................................9
Evolution of Information Systems...............................................................10
Benefits of a Data Warehouse.....................................................................12
Decision Support...............................................................................12
Data Analysis.....................................................................................13
Data Mining......................................................................................15
Enhanced Integrated Data.................................................................16
Efficiency Improvements....................................................................17
Customer Management.....................................................................17
Conclusion..................................................................................................18
3. Difference Between Data Warehouses and Traditional
Operational Systems..............................................................................19
Features of a Data Warehouse.....................................................................19
Subject Oriented................................................................................19
Integrated..........................................................................................20

vii

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

viii  Contents

Nonvolatile........................................................................................20
Time Variant.....................................................................................21
Historical...........................................................................................21
Difference Between Data Warehouses and Traditional Operational
Systems.......................................................................................................21
Used by Management........................................................................22
Strategic Value...................................................................................22
Strategic Direction.............................................................................23
Online Analytical Processing.............................................................23
Subject Oriented................................................................................24
Historical Data..................................................................................24
Unpredictable Query Pattern.............................................................25
Other Important Differences.............................................................25
4. Data Warehouse Development Process.................................................29
Data Sourcing.............................................................................................30
Data Modeling...........................................................................................30
Transforming Enterprise Data Model to Data Warehouse Model..... 34
Remove Operational Data.................................................................35
Add an Element of Time to the Key Structure...................................35
Add Appropriate Derived Data..........................................................35
Transform Data Relationships into Data Artifacts.............................36
Accommodate Different Levels of Granularity..................................37
Merge Like Data from Different Tables.............................................39
Create Arrays of Data....................................................................... 40
Separate Data Attributes by Stability Characteristics.........................41
Data Extraction and Conversion................................................................ 42
Data Extraction.................................................................................43
Data Cleaning...................................................................................43
Loading the Data Warehouse........................................................... 44
Refresh..............................................................................................45
Data Warehouse Database Management System........................................ 46
Differences between Relational and Multidimensional Designs........47
Data Warehouse Administration................................................................48
Access and Business Intelligence Tools........................................................49
Metadata.....................................................................................................50
5. Data Warehouse Architectures..............................................................53
6. Factors Influencing the Success of a Data Warehouse...........................57
Organization Factors that Influence Success of a Data Warehouse.............58
User Factors that Influence Success of a Data Warehouse.......................... 64
Technology Factors that Influence Success of a Data Warehouse................65

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

 Contents  ix

Data Factors that Influence Success of a Data Warehouse...........................67

Data Quality.....................................................................................68
Intrinsic Data Quality.......................................................................69
Contextual Data Quality...................................................................70
Accessibility.......................................................................................71
Representational Data Quality..........................................................71
7. Strategic Alignment...............................................................................75
Need for Strategic Alignment Between IT and Business.............................76
The Strategic Alignment Model..................................................................78
Developments in Strategic Alignment Research..........................................80
Alternatives to the Strategic Alignment Model.......................................... 84
Enablers of Business–IT Alignment............................................................86
Culture..............................................................................................87
Customer Focus.................................................................................87
Organization.....................................................................................87
Joint Responsibility............................................................................88
Rewards.............................................................................................89
Conclusion..................................................................................................89
8. Strategic Alignment of Data Warehouses..............................................91
Conceptual Model......................................................................................91
Joint Responsibility between Data Warehouse and Business Managers.......93
Alignment between Business Plan and Data Warehouse Plan...................100
Business User Satisfaction.........................................................................104
Technical Integration................................................................................109
Flexibility..................................................................................................112
9. Case Study: Strategic Alignment at Nielsen Media Research..............115
Introduction............................................................................................. 115
Overview of the Company........................................................................ 115
Business Objective........................................................................... 116
Background of the Data Warehouse................................................ 116
The Data Warehouse Development........................................................... 117
Project Initiation.............................................................................. 117
Data Warehouse Architecture Selection........................................... 118
Physical Implementation.................................................................. 118
Strategic Alignment of the Data Warehouse at Nielsen Media
Research................................................................................................... 119
Joint Responsibility between Business and Data Warehouse
Managers.........................................................................................120
Commitment and Involvement of Senior Management..........120
Involvement of Data Warehouse Managers in Corporate
Strategy..................................................................................121

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

x  Contents

Alignment between Business and Data Warehouse Plans................122

Architectural Alignment of the Data Warehouse....................122
Knowledge Sharing................................................................123
Integration of Business and Data Warehouse Planning...........124
Communication between the Business and Data
Warehouse Managers..............................................................125
User Participation and Satisfaction, and Data Warehouse Success...126
User Participation...................................................................126
Perceived Usefulness...............................................................127
Ease of Use.............................................................................128
Data Quality..........................................................................128
Technical Integration and Data Warehouse Alignment and
Success.............................................................................................129
Value Management.................................................................129
Technological Capability........................................................130
Organizational Capability......................................................131
Flexibility in Data Warehouse Planning..........................................131
Conclusion................................................................................................133
10. Case Study: Strategic Alignment at Raymond James Financial..........135
Introduction.............................................................................................135
Overview of the Company........................................................................135
Company Subsidiaries.....................................................................136
Business Objectives..........................................................................136
Corporate Structure.........................................................................137
Background of the Data Warehouse.........................................................137
Data Warehouse Objective..............................................................138
Data Warehouse Development........................................................138
Conceptual Model..................................................................138
Physical Implementation........................................................139
Project Initiation....................................................................139
Current Data Warehouse........................................................139
Strategic Alignment of the Data Warehouse at Raymond James
Financial...................................................................................................140
Joint Responsibility Between Business and Data Warehouse
Managers.........................................................................................140
Commitment and Involvement of Senior Management in
Data Warehouse Project.........................................................140
Involvement of Data Warehouse Managers in Corporate
Strategy.................................................................................. 141
Alignment between Business and Data Warehouse Plans................142
Architectural Alignment of the Data Warehouse....................143
Knowledge Sharing................................................................144

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

 Contents  xi

Integration of Business and Data Warehouse Planning........... 145

Communication between the Business and Data
Warehouse Managers..............................................................146
Business User Participation and Satisfaction, and Data
Warehouse Success..........................................................................147
User Participation...................................................................147
Perceived Usefulness...............................................................148
Ease of Use.............................................................................149
Data Quality..........................................................................150
Technical Integration and Data Warehouse Alignment and Success.... 151
Value Management................................................................. 152
Technological Capability........................................................ 152
Organizational Capability...................................................... 153
Flexibility in Data Warehouse Planning..........................................154
Conclusion................................................................................................156
11. How to Assess Strategic Alignment of a Data Warehouse...................157
Design of the Interview Instruments........................................................ 158
Design of Interview Instruments for Senior Business Managers................ 158
Questions for Senior Business Managers.......................................... 159
Questions for Senior Business Managers Regrouped According
to Main Questions........................................................................... 159
Design of Interview Instruments for Data Warehouse Managers..............160
Questions for Data Warehouse Managers........................................162
Questions for Data Warehouse Managers Regrouped According
to Main Questions...........................................................................162
Design of Interview Instruments for Business Users.................................165
Questions for Business Users...........................................................165
Questions for Business Users Regrouped According to Main
Questions........................................................................................165
12. Epilogue..............................................................................................169
Strategy.....................................................................................................169
Organizational Culture.............................................................................170
Service Orientation of Data Warehouses................................................... 174
Governance Process..................................................................................175
References....................................................................................................177
Index............................................................................................................ 191

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Preface

If you don’t know where you are going, any road will get you there.
– Lewis Carroll

One of the motivations for writing this book was to give today’s IT and business
managers a perspective of the data warehouse as a corporate asset that can be put to
strategic uses. The role of CIOs has changed from just managing the IT infrastruc-
ture to being active partners in the management of the business of the company.
Because most IT managers possess a technical background and are not skilled in
business strategies, this book is written to facilitate their looking at and using the
data warehouse from a new perspective. It will help them in aligning the data ware-
house to business strategies.
This book is also written for the business managers who provide the resources
to build the data warehouses and are often disappointed with the result. It pro-
vides them with an understanding of what a data warehouse is and how they could
become active partners in leveraging this powerful information resource.
The book focuses on the challenges in aligning data warehouses to business
goals and strategies. It provides an understanding of the principles and tech-
niques for strategic alignment and their application to real-world practice of
data warehousing.
This book is targeted toward practitioners of data warehouses as well as busi-
ness executives planning and implementing data warehouses in an organization.
Professionals in information systems (IS) and information technology (IT), busi-
ness management, business administration, and business analysis will find this
book useful. Students in a variety of courses including management information
systems (MIS), database design, data management, data warehousing, decision sup-
port systems, and business administration will find it beneficial to understand how
theory is put into practice.

xiii

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

xiv  Preface

Strategic alignment of the data warehouse to business strategies is a continu-

ous process.

However beautiful the strategy, you should occasionally look at the

results.
— Winston Churchill

Although it was difficult to discuss every aspect of strategic alignment of data

warehouses in complete detail in a book of this length, I hope that this book con-
veys the challenges, potential, and excitement of strategic data warehousing.

Neera Bhansali

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Acknowledgments

I wish to thank Mr. Kim Ross, CIO for Nielsen Media Research, Mr. Timothy
Eitel, CIO for Raymond James Financial, and Mr. Mark Abbott, Vice President
Software Development for Raymond James Financial, for enabling the case studies.
I also wish to acknowledge all the participants in the case studies.
I wish to especially thank my family for their love, support, and understanding
during the extended time working on this book.

xv

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

About the Author

Neera Bhansali, PhD, received her doctoral and masters degrees in business from
RMIT University, Australia, and BA from Calcutta University, India. Dr. Bhansali
is an expert in areas of strategic planning, strategic alignment, data governance, and
data warehousing. Over the past twenty years Dr. Bhansali has facilitated transfor-
mations and provided strategic direction to organizations in manufacturing, air-
line, consulting, media, finance, and healthcare industries in Asia, Australia, and
North America.

xvii

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Chapter 1

Introduction

This book explains the role of strategic alignment between business and data
warehouse plans in an organization and the role of that alignment in successful
adoption of a data warehouse. It addresses the question, What role does strategic
alignment play in the successful adoption of the data warehouse? A data warehouse
is a collection of data from multiple sources, integrated into a common repository
and extended by summary information for the purpose of analysis (Ester et al.,
1998). This repository allows enterprises to collect, organize, interpret, and leverage
the information (data) they have for decision support (Wixom and Watson, 2001;
Gupta and Mumick, 2005; Groth, 2000; Gardner, 1998; Sethi and King, 1994). It
provides the foundation for effective business intelligence solutions for companies
seeking competitive advantage (Chenoweth et al., 2006).
The use of information technology in business has transformed over the last sev-
eral decades from operational utility in the 1960s to that of a competitive weapon
today (Carr, 2003; Kayworth et al., 2001; Ives and Learmonth, 1984; Bakos and
Treacy, 1986). This phenomenon has affected the ways organizations are managed
as well as the way IT affects the strategic activities of an organization (Pollalis,
2003). The strategic use of information technology has become a fundamental issue
for every business because information technology can enable the achievement of
competitive and strategic advantage for the enterprise (Kearns and Lederer, 2000;
Luftman et al., 1993; Jarvenpaa and Ives, 1991).
In today’s era of globalization (Breathnach, 2000; James, 1999), the prevail-
ing hyper-competitive markets (Eustace, 2003; Gagnon, 1999) bring pressure for
businesses to shorten product life cycles (Bussmann, 1998; Griffin, 1997), quickly
identify and penetrate new market segments, and increase operational efficiencies
(Krishnan et al., 1999; Mooney et al., 1996). Businesses seek sustainable competitive
advantage in these markets by leveraging technology to the fullest extent (Alavi and

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

2  Strategic Data Warehousing: Achieving Alignment with Business

Leidner, 1999). With strong competition and growing need for information, enter-
prises are eager to obtain fast and accurate information for better decision making
(Dean and Sharfman, 1996). Companies are continuously investing in processes
and technologies that enable better, faster, and more accurate decision making
(Hurd, 2003). One such enterprise decision-making platform is a data warehouse.

Data Warehouse
“Data warehouse is a subject-oriented, integrated, non-volatile, time-variant col-
lection of data in support of management’s decision making process” (Inmon,
1996a). The concept of integrated data for management support is not a new one.
Management information systems and executive information systems have been
around since the early 1970s (Shim et al., 2002). However, the operational IT envi-
ronment in most large companies is very heterogeneous as a result of decades of
changing technologies (March et al., 2000). Data resides in legacy systems in vari-
ous technologies and environments, ranging from PCs to mainframes (Robertson,
1997). As a result, they are incapable of supporting management decision processes
due to a lack of data integration. Data warehouses offer data integration solutions
and improved access to timely, accurate, and consistent data (Ang and Teo, 2000;
Ingham, 2000). A data warehouse equips its users with effective decision support
tools by integrating corporate-wide data into a single repository from which users
can run reports and perform ad hoc data analysis (Meyer and Cannon, 1998). The
data warehouse leverages the investments already made in legacy systems, allowing
business users the potential for much greater exploitation of informational assets
(Counihan et al., 2002). A data warehouse helps reduce the costs, increases value-
added activities, and improves efficiency (Zeng et al., 2003a).
The data warehouse provides effective business decision support data to an orga-
nization (Poe et al., 1998). Some of the successful companies that have leveraged
this data effectively include Wal-Mart (Westerman, 2001), Amazon (Rundensteiner
et al., 2000), Citigroup (Altinkemer, 2001), and Nielsen Media Research. The
strength of the data warehouse is its organization and delivery of data in support of
management’s decision-making process (Meyer and Cannon, 1998). The data ware-
house supports decision making and business analyses by integrating data from
multiple, incompatible systems into a consolidated database (Inmon, 1996).
The data warehouse also allows sophisticated analyses of data. The capability of
the data warehouse to perform the analysis has been documented by J. Srivastava
and Chen (1999). In the data warehouse, data is periodically replicated from opera-
tional databases and external providers of data, and is conditioned, integrated, and
transformed into a read-only database to discern patterns of behavior, support deci-
sion support systems, and enable online analytical processing. Little and Gibson
(2003) state that data warehouses also help in accessing, aggregating, and analyzing

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

 Introduction  3

large amounts of data from diverse sources to understand historical performance or

behavior and to predict and manage outcomes.
Data warehouse technology is inherently complex (Gardner, 1998; Chaudhuri
and Dayal, 1997), requires huge capital spending (Wixom and Watson, 2001), and
consumes a lot of development time. The complexity of data warehouse imple-
mentations is a subject of ongoing studies (L. Chen et al., 2000; H. Lee et al.,
2001; Klenz, 2001; Sperley, 1999). The adoption of data warehouse technology is
not a simple activity of purchasing the required hardware and software, but rather
a complex process to establish a sophisticated and integrated information system
(Vassiliadis et al., 2000; Wixom and Watson, 2001). Building a data warehouse
consists of a complex process involving data sourcing, data extraction and conver-
sion, population of the data warehouse database, data warehouse administration,
creation of metadata, and access to the data warehouse database for decision sup-
port and business intelligence (Little and Gibson, 2003; Berndt and Satterfield,
2000; Manning, 1999; Shahzad, 1999; O’Sullivan, 1996; Watson et al., 2004).

Challenges in Data Warehousing

In the past decade there has been an explosive growth in products and services
offered for the adoption of data warehouse technologies (Datta et al., 1998; Meyer
and Cannon, 1998; Koch, 1999). Data warehousing has also been a rapidly grow-
ing area in management information systems (Gary, 2004). Vassiliadis (2000)
in his study concludes that the area of data warehousing is thriving and there is
potential for further growth, but he adds that data warehouse projects are very
risky. Companies are integrating their data and building data warehouses to cre-
ate the advantages of identifying new markets for products and services, providing
improved customer service, and retaining customer loyalty (Berry and Linoff, 1999;
Rygielski et al., 2002), and reducing production and inventory costs (M. Fisher and
Raman, 1996). But a review of the literature suggests that a majority of data ware-
house projects have a high possibility of failure (Chenoweth et. al., 2006; Hwang
et al., 2004; Wen et al., 1997; Watson et al., 1999; Vatanasombut and Gray, 1999;
Kelly, 1997), and many firms are failing to realize the benefits of data warehousing
(Johnson, 2004).
Thus, even though data warehouses have emerged as a powerful tool in deliv-
ering information to users, creating competitive advantage (Groth, 2000; Berson
et al., 2000; Gardner, 1998), and building support for decision making (Gray and
Watson, 1998; Shim et al., 2002) and customer satisfaction (Berry and Linoff,
2004; Xu et al., 2002; Hui and Jha, 2000), their implementation is not always
successful. Although the data warehousing concept continues to attract interest,
many data warehousing projects are not only failing to deliver the benefits expected
of them, as discussed in the previous paragraph, they are proving to be excessively

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

4  Strategic Data Warehousing: Achieving Alignment with Business

expensive to develop and maintain (Manning, 1999). According to Koch (1999),

50% of these multimillion dollar projects fail to meet the desired levels of success.
The reality of data warehousing is much more risky and difficult than the
promise. One of the most recent, high-profile, and highly visible failures of data
warehouses was the Virtual Case File (VCF) commissioned by the FBI, cost-
ing more than $175 million (Goldstein, 2005). The VCF was commissioned as
a response to the September 11, 2001, incident, to allow U.S. federal agents and
intelligence agencies to share vital investigative information and develop a system
to help spot patterns that might signal a future attack by terrorists on the United
States of America. This failure has been the subject of a study by Goldstein (2005).
He suggests that the organizational structure, communication, and implementa-
tion were the key reasons for failure. Vassiliadis (2000) in his study of data ware-
houses has identified sociotechnical and procedural factors that contribute to the
failure of data warehouses, apart from design and technical factors.

Goal
The objective of this book is to help the reader understand the role of strategic
alignment in the success of data warehouse implementation. Although various
causes have been attributed, ranging from technical to organizational reasons, for
failure of data warehouses, the underlying strategic alignment issues have not been
understood in detail. Different factors have been identified that affect successful
implementation of data warehouses, which include project sponsorship (Hwang
et al., 2004), architecture selection (Zhou et al., 2000; Little and Gibson, 2003;
Tyagi, 2003; Peacock, 1998; Inmon, 1998a; Murtaza, 1998; Sigal, 1998; Van Den
Hoven 1998), technological sophistication (Triantafillakis et al., 2004; Zeng et al.,
2003; J. Srivastava & Chen, 1999; Shahzad, 1999; Sigal 1998), user participation
(Gorla, 2003; Guimaraes et al., 2003; Nah et al., 2004), and data quality (Y.W. Lee
et al., 2004; Sinn, 2003; Fisher et al., 2003; Armstrong, 1997; Redman, 1995).
However, each data warehouse system has an organizational specific set of
requirements, constraints, issues, and implications that need to be addressed. There
is no “one strategy fits all” solution to these problems. It can be easily envisioned
that a standard approach to all projects is not feasible. Every data warehouse has its
own issues of architecture, design, technology, data quality, and users that change
with every organization. Addressing these factors alone, as was attempted in the
VCF study (Goldstein, 2005), does not guarantee the implementational success
of the data warehouse. This book postulates that success depends on being able to
align the data warehouse to the business plans and strategy. It explores and answers
the question, What role does the alignment of the data warehouse to business plans
and strategies have in the success of data warehouse adoption?

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

 Introduction  5

The challenge of aligning the data warehouse to the business strategy is at

the heart of this book. The achievement of this alignment is important as data
warehouses are being built to advance the strategic initiatives of an organization
(Raghupathi and Tan, 2002; Cooper et al., 2000; Gray and Watson, 1998). Data
warehouse technology enables the strategic use of information (Sammon and
Finnegan, 2000). According to Counihan et al. (2002), data warehousing had
emerged as a response to the problems encountered by those trying to implement
decision support systems for strategic management. With the substantive and per-
suasive changes that this technology is enabling, it is no longer possible to have a
disconnect between an organization’s strategic plans, goals, and directions and its
IT initiatives, resources, and management (Hitt, 2001).

Strategic Alignment
Organizations allocate considerable resources to data warehouse projects, but there
has been very little discussion on how to achieve strategic alignment between the
data warehouse and the business plans, to ensure its success. Discussion on man-
agerial or strategic issues of data warehousing have been rare. There is no book
that empirically investigates the relationship between strategic alignment and data
warehouse success. Although the need for commitment and support from top man-
agement has been identified as a critical factor (Wixom and Watson, 2001), no
specific guidelines have been discussed on how to attain this. One of the questions
that needs to be answered is whether strategic alignment can resolve managerial
and strategic issues in data warehousing.
The number of technologies and software capabilities that exist are more than
what a business could ever possibly adopt. The key issue for companies is not the
availability of technology but choosing which technology to deploy and to what
purpose. Businesses have invested billions of dollars in information technology to
date, yet studies like those of Ryan and Harrison (2000) indicate that more than
50% of IT implementations actually cost more than twice their original estimates,
and the same can be said of data warehouse implementations (Wixom and Watson,
2001). A lack of foresight in the IT investment decision process has been cited for
this diminishing payoff (Schniederjans and Hamaker, 2003); others cite a need to
deploy information technologies in ways that are of the most relevance to the business
and its strategic objectives (Andal-Ancion et al., 2003; Kearns and Lederer, 2003;
Tallon et al., 2000). This is applicable to data warehouses, too. Data warehouses
are large, expensive projects (Manning, 1999) often built to address the strategic
objectives of an organization (Raghupathi and Tan, 2002; Cooper et al., 2000) and
have had a high rate of failure (Hwang et al., 2004; Chenoweth et al., 2006) in
realizing benefits.

© 2010 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

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 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xix, 1885, p. 373, and W. C. Borlase,
Dolmens of Ireland, ii, 424-9, 468.

1725 Dict. des sc. anthr., 1883, p. 1079; E. Cartailhac, La France

préhist., 1889, p. 197; B. C. A. Windle, Remains of the
Prehist. Age, pp. 195-7; W. C. Borlase, Dolmens of
Ireland, ii, 449, 468, 610-2, 632-4, and the maps facing
pp. 1, 102, 200, and 305 of vol. i.

1726 Ib., ii, 445, 460, 463, 493, 501, 557, 567-8, 585, 612-3,
634, 670; iii, 723, 962.

1727 Ib., ii, 489-90; iii, 974, n. §.

1728 Ib., ii, 450-1.

1729 Ib., pp. 495-6.

1730 Ib., p. 701.

1731 Ib., iii, 723; A. Bertrand, Arch. celt. et gaul., 1889, pp.
139, 141, 177. Cf. the remarks of M. Salomon Reinach La
République Française, 26 Sept., 1892.

1732 W. C. Borlase, Dolmens of Ireland, ii, 661-2; E. Cartailhac,

La France préhist., 1889, pp. 246-7.

1733 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxvi, 1902, p. 164.

1734 It has been argued that there must have been a particular
dolmen-building race, because certain countries, for
instance Austria, which have been continuously inhabited
from palaeolithic times, contain no dolmens. But this only
proves that certain peoples did not build dolmens.

1735 Dict. des sc. anthr., p. 388.

1736 Ib., pp. 387-8; E. Cartailhac, La France préhist., 1889, p.
199.

1737 W. C. Borlase, Dolmens of Ireland, iii, 714-5. See also Gen.

Faidherbe’s Collection ... des inscr. numidiques, 1870, p.
13; Matériaux pour l’hist. ... de l’homme, xxi, 1887, p.
190, pl. vi; and A. Bertrand, Archéol. celt. et gaul., 1889,
pp. 167-72.

1738 W. Greenwell, Brit. Barrows, pp. 482, 646, n. 1; Man, ii,

1902, No. 41, p. 51. According to Sergi (The
Mediterranean Race, pp. 225, 249, 254, 259), the
primitive Scandinavian dolichocephali were only one of the
numerous branches of his ubiquitous ‘Eurafrican species’.
He insists that the modern Scandinavian ‘cranial and
skeletal facial forms’ are identical with those of the
Mediterranean race; and the tallness and fairness of the
Scandinavians do not in the least shake his faith.
‘Northern Europe,’ he says (p. 254), ‘has given origin to
the white skin, blond hair, and blue or grey eyes’ of the
Scandinavians. Then why did it not produce the same
phenomena among the Lapps and the ‘Iberians’ of the
British Isles? See also Rev. arch., 4e sér., iii, 1904, p. 153.
I am of course willing to admit that the ‘Iberian’ and North
European races were branches of the same primitive
stock. See p. 434, n. 7, infra.

1739 See Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxvi, 1902, p. 162.

1740 Ib., pp. 163-4.

1741 Rev. d’anthr., ii, 1873, p. 113.

1742 Dolmens of Ireland, ii, 610-2. Cf. L’Anthr., iv, 1893, p. 731.

1743 Congrès internat. d’anthr. et d’archéol. préhist., i, 1874

(1876), p. 253; E. Cartailhac, Les âges préhist. de
 l’Espagne, p. 328.

1744 See ib., pp. 144-90, 316, 318, 325; Crania Ethinica, pp.
493-4; and Rev. mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., v, 1895, pp.
155-81, 184, 407-13, ix, 1899, p. 278.

1745 M. Salomon Reinach (L’Anthr., iv, 1893, pp. 485, 558) has
expressed the opinion that of all European dolmens the
most ancient are those of Northern Germany; but the only
reason which he gives, namely, that this region is on the
limit of the last moraines of the northern ice-sheet, and
that the dolmens were constructed of ‘erratic’ rocks, does
not seem worth discussing.

1746 Professor Zimmer (Zeitschriftder Savigny-Stiftung für

Rechtsgeschte, xv, 1894, pp. 217-8), while he denies that
we are yet justified in saying that the language of the pre-
Celtic [or, as I would say (see pp. 428-44, infra), the
dolichocephalic pre-Celtic] inhabitants of the British Isles
was Iberian, affirms that the linguistic evidence is
sufficient to show that it was non-Aryan. Similarly
Professor Rhys remarked at the meeting of the British
Association in 1900 (Report, &c., p. 889) that there was
‘probably no county in the kingdom that would be too
small to supply a dozen or two [of names of streams]
which would baffle the cleverest Aryan etymologist ... and
why? Because they belong in all probability to a non-
Celtic, non-Aryan language.’

1747 J. Rhys and Brynmor Jones, The Welsh People, 1902, pp.
617-41.

1748 May it not also have been modified, before it was

introduced into Britain, by the non-Aryan language or
languages which it presumably encountered on the
Continent?
1749 The Welsh People, 1902, p. 618; Celtic Review, i, 1905, p.
279.

1750 The Mediterranean Race, pp. 42-4. Cf. L’Anthr., v, 1894, p.

686, and Man, ii, 1902, No. 19, p. 28.

1751 Fortnightly Rev., N. S., xvi, 1874, p. 336.

1752 Brit. Barrows, p. 741, note.

1753 After I had written these words, I was glad to learn that
they had the support of Dr. Arthur Evans, who, speaking
of the discoveries in the Mentone caves, says (Journ.
Anthr. Inst., xxii, 1893, p. 301) that ‘it will no longer be
allowable to say that these supposed immigrants from
Asia brought with them at their first coming certain
domestic animals, and had already attained a knowledge
of the potter’s art, and of the polishing of stone weapons’.
And, as M. Salomon Reinach has justly remarked (L’Anthr.,
vii, 1896, p. 687), in a criticism of the address which Dr.
Evans delivered in 1896 at the meeting of the British
Association, ‘La race méditerranéenne s’offre d’abord à
nos yeux dans une région [Mentone] d’où elle a pu fort
bien gagner l’Afrique avant les modifications géologiques.’

1754 Early Man in Britain, pp. 296-7.

1755 Ib., p. 302.

1756 L’Anthr., iv, 1893, pp. 551-4; xvi, 1905, p. 187; La Grande
Encyclopédie, xiv, 856; Association franç. pour
l’avancement des sc., 33e sessn., 1904 (1905), pp. 1034-
49.

1757 Rice Holmes, Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, pp. 257-73.

1758 See p. 400, supra.

1759 The late Mr. Elton (Origins of Eng. Hist., 1890, pp. 149-50)
affirmed that certain customs, of which the couvade was
one, had ‘left distinct traces in the usages which still
prevail in the region of the Pyrenees. But,’ he continued,
‘at present there seems to be no point of connection
between them and anything which was ever observed in
this country’; and he insisted that this ‘should be taken
into account by those who assert the identity of the
Iberians with the Britons of the Silurian type’. I have not
asserted that identity in the narrower sense in which Mr.
Elton used the word ‘Iberian’: nevertheless his objection
has no force. The answer to it is, first, that the couvade
did survive in historical times, or leave traces of its former
existence, in Ireland, Scotland, and Yorkshire (pp. 94-5,
supra); secondly, that the custom prevails, or has
prevailed, among peoples of every continent except
Australia, who could never have influenced one another
(ib.); and lastly, that it cannot be expected that widely
scattered peoples who originally sprang from one stock
should continue to preserve all the customs of their
ancestors.

The other ‘customs’ of which Mr. Elton spoke are not

worth mentioning. He simply affirmed that certain tribes
who inhabited the Iberian peninsula in ancient times had
different customs. Naturally. The fact in no way tends to
prove that they did not belong to the same stock.

1760 Cf. Rev. mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., x, 1900, p. 230.

1761 Les premiers habitants de l’Europe, ii, 1894, p. 213.

1762 Rice Holmes, Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, pp. 276-7.

See also Rev. arch., 4e sér., i, 1903, pp. 65-6; Rev. celt.,
xxx, 1904, p. 372; and p. 296, n. 4, supra.
1763 Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, pp. 280-1, 318.

1764 See pp. 426 and 434, infra; A. Pitt-Rivers, Excavations in

Cranborne Chase, i, p. xv; Archaeol. Journal, lviii, 1901, p.
337; and Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxvi, 1897, pp. 122-3, xxxiii,
1903, pp. 66-73.

1765 Anthr. Rev., iv, 1866, p. 14; W. Greenwell, Brit. Barrows,

pp. 630, 711; J. Beddoe, The Races of Britain, ch. v; A.
Pitt-Rivers, Excavations in Cranborne Chase, ii, 64; Journ.
Anthr. Inst., xxvi, 1897, pp. 88, 113; W. Z. Ripley, The
Races of Europe, pp. 321-2, 326. Dr. Beddoe (op. cit., p.
270) emphasizes ‘the undoubted fact that the Gaelic and
Iberian races of the west ... are tending to swamp the
blond Teuton of England by a reflux migration’. Cf. his
paper in Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxxv, 1905, p. 235, and
Addenda, p. 740.

1766 See, for example, Prof. Boyd Dawkins’s article in Archaeol.

Cambr., 5th ser., viii, 1891, p. 72; and cf. p. 129, n. 2,
supra.

1767 See pp. 107-8, supra.

1768 Journ. Anthr. Inst., xiii, 1884, pp. 83-4. See also Anthr.
Rev., iv, 1866, p. 99.

1769 Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxii, 1893, pp. 11, 15-6, 18.

1770 Crania Britannica, ii, pl. 2, pp. 1-2.

1771 Ib., pl. 3 and 4, p. 1.

1772 Brit. Barrows, pp. 131, 450, 480, note; Journ. Roy. United
Service Inst., xiii, 1870, pp. 522-3; Sir J. Evans, Anc.
Stone Implements, 1897, p. 148.
1773 The Mediterranean Race, p. 263.

1774 See p. 110, supra.

1775 ‘The most tenable hypothesis may be said to be that the

Picts were non-Aryans, whom the first Celtic migrations
found already settled here ... the Picts were the
descendants of the Aborigines’ (The Welsh People, 1902,
pp. 13-4).

1776 Incerti Pan. Constantio Caesari, c. 11 (XII Panegyrici Latini

recensuit Aemilius Baehrens, 1874).
1777 See pp. 410, 438, n. 3, infra.

1778 See J. Rhys, Celtic Britain, 1904, pp. 215-6. Similarly the
Latins retained qu, as in equus, while the Greeks, as in
ἵππος, changed it into p.

1779 Rice Holmes, Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, p. 299,

note; E. W. B. Nicholson, Keltic Researches, 1904, pp. 6-7.

1780 Ib., pp. 6, 128, 149, 167.

1781 Rev. celt., xi, 1890, p. 377; xx, 1899, pp. 108-9. In the
latest volume of his review (xxvii, 1906, p. 107) M.
d’Arbois reiterates his dissent, asking whether Britain,
Thames, and London are words of Anglo Saxon origin.

1782 Ib., xxv, 1904, pp. 351-3; xxvii, 1906, pp. 107-8.

1783 Celtae and Galli, 1905. See especially pp. 1-2, 46, 55-64.
Professor Rhys (ib., pp. 48-50) somewhat doubtfully
regards two other inscriptions, which have been found
near Bourges and near Evreux, as akin to Goidelic.

1784 Keltic Researches, pp. 116-53.

1785 Rev. celt., xxv, 1904, pp. 351-3; xxvii, 1906, p. 107.

1786 Corpus inscr. Lat., xiii, 2494.

1787 Celtae and Galli, p. 62.

1788 See pp. 451-2, infra.

1789 Les premiers habitants de l’Europe, ii, 1894, pp. 255-82;

Les Celtes, pp. 17-9.
1790 Keltic Researches, p. 127.

1791 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1900, p. 895.

1792 Rev. celt., xxvii, 1906, pp. 107-8.

1793 The Welsh People, 1902, p. 13. Cf. Zimmer in Zeitschrift

der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv, 1894, pp.
214, 215, n. 1.

1794 Ib., pp. 215-6; J. Rhys, Celtic Folk-Lore, Welsh and Manx,
p. 281; The Welsh People, 1902, p. 76; H. d’Arbois de
Jubainville, Principaux auteurs de l’ant. à consulter sur
l’hist. des Celtes, pp. 69-70.

1795 The forms Cruithni and Cruithnig were also used. See Dr.
Whitley Stokes’s article in A. Bezzenberger’s Beiträge zur
Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, xviii, 1892, pp.
84-5, and J. Rhys, Celtic Britain, 1904, pp. 241-2.

1796 The Welsh People, 1902, p. 76. Cf. Scottish Review, xviii,
1891, pp. 133-8.

1797 See pp. 459-61, infra.

1798 Les premiers habitants de l’Europe, i, 1889, p. 45, n. 2; ii.

1894, pp. 282-3; Rev. celt., xiii, 1892, pp. 399-400; Les
Celtes, p. 25.

1799 Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 4.

1800 Scottish Review, xviii, 1891, pp. 134-5.

1801 See pp. 418-9, infra. M. d’Arbois’s latest pronouncement

(Les Druides, pp. 35-6, n. 5) is that ‘Cruithne est le même
mot que Πριτανία, le nom que prit la Grande-Bretagne
avant de s’appeler’ Πρεττανία,, &c.
1802 Prof. Rhys’s suggestion (The Welsh People, 1902, p. 114)
that ‘the word Dumnonii [which (see p. 447, infra) was the
name of a Brythonic tribe] was a collective name of the
Goidels of Britain when the Brythons arrived’ may be
taken for what it is worth.

1803 See p. 234, supra.

1804 p. 239.

1805 p. 243.

1806 Scottish Review, xviii, 1891, p. 142.

1807 Ib., p. 124.

1808 pp. 78-9.

1809 See pp. 499-507, infra.

1810 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1900, p. 895.

1811 The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 78-9.

1812 pp. 311-3.

1813 Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv,

1894, pp. 213-4.

1814 E. Windisch in Allgemeine Encyklopädie der

Wissenschaften, &c., 35. Theil, 1884, p. 136; A. Holder,
Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz, ii, 993; E. W. B. Nicholson,
Keltic Researches, p. 5.

1815 Cormac’s Glossary, ed. Whitley Stokes, 1868, p. 40.

1816 See the remarks of M. d’A. de Jubainville (Les Celtes, p.

22), who regards the p in Picti as a trace of the Belgic
 invasion, and Prof. Rhys’s Celtic Britain, 1904, pp. 311-2.

1817 Keltic Researches, pp. 32, 147-50.

1818 B. G., v, 14, §§ 4-5.

1819 See p. 267, supra.

1820 B. G., v, 14, § 1.—Ex his omnibus longe sunt humanissimi

qui Cantium incolunt ... neque multum a Gallica differunt
consuetudine.

1821 Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv,

1894, pp. 224-5.

1822 J. Rhys, The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 36-7. Cf. Celtic
Britain, 1904, pp. 55-6.

1823 Dr. F. B. Jevons (Journal of Philology, xvi, 1888, p. 104),

remarking that ‘the Joint Undivided Family persisted in
Sparta long after it had disappeared in the rest of Greece’,
and that ‘Polybius, misunderstanding the practice, was led
to imagine, where brothers lived on the joint estate, and
one alone had a wife, that the wife was common to all the
brothers’, says (ib., n. 1) that ‘precisely the same mistake,
due to the same cause ... is made by Caesar when he
ascribes polyandry to the ancient Britons’. M. d’Arbois
Jubainville, however (Rev. celt., xxv, 1904, pp. 188-9),
referring to Ancient Laws of Ireland (Senchus Mor), ed. W.
N. Hancock, i, 122, l. 19, 126, 1. 4, 142, 1. 30, concludes
that ‘en Irlande, à une époque reculée, la communauté
des femmes entre frères a existé d’une façon générale’.
The editor (p. 143) does not share this view.

1824 pp. 369-80.

1825 Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv,
1894, p. 234.

1826 The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 61-2.

1827 I quote from the translation of Messrs. Church and

Brodribb.

1828 I find that M. J. Loth (Annales de Bretagne, vi, 1890-1, p.

113) has made a suggestion which is substantially the
same.

1829 The Welsh People, 1902, p. 14.

1830 Ib., pp. 14-5.

1831 J. Rhys, The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 45-7. Cf. Proc. Soc.
Ant. Scot., xxxii, 1898, pp. 324-98, and especially 324-30;
also Archaeol. Cambr., 5th ser., viii, 1891, pp. 29-32.

1832 J. Rhys, The Welsh People, pp. 640-1. Professor Jones

refers to A. Hanoteau, Essai de grammaire de la langue
tamachek, 1860, p. xv.

1833 The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 61-2.

1834 See p. 422, infra.

1835 Archaeol. Cambr., 6th ser., ii, 1902, p. 59. Cf. J. G. Frazer,
Early Hist. of the Kingship, pp. 229-46.

1836 M. d’Arbois de Jubainville (Rev. celt., xxii, 1901, p. 122)

gives various instances from history to show that the
‘Pictish succession’ did not imply matriarchy. ‘Julius
Caesar,’ he says, ‘chose as his heir Octavius, his sister’s
grandson: was this matriarchy? Tiberius was the stepson
of Augustus: was this matriarchy? When a king had to be
 chosen among the Picts, the son of the late king’s sister
may sometimes have been preferred to his own son; but
the sister’s son must often have been the elder and more
experienced of the two.’ And so on (see also vol. xxiii,
1902, p. 359, vol. xxv, 1904, p. 206, and Rev. arch., 4e
sér., v, 1905, p. 447). But the point is that during the time
for which the history of the Picts is known to us a Pictish
king was never once succeeded by his own son. M.
d’Arbois de Jubainville’s arguments are not required for
the purpose of demonstrating that the ‘Pictish succession’
does not prove the Picts to have been the representatives
of the neolithic aborigines.

1837 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1900, p. 895.

1838 Ib., p. 896.

1839 Mr. Nicholson (Keltic Researches, pp. 144, 174) offers one
explanation of Vipoig, and Dr. Macbain (W. F. Skene, The
Highlanders of Scotland, 1902, pp. 394-5) another.

1840 Celtic Britain, 1884, p. 222. See also p. 153.

1841 p. 224.

1842 Incerti Pan. Constantino Augusto, c. 7 (published in XII

Panegyrici Latini recensuit Aemilius Baehrens).—
Caledonum aliorumque Pictorum silvas, &c. For the
manuscript reading Baehrens, following Eyssenhardt,
needlessly substitutes (Caledonum,) Pictorum aliorumque.

1843 The view, advocated by W. C. Borlase (Dolmens of Ireland,

iii, 1042-3) and others, that the Caledonians were
Germans is hardly worth discussing. There is absolutely no
evidence for it, except the remark of Tacitus (Agricola, 11)
that ‘the red hair and large limbs of the inhabitants of
Caledonia indicate a German origin’; and everybody knows
 that the physical characters of the Germans and the Celts,
as described by the ancient writers, were virtually identical
(see my Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, pp. 309-10, and
Rev. mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., vii, 1897, pp. 74, 89). It
is possible that some of the Caledonians may have been
descended from immigrants who came from Germany; but
this, I need hardly say, would be quite consistent with the
view that they were a Celtic-speaking people.

1844 De bello Gothico, 416-8.—

Venit et extremis legio praetenta Britannis,

Quae Scotto dat frena truci ferroque notatas
Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

1845 iii, 14, § 7.—τὰ δὲ σώματα στίζονται γραφαῖς ποικίλαις καὶ

ζῴων παντοδαπῶν εἰκόσιν· ὅθεν οὐδ’ ἀμφιέννυνται ἵνα μὴ
σκέπωσι τοῦ σώματος τὰς γραφάς.

1846 M. d’A. de Jubainville (Rev. celt., xiii, 1892, p. 401, n. 1)

rejects this derivation.

1847 Those who are familiar with Professor Rhys’s writings will
not be surprised to find that his notion of the meaning of
these words is unstable. In 1884 he wrote (Celtic Britain,
p. 240), ‘These words Cruithni and Prydyn are derived
from cruth and pryd respectively, which mean form’; and
he added that ‘Duald MacFirbis, quoted by Todd in a note
on the Irish version of Nennius, p. vi,’ ‘has rightly
explained the former [Cruithni] as meaning a people who
painted the forms (crotha) of beasts, birds, and fishes on
their faces, and ... on the whole of the body. This,’ he
observed, ‘agrees well enough with Claudian’s vivid
description of Stilicho’s soldiery, scanning the figures
punctured with iron on the body of the fallen Pict,’ &c. In
1891 he threw both MacFirbis and Claudian overboard:
 ‘We are not warranted,’ he said (Scottish Review, xviii,
1891, p. 124), ‘in supposing that he [Claudian] drew his
inspiration from any deeper source than the popular
etymology of the name Pictus, interpreted as a Latin
word.’ He went on to say (p. 131) that the silence of
Gildas, who hated the Picts, ‘is proof positive that neither
Picts nor Scots were in the habit of discolouring their skins
to any greater extent than his own people’; and he
insisted that there was a grave objection to the
explanation given by MacFirbis, ‘namely, that it accounts
for too few of the elements of the word Cruithne.’ In 1900
(Report of ... the Brit. Association, p. 895) he brushed
aside the ‘proof positive’, and proclaimed his conviction
that, after all, the Picts really had tattooed themselves. In
1902 (The Welsh People, pp. 79-80, n. 2) he observed
that if Cruithni and Prydyn had been really derived from
cruth and pryd, ‘one could scarcely avoid treating Cruithni
and Prydyn as translations ... of the word Pict regarded as
the Latin pictus, ‘painted’’; and that ‘the supposition here
suggested as to Pretani being merely a sort of translation
of ... pictus would compel us to regard the first use of
Pretani as dating no earlier than Caesar’s time’, which, as
he truly remarks, chronology will hardly allow us to do. In
the 3rd edition of Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 242, he reverts to
his view of 1884.

Candour is a virtue; but how are we to follow a guide who

is for ever changing his mind?

1848 See p. 413, supra.

1849 The Language of the Continental Picts, 1900, pp. 22, 26.

1850 E. Muret and M. A. Chabouillet, Cat. des monn. gaul. de la

Bibl. Nat., 4439.
1851 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1900, pp. 889-90. Cf.
Rhys’s Celtic Folk-lore, Welsh and Manx, pp. 681-2.

1852 A. H. Keane, Man, Past and Present, 1899, pp. 138, 198-9;
Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxxiv, 1904, p. 255; xxxv, 1905, pp.
283-94; L’Anthr., xvi, 1905, p. 129; Man, v, 1905, No. 53,
pp. 86-7; vi, 1906, No. 4, pp. 6-9. Needless to say,
tattooing is practised by many other peoples besides
those mentioned in the text.

1853 Celtic Britain, 1904, pp. 94-5, 162, 184, &c. On the last-
named page, for instance, among the ‘nations of Pictland’
are included ‘the Verturian Brythons’.

1854 Ib., p. 275.

1855 Ib., pp. 241, 245.

1856 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxvi, 1892, pp. 263-351.

1857 Ib., xxxii, 1898, p. 324.

1858 Ib. See also The Welsh People, 1902, p. 16.

1859 W. F. Skene, The Highlanders of Scotland, 1902, p. 398.

1860 Keltic Researches, pp. 71-3.

1861 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxii, 1898, p. 374.

1862 Ib., p. 361.

1863 Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 272.

1864 Les Celtes, p. 30.

1865 Rev. celt., vii, 1886, p. 181.

1866 Keltic Researches, p. 24.

1867 Ib., p. 21.

1868 A. Bezzenberger, Beiträge zur Kunde der

indogermanischen Sprachen, xviii, 1892, pp. 84-115, and
especially 113-4.

1869 W. F. Skene, The Highlanders of Scotland, 1902, pp. 381-

401.

1870 Hist. eccl., i, 12.—Incipit autem duorum ferme milium

spatio a monasterio Aebbercurnig ad occidentem, in loco
qui sermone Pictorum Peanfahel, lingua autem Anglorum
Penneltun appellatur, &c.

1871 E. W. B. Nicholson, Keltic Researches, pp. 4, 21. Cf. A.

Bezzenberger, Beiträge, &c., xviii, 1892, pp. 98, 108.

1872 Celtic Britain, 1884, p. 153.

1873 Ib., 1904, pp. 153-4. Referring to p. 24 of Mr. Nicholson’s

book, Professor Rhys says (Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 153)
that Peanfahel ‘points back to a Latin term penna(e) or
pinna(e) valli, “wing of the vallum,” that is, the pinnacle or
turret at the end of the wall’. Now ‘pinnacle or’ appears to
have been inserted in order to save the face of pinna.
Does the professor mean ‘a pinnacle’, or does he mean a
‘turret’? And if he means ‘a turret’, in what sense does he
use the word? A pinnacle would have been a feature far
too insignificant to give rise to a place-name; and a turret
would have been equally insignificant unless it was a
defensive tower, in which case it would have been called
not pinna but turris. Professor Haverfield (Archaeologia, lv,
1897, p. 196) speaks of ‘the corner turret’ of the fort of
Aesica on the Roman wall about midway between
Newcastle and Carlisle. Read his description of it, and you
 will appreciate the absurdity of calling it a pinna, and the
still greater absurdity of the supposition that even a
‘corner turret’ could beget a geographical name. There is
no authority for the use of the word pinna in connexion
with a defensive wall, except in the sense of ‘pinnacle’, in
which sense it is used twice by Caesar (B. G., v, 40, § 6;
vii, 72, § 4). The pinnae which he describes were merely
small pinnacles rising from a breastwork on an earthen
rampart, breastwork and pinnacles forming a battlement,
and both being made of wattlework (pinnae loricaeque ex
cratibus contexuntur [B. G., v, 40, § 6]. See also C. E. C.
Schneider’s note in his edition of Caesar, vol. ii, p. 565).
The notion that the geographical name Peanfahel ‘points
back’ to a pinna is too ridiculous to be discussed. Why not
be content with Dr. Stokes’s etymology in Bezzenberger’s
Beiträge, xviii, 1902, pp. 98, 108?

1874 Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 154. Cf. Rev. celt., vi, 1883-5, p.
398.

1875 Keltic Researches, pp. 33-80.

1876 A. Bezzenberger’s Beiträge zur Kunde der

indogermanischen Sprachen, xviii, 1892, pp. 84-115.

1877 W. F. Skene’s Highlanders of Scotland, 1902, pp. 387-401.

1878 Bezzenberger’s Beiträge, &c., xviii, 1892, pp. 113-4. M. J.

Loth (Annales de Bretagne, vi, 1890-1, p. 115) is
substantially in agreement with Dr. Stokes.

1879 I find that my criticism has been anticipated by M. J. Loth

(ib., p. 114).

1880 The Welsh People, 1902, pp. 15-6.

1881 Rev. celt., xx, 1899, p. 390.

1882 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxii, 1898, p. 398.

1883 Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 275.

1884 Ib., p. 165.

1885 I am glad to find that I have been anticipated by M. d’A.

de Jubainville (Rev. celt., vii, 1886, p. 381). Replying to
Professor Rhys’s argument, which appeared also in the
earlier edition of Celtic Britain, he remarked that ‘l’usage
des vaincus est de copier les noms propres des
vainqueurs’.

1886 See pp. 429-40, infra.

1887 Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 160.

1888 See, for instance, The Welsh People, 1902, p. 19.

1889 See pp. 408-9, supra.

1890 W. Greenwell, Brit. Barrows, p. 713.

1891 Nature, Jan. 13, 1898, p. 258; W. Z. Ripley, The Races of

Europe, p. 309.

1892 D. Wilson, Prehist. Annals of Scotland, i, 1863, pp. 268-75;

Anthr. Rev., iii, 1865, p. 76; Crania Britannica, ii, Tables i
and ii; Mem. Anthr. Soc., iii, 1870, p. 52; Proc. Soc. Ant.
Scot., xix, 1885, pp. 39-41; xxxvi, 1902, pp. 157-9; xxxviii,
1904, p. 81; Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxvi, 1897, pp. 96-7;
xxxii, 1902, pp. 402-3; Nature, Jan. 13, 1898, p. 258;
Archaeol. Journal, lviii, 1901, pp. 330-8; Archaeol. Cambr.,
6th ser., ii, 1902, p. 31.

1893 Thirty years ago, however, Mr. J. R. Mortimer (Journ.

Anthr. Inst., vi, 1877, pp. 328-34) said, ‘My computation of
 the stature of these two types of men—the brachycephalic
and the dolichocephalic—is the very reverse of’
Thurnam’s; and he stated that of ten skeletons found in
round barrows of the Yorkshire Wolds between Driffield
and Aldeborough, five, of which the cephalic indices
ranged from 70 to 75, averaged 5 ft. 9 ⅖ in. in height,
while five others, the indices of which ranged from 79 to
94, averaged only 5 ft. 5 in. The barrows, however,
although no bronze was found in them, contained not only
‘drinking-cups’ but also ‘food-vessels’ (Anthropologia, i,
1873-5, pp. x-xi); and it may be concluded that they
belonged to the Bronze Age. Rolleston (Brit. Barrows, p.
654, n. 2) was therefore justified in presuming that the
tall dolichocephali who were buried in them belonged to ‘a
mixed race’; and, he said, ‘the effect of crossing ... is very
usually to increase the size of the mixed races.’ Still, the
low stature of Mr. Mortimer’s brachycephali is remarkable;
and we shall see that they belonged to a distinct race, of
which other examples have since been exhumed.

1894 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905, pp. 437-8.

1895 Journ. Anthr. Inst., xvii, 1888, p. 209. Dr. Beddoe’s figures
are not absolutely correct. The measurements of the thigh
bones of the twenty-seven skeletons to which he refers
are given in Tables I and II of Crania Britannica. They do
not include the Arras skeleton, mentioned in Table I,
which belonged to the Early Iron Age. The average height
of the seventeen brachycephali, calculated by Dr. Beddoe’s
method, would have been just over 5 ft. 9⅕ in. (1 m.
758); of the twenty-seven mixed skeletons, 5 ft. 9 ⅗ in.
(within a very minute fraction), or approximately 1 m.
768. Calculated by M. Rollet’s method (see p. 379, n. 2,
supra), the figures would have been just under 5 ft. 8½
in. and just over 5 ft. 9⅖ in. respectively.
1896 A. Pitt-Rivers, Excavations in Cranborne Chase, ii, 6-7, 50-
62; iii, 225.

1897 Archaeol. Cambr., 6th ser., v, 1905, pp. 222, 235-6. The
average length of the thigh-bones was 446 millimetres, or
rather more than 17·55 inches.

1898 Proc. Aberdeen Univ. Anatom. and Anthr. Soc., 1902-4, pp.
11-20, 31.

1899 Dr. Beddoe (L’Anthr., v, 1894, p. 522) assigns all the

skeletons in question to the Bronze Age; but I suspect
that some are older.

1900 Ib. Thurnam’s figures are much about the same. He found
that out of 70 skulls from round barrows 44 had indices
ranging from 80 to 89 (Memoirs Anthr. Soc., iii, 1870, pp.
48-50; Archaeologia, xliii, 1871, pp. 543-4). There is
reason to believe that some of the round skulls found in
round barrows had been artificially flattened on the
occiput in infancy; but Thurnam (Crania Britannica, ii, pl.
45, p. 6) shows that their brachycephaly was only due in a
minor degree to this cause. I presume that Dr. Beddoe, in
his article in L’Anthr. (v, 1894, p. 522), did not take
account of 15 skulls which were found in 1885-7, in
association with bronze and remains of the urus, during
the excavation of the Ribble Docks at Preston. Their
cephalic indices range between 70·41 and 81·76. See Vict.
Hist. of ... Lancs, i, 250.

1901 Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, xxxviii, 1904, p. 127;

xxxix, 1905, pp. 438-9; Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905,
p. 426. Apparently Dr. Beddoe’s list did not include
Scottish skulls.

1902 Brit. Barrows, pp. 639-40, 642.

1903 Brit. Barrows, pp. 644-5. See also Crania Britannica, ii, pl.
45, p. 4.

1904 Mem. Anthr. Soc., i, 1865, p. 154. In Scotland, however, of

12 skulls from short cists, the mean cephalic index of
which was 81·4, only one, says Sir W. Turner (Nature, Jan.
13, 1898, p. 258), was prognathous.

1905 Mem. Anthr. Soc., i, 1865, pp. 151-2.

1906 Ib., p. 154.

1907 Brit. Barrows, p. 681. Cf. Crania Britannica, pl. 11;

Reliquary, N. S., vii, 1901, pp. 240-2; Wilts. Archaeol. and
Nat. Hist. Mag., xxxiii, 1904, pp. 18-9; and Journal of
Anatomy and Physiology, xxxviii, 1904, pp. 120-4, xxxix,
1905, pp. 418-21, 423-4, 429-30.

1908 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1903 (1904), pp. 801-2.
Cf. Journ. Anthr. Inst., vi, 1877, p. 333, and Journal of
Anatomy and Physiology, xxxix, 1905, pp. 417-21.

1909 Ib., p. 442.

1910 Six of the skeletons were associated with drinking-cups

(Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905, p. 431); and no bronze
was found with any of them, only flint and bone
implements (Proc. Aberdeen Univ. Anatom. and Anthr.
Soc., 1902-4, p. 33).

1911 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905, p. 431.

1912 Journ. Anat. and Physiol., xxxviii, 1904, pp. 127-9.

1913 Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905, pp. 426, 437.

1914 Archaeol. Cambr., 6th ser., v, 1905, p. 219.

1915 Ib.; Proc. Aberdeen Univ. Anatom. and Physiol. Soc., 1902-
4, p. 26.

1916 Ib., p. 34. A skeleton has been found with a drinking-cup

in a short cist in Caithness, which belonged to the same
type (Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxix, 1905, pp. 421-4).

1917 This view, stated independently, would leave it an open

question whether they were Celts or not.

1918 See for instance A. Pitt-Rivers (Archaeol. Journal, liv, 1897,

p. 390); A. H. Keane, Man, Past and Present, p. 527;
Romilly Allen (Archaeol. Cambr., 5th ser., xvii, 1900, p.
225); W. Boyd Dawkins (Vict. Hist. of ... Hampshire, i,
261); B. C. A. Windle (Vict. Hist. of ... Worcester, i, 179);
G. Sergi, The Mediterranean Race, p. 243; and H. d’A. de
Jubainville, Les Druides, pp. 15-6. It is useless to multiply
references.

1919 Mem. Anthr. Soc., i, 1865, p. 135.

1920 Ib., pp. 484-5.

1921 Ib., pp. 482-3.

1922 Ib., p. 128.

1923 Ib., iii, 1870, p. 76.

1924 Ib., p. 79; Archaeologia, xliii, 1871, p. 304. Huxley (S.

Laing, Prehist. Remains of Caithness, pp. 117-9) agreed
with Thurnam.

1925 Scottish Review, xv, 251.

1926 Fortnightly Rev., xvi, 1874, p. 337.

1927 Origin of the Aryans, pp. 86, 88.

1928 The statement in the text is of course perfectly consistent
with the fact that some of the earlier Brythonic invaders
buried their dead in small round barrows. See p. 435, n.
1, infra.

I am astonished to find that even such a well-informed

writer as Mr. H. J. Mackinder (Britain and the British Seas,
1902, p, 185) suggests that the Belgae ‘may well have
been the broad-skulled “bronze” men of the round
barrows’; and that, according to Mr. C. H. Read (Guide to
the Ant. of the Bronze Age [Brit. Museum], p. 15), ‘the
Gaels and Brythons ... are the people of the Round-
barrows.’ It is rather puzzling to find that he fixes ‘the
close of the Barrow period about 900 B.C.’ (ib., p. 23), and
yet assigns the first Brythonic invasion to the fourth
century B.C. He appears to think that the earliest invaders
of the Round Barrow period belonged to a non-Aryan race
(ib., pp. 24-5); and he rightly distinguishes both the
Goidels and the Brythons from the brachycephalic neolithic
population of Gaul (ib., p. 22), whom he nevertheless
erroneously calls ‘the true Kelts’. See pp. 433-40, infra. I
am still more puzzled when I read in the Guide to the Ant.
of the Early Iron Age (p. 2), for which Mr. Read has made
himself responsible, that ‘the Bronze Age inhabitants of
this country seem to have been the most closely
connected with the true Kelts’, whereas in the Guide to the
Ant. of the Bronze Age (p. 15) they are sharply
distinguished from them.

1929 Report of ... the Brit. Association, 1900 (1901), p. 894.

1930 See p. 127, supra.

1931 M. Déchelette’s remarks in Rev. de synthèse hist., iii, 1901,

pp. 32-3, are worth reading.
1932 Mem. Anthr. Soc., i, 1865, pp. 482-3, 486-8. See also Brit.
Barrows, pp. 639-41, and J. Beddoe, The Races of Britain,
p. 253, n. *.

1933 Mém. d’anthr., ii, 1874, p. 126.

1934 L’Anthr., v, 1894, p. 516.

1935 See Crania Britannica, pl. 1, 53, 41, 11, 32, 43, 42, and
the descriptions of these skulls in vol. ii; also the
illustrations facing pp. 571, 579, 583, 587, 591, and 599 of
Greenwell’s Brit. Barrows.

The description which Dr. Collignon gives of the

brachycephalic race of France will show how totally unlike
it is to the characteristic Round Barrow type. He speaks
(Ann. de Géogr., v, 1896, p. 164) of ‘les caractères bien
connus de la race brachycéphale, à savoir, taille plutôt
petite, cheveux foncés, tête globuleuse, face ronde,
courte, large, plate, nez large et court’, &c.

1936 Rev. mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., iv, 1894, pp. 396, 400.
The ‘maximum of frequency’, according to M. Hervé (ib.,
vi, 1896, p. 105), lies between 1 m. 50 (just over 4 ft. 11
in.) and 1 m. 59 (just over 5 ft. 2½ in.).

I was glad to find, after I had finished the rough draft of

this article, that Prof. A. C. Haddon (Proc. Roy. Irish Acad.,
3rd ser., iv, 1896-8, pp. 583-4) distinguishes ‘the short,
swarthy, black- [or rather dark-brown] haired
brachycephalic race of Central Europe (the “Celtae” ... or
the “Type de Grenelle” ...)’ from ‘the tall, fair,
brachycephalic race that may have come from Denmark
(the “Celts” of some authors ... the “Round Barrow Race”
of all authors)’. To identify the Grenelle race with the
Celtae is, however, misleading. The Celtae (see pp. 438-9,
infra) were a mixed population, comprising descendants of
 various neolithic dolichocephalic tribes and of the Grenelle
race and also real Celts—the introducers of the Celtic
language—who invaded Gaul about the eighth century B.C.

1937 Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxxiv, 1904, p. 203.

1938 Guide to the Ant. of the Bronze Age (Brit. Museum), p. 25.

1939 See Greenwell’s Brit. Barrows, pp. 10, 15-6.

1940 Brit. Barrows, p. 682.

1941 Ib., p. 746; L. Rütimeyer and W. His, Crania Helvetica,

1864, p. 12. The average cephalic index of 29 skulls of the
Sion type described in Crania Helvetica is 77.2, the highest
being 81.9, and the lowest 73. Not one of the 22
illustrations has the slightest resemblance to the more
strongly marked brachycephalic Round Barrow type. The
Sion type, moreover, is orthognathous, whereas the tall
Round Barrow men were often extremely prognathous.

Taking into account the skulls of the Sion type which have
been measured since the publication of the work of His
and Rütimeyer, the average cephalic index is 76. See Rev.
mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., v, 1895, p. 153.

1942 Rice Holmes, Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, p. 308.

1943 Ib., p. 296, and n. 3.

1944 See J. Beddoe, The Races of Britain, p. 16; Scottish

Review, xxi, 1893, p. 361; W. Z. Ripley, The Races of
Europe, p. 310: and cf. Sir W. R. Wilde, The Beauties of
the Boyne, 2nd ed., 1850, p. 40; W. C. Borlase, Dolmens
of Ireland, iii, 1006-12; and Proc. Roy. Irish Acad., xxiv,
1902-4, sect. C, pp. 1-6. Professor A. C. Haddon (ib., 3rd
ser., iv, 1896-8, p. 584) suggests that the brachycephalic
 people who did invade Ireland were ‘the Neolithic
brachycephals of Central Europe’, and that ‘the Round
Barrow race had comparatively little to say to Irish
ethnology’.

1945 See pp. 126-7, supra.

1946 See K. Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, ii, 1887, pp.

236-8, and cf. H. d’A. de Jubainville, Les premiers
habitants de l’Europe, i, 1889, p. 262, and Report of ...
the Brit. Association, 1900, p. 894.

1947 See p. 494, infra.

1948 Les Celtes, pp. 19-20.

1949 Professor Rhys, who a few years ago (Report of ... the
Brit. Association, 1900, p. 893) assigned the Goidelic
invasion to ‘the seventh and the sixth centuries B.C.’, has
recently (Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 2) dated it back to ‘more
than a millennium before the Christian era’, but without
giving any reasons.

1950 See L’Anthr., xiv, 1903, p. 344. The Aryans, before their
dispersion, were acquainted with the use of copper (O.
Schrader, Prehist. Ant. of the Aryan Peoples, pp. 187-91;
L’Anthr., iv, 1893, p. 547; Rev. de l’École d’anthr., xiv,
1904, pp. 163, 207-19; Bull. et mém. de la Soc. d’anthr.,
5e sér., v, 1904, p. 88).

1951 Rev. de l’École d’anthr., xv, 1905, p. 407.

1952 Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, pp. 281-319.

1953 Ib., p. 305.

1954 Mem. Anthr. Soc., i, 1865, p. 514.

1955 W. Greenwell, Brit. Barrows, pp. 636, 683, 711. See also
Crania Britannica, ii, pl. 6, pp. 7-8; Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd
ser., vol. xvii, 1897-9, p. 126, n. *; and p. 435, n. 1, infra.

1956 Brit. Barrows, pp. 129, 213.

1957 The skulls which have been found in the fort of Worlebury,
near Weston-super-Mare, belong, according to Prof.
Macalister (C. W. Dymond and H. G. Tomkins, Worlebury,
1886, pp. vii, 102-4), ‘to the so-called Iberian type’; but
they have ‘strong brow ridges’, and ‘the men were of
strong muscular build’. They appear to me to show signs
of crossing with individuals of the ‘characteristic’ Round
Barrow type; but it is impossible to determine whether
they were of Gallo-Brythonic descent or not. Prof.
Macalister computed the stature of five males, whose
bones, except in one instance, did not belong to the
skulls, at 5 ft. 3 in., 5 ft. 5½ in., 5 ft. 8 in., 5 ft. 10 in., and
6 ft. 4 in., the overage being 5 ft. 8½ in.

1958 Brit. Barrows, p. 683. It appears, however, highly probable

that the ‘Iberian’ and North-European dolichocephalic
types, to the latter of which the type which I call Celtic
belongs, are traceable to the same origin. See Geogr.
Journal, xxviii, 1906, pp. 538, 541.

1959 Partly because during the latter part of the period the
custom of cremation was prevalent in South-Eastern
Britain. See p. 286, supra.

A considerable number of skeletons has been discovered

in the so-called ‘Danes’ Graves’ in the parish of Driffield,
Yorkshire, which undoubtedly belong to the Early Iron
Age, and were earlier than the time of Agricola (Proc. Soc.
Ant., 2nd ser., xx, 1904-5, p. 257), by Dr. Thurnam
(Archaeol. Journal, xxii, 1865, pp. 109 n. 8, 264), Canon
Greenwell (ib., pp. 108-11, 264), and Mr. J. R. Mortimer
(Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd ser., xvii, 1897-9, pp. 119-28). The
cephalic indices of those male skulls which were found by
Thurnam and Canon Greenwell are 75, 76, 70, 75, and
71: the mean index of those in the collection of Mr.
Mortimer, who does not give the individual measurements,
is 75.5; and the indices of fourteen, which have lately
been measured by Dr. Wright (Journ. Anthr. Inst., xxxiii,
1903, pp. 67, 70-1), and which, for aught that I know,
may have included the others, ranges from 68 to 79.
Neither Thurnam, nor Canon Greenwell, nor Mr. Mortimer
says anything about stature; but the average height of the
men whose bones Dr. Wright measured would only have
been 5 ft. 3½ in. This is so low as to suggest that they
were not Celts; and the question of their origin has
caused much discussion. The remains of a chariot were
found in one of the graves which Mr. Mortimer opened;
but chariots may of course have been used by non-Celtic
Britons. According to Thurnam, the skulls ‘appear to be
distinguished from the ... long-barrow type’, and might
pass for those of modern inhabitants of Scandinavia; but
the pottery found in the graves by Canon Greenwell was
not only unlike any which he had discovered in other parts
of Yorkshire, but also different from Scandinavian or
Anglo-Saxon ware. Moreover, he describes the mode of
interment as ‘unlike any which has been found in
Denmark, Norway, or Sweden’. Therefore I cannot agree
with Dr. Wright, who thinks that the people in question
came from Scandinavia. All that is certain is that, like most
of our Late Celtic skeletons, they did not belong to the
familiar tall Celtic type.

In Scorborough Park, near Beverley, there is a group of

small mounds, similar to the ‘Danes’ Graves’. Mr. Mortimer
opened six of them in 1895, and found two skulls ‘of a
decidedly long type’.
Fourteen skulls at least have been found in and just
outside the Glastonbury marsh-village (Report of ... the
Brit. Association, 1895, p. 519; 1896, p. 658; 1898 [1900],
p. 695; 1899 [1901], p. 594; Proc. Somerset. Archaeol.
and Nat. Hist. Soc., l, 1904, p. 80; li, 1905, pp. 88, 99-
100); but no detailed description of them has yet been
published, though Prof. Boyd Dawkins (Vict. Hist. of ...
Somerset, i, 200) affirms that they ‘belong to the small
dark Iberic inhabitants’, and argues that as some of them
belonged to men who had been decapitated, they do not
represent inhabitants of the village, but their enemies.
Some, however, belonged to young children, and were
found in the hut-circles. There is the same dearth of
information about skeletons which have been found near
Birdlip, on the Cotswold Hills (Trans. Bristol and Gloster
Archaeol. Soc., v, 1880-1, pp. 137-41), and in the parish
of St. Keverne, Cornwall (Archaeol. Journal, xxx, 1873, pp.
267-72).

In the only interment of the Early Iron Age that has yet
been discovered in Scotland—a cist on the estate of
Moredun in Midlothian (Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., xxxviii, 1904,
pp. 427-38)—which was probably not earlier than the
second century of our era (ib., p. 438), two skeletons,
apparently of females, were found. It was only possible to
calculate the stature of one, which, estimated from the
femur alone, by what method I do not know, was about 5
ft. 5½ in. This, for a woman, would be comparatively tall.
The cephalic index was 75; and, according to Dr. T. H.
Bryce, who measured the skull (ib., pp. 439-45), ‘all the
measurements and the indices deduced from them are
such as might belong to a [neolithic] skull from the
chambered cairns,’ but ‘the general characters are
markedly different. It resembles in general proportions
certain of the skulls from the “Danes’ Graves” ... described
by Dr. W. Wright ... but in form it does not fall in with any
 of his types ... the skull shows rather closer affinities with
the modern than with any ancient type,’ &c. Has Dr. Bryce
seen any of the skulls from the Gallic tumuli of the Early
Iron Age?

For further information about skeletons of this period see

Crania Britannica, ii, pl. 6 and 7, pp. 2, 7 (Arras), pl. 43, p.
3 (Roundway Hill); Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd ser., iv, 1867-70,
pp. 275-6 (Grimthorpe); Brit. Barrows, p. 683;
Archaeologia, lii, 1890, pp. 325-6; and Guide to the Ant.
of the Early Iron Age (Brit. Museum), pp. 124-5, 130. The
Arras and Grimthorpe specimens at least were probably
Brythonic.

1960 Rev. d’anthr., ii, 1873, pp. 605, 607, 611. Unhappily Broca
does not give the indices of all the skulls, but only the
average.

1961 Bull. du Muséum d’hist. nat., &c., 1902, p. 178.

1962 L’Anthr., xvii, 1906, pp. 7, 10, 16-7, 25. See also Crania
Ethnica, p. 498; Scottish Review, xxi, 1893, p. 171; A.
Bertrand and S. Reinach, Les Celtes, &c., pp. 122-34; Rev.
mensuelle de l’École d’anthr., vii, 1897, pp. 65-87; Bull. et
mém. de la Soc. d’anthr., ve sér., ii, 1901, pp. 721-2; and
Archiv für Anthr., xxviii, 1902, pp. 185-6.

1963 The Races of Europe, p. 126. ‘The philologers,’ says

Professor Ripley, ‘properly insist upon calling all those who
speak the Celtic language, Celts ... while the physical
anthropologists, finding the Celtic language spoken by
people of divers physical types, with equal propriety hold
that the term Celt, if used at all, should be applied to that
physical group or type of men which includes the greatest
number of those who use the Celtic language.’ I, on the
contrary, hold that in an ethnological inquiry the term
 should be applied to ‘that physical group’ (if we can
discover it) among whom the Celtic language came into
being and who imposed it upon those whom they
subdued; and I would remind the philologers that if all
who speak the Celtic language are Celts, all who speak
the English language, including the inhabitants of the
United States and the negroes of Jamaica, are
Englishmen.

1964 See L’Anthr., iii, 1892, p. 748. We shall see that MM.
Collignon, Hervé, and Wilser are also dissentients. So too
is Dr. Laloz (L’Anthr., xiii, 1902, p. 776).

1965 The Races of Britain, p. 29. See also L’Anthr., v. 1894, p.

517.

1966 B. G., i, 1, § 1.—Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres,

quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui
ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur.

1967 Bull. de la Soc. d’anthr., 2e sér., xii, 1877. p. 511.

1968 Ib., p. 514.

1969 Mém. d’anthr., ii, 1874, p. 126.

1970 ‘La race celtique,’ he says (Bull. de la Soc. d’anthr., 2e sér.,

ix, 1874, p. 713), ‘est le résultat du mélange des races
indigènes avec les immigrants.’

1971 Mém. d’anthr., i, 1871, p. 395.

1972 A. Kuhn’s Beiträge zur vergleichenden Sprachforschung,

&c., v, 1868, p. 98. Cf. J. Rhys, Celtic Britain, 1904, p. 291.
The remark of Professor Rhys (ib., p. 2) that ‘Recent
writers are of opinion that the terms Galli and Celtae
argue an ancient distinction of race’, and that ‘the latter
first applied exclusively to the aborigines’, is apparently
based upon an entire misconception of the writings of
Broca and M. Alexandre Bertrand. Does the professor
mean by ‘the aborigines’ the dolichocephalic neolithic
Baumes-Chaudes race, or the totally different
brachycephalic neolithic Grenelle race? No French
ethnologist holds the opinion which Professor Rhys
attributes to ‘recent writers’; and even M. Bertrand, who
distinguished ‘les Celtes’ from ‘les Galates’, was careful to
point out (Les Celtes dans les vallées du Pô et du Danube,
p. 36) that between them there was no ‘distinction of
race’. The reader should note that, according to M.
Bertrand, ‘les Galates,’ who conquered Gaul in the Iron
Age, belonged to ‘la race celtique’; that his tall fair ‘Celtes’,
who had invaded Gaul before, were not identical with, but
only part of the mixed population whom Caesar called
Celtae; and that his ‘Galates’ were to be found among the
Celtae as well as among the Belgae. Professor Rhys, in a
recent paper (Celtae and Galli, pp. 57-9, 62), assumes
that as (according to his view) both Goidelic and Gallo-
Brythonic were spoken in the country of the Celtae, the
names Celtae and Galli correspond to the peoples who
spoke the two dialects: he argues that the Celtae were
conquered by the Galli; and he concludes that the two
peoples were ethnologically distinct. Probably Goidelic
Celts were conquered by Gallo-Brythonic Celts; but what
then? It remains certain that conquered and conquerors
were by themselves called collectively Celtae. Why did the
name of the conquered prevail over that of the conquerors
if it was essentially different? And does not Caesar
expressly say that the two names denoted one and the
same people? As a matter of fact, the terms Celtae and
Galli, as used by the ancient writers, including Polybius,
were, generally speaking, synonymous. Diodorus Siculus
(v, 23, § 1) distinguished between them; but as his
Γαλάται included the Cimbri and other Germans, his
 testimony, which implicitly contradicts that of Caesar, is
worthless. Even if it could be accepted it would only show
that the Celtae, as a whole, differed from the Γαλάται, not
that the Galatic conquerors of the people who, after the
conquest and including the conquerors, were called
Celtae, differed in race from earlier Celtic conquerors.
Moreover, as I have remarked in Caesar’s Conquest of
Gaul (p. 290), ‘anybody who carefully reads through the
chapters in which he [Diodorus] describes the inhabitants
of Gaul, will see that he habitually uses the word Γαλάται
not in the restricted but in the general sense, including
both Γαλάται and Κελτοί.... In fact, though he thinks it
necessary to warn his readers that the Celtae were
geographically distinct from the Galli, he draws no physical
distinction between them; and, in conformity with ancient
usage, he as a rule uses the two terms indifferently.’ See
my Caesar’s Conquest of Gaul, 1899, p. 300; M.
Déchelette’s article in Rev. de synthèse hist., iii, 1901, pp.
32-3; Rev. de l’École d’anthr., xv, 1905, pp. 216-30; and
Rev. celt., xxvii, 1906, pp. 109-10.

1973 I am glad to find that I have the support of Dr. Collignon

(Annales de géogr., v, 1896, p. 159), who speaks of ‘la
population pré-gauloise que Broca nommait à tort les
Celtes’. Similarly M. G. Hervé (Rev. mensuelle de l’École
d’anthr., vi, 1896, p. 99) says that ‘la race brachycéphale
néolithique ou race de Grenelle est devenue à l’âge de
bronze ... celle des Celtes, au sens que les
anthropologistes ont accoutumé d’attacher depuis Broca à
ce dernier terme’; and, as he remarks (ib., p. 104), the
Celtic language was imposed on this people, long before
they and their conquerors were called by Caesar Celtae,
by invading Gauls. MM. Collignon and Hervé do not
perhaps make it sufficiently clear that the people whom
Broca called ‘les Celtes’ were not the brachycephalic
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