Introduction to C++ Programming and Data

Structures 4th Edition Liang Solutions Manual

download

https://testbankdeal.com/product/introduction-to-c-programming-
and-data-structures-4th-edition-liang-solutions-manual/

Explore and download more test bank or solution manual

at testbankdeal.com
We have selected some products that you may be interested in
Click the link to download now or visit testbankdeal.com
for more options!.

Introduction to Programming with C++ 3rd Edition Liang

Test Bank

https://testbankdeal.com/product/introduction-to-programming-
with-c-3rd-edition-liang-test-bank/

C++ Programming Program Design Including Data Structures

7th Edition Malik Solutions Manual

https://testbankdeal.com/product/c-programming-program-design-
including-data-structures-7th-edition-malik-solutions-manual/

C++ Programming Program Design Including Data Structures

8th Edition Malik Solutions Manual

https://testbankdeal.com/product/c-programming-program-design-
including-data-structures-8th-edition-malik-solutions-manual/

Basic College Mathematics An Applied Approach 9th Edition

Aufmann Solutions Manual

https://testbankdeal.com/product/basic-college-mathematics-an-applied-
approach-9th-edition-aufmann-solutions-manual/
Corporate Financial Accounting 13th Edition Warren Test
Bank

https://testbankdeal.com/product/corporate-financial-accounting-13th-
edition-warren-test-bank/

Interpersonal Skills in Organizations 4th Edition Janasz

Test Bank

https://testbankdeal.com/product/interpersonal-skills-in-
organizations-4th-edition-janasz-test-bank/

Human Relations Strategies for Success 5th Edition

Lamberton Test Bank

https://testbankdeal.com/product/human-relations-strategies-for-
success-5th-edition-lamberton-test-bank/

Mechanics of Materials An Integrated Learning System 4th

Edition Philpot Solutions Manual

https://testbankdeal.com/product/mechanics-of-materials-an-integrated-
learning-system-4th-edition-philpot-solutions-manual/

Technical Communication A Practical Approach 8th Edition

Pfeiffer Solutions Manual

https://testbankdeal.com/product/technical-communication-a-practical-
approach-8th-edition-pfeiffer-solutions-manual/
Problem Solving and Decision Making Illustrated Course
Guides 2nd Edition Butterfield Test Bank

https://testbankdeal.com/product/problem-solving-and-decision-making-
illustrated-course-guides-2nd-edition-butterfield-test-bank/
Student Name: __________________
Class and Section __________________
Total Points (20 pts) __________________
Due: August 29, 2016 before the class

Project: Locker Puzzle

Armstrong Atlantic State University

Problem Description:
A school has 100 lockers and 100 students. All lockers are closed on the first day of
school. As the students enter, the first student, denoted S1, opens every locker. Then the
second student, S2, begins with the second locker, denoted L2, and closes every other
locker. Student S3 begins with the third locker and changes every third locker (closes it if
it was open, and opens it if it was closed). Student S4 begins with locker L4 and changes
every fourth locker. Student S5 starts with L5 and changes every fifth locker, and so on,
until student S100 changes L100.

After all the students have passed through the building and changed the lockers, which
lockers are open? Write a program to find your answer.

(Hint: Use an array of 100 Boolean elements, each of which indicates whether a locker is
open (true) or closed (false). Initially, all lockers are closed.)

Analysis:
(Describe the problem including input and output in your own words.)

Design:
(Describe the major steps for solving the problem.)

1
Coding: (Copy and Paste Source Code here. Format your code using Courier 10pts)

Testing: (Describe how you test this program)

Submit the following items:

1. Print this Word file and Submit to me before the class on the due day

2. Compile, Run, and Submit to LiveLab as Exercise7_15 (you must submit the program
regardless whether it complete or incomplete, correct or incorrect)

Solution:

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

int main()
{
// Declare a constant value for the number of lockers
const int NUMBER_OF_LOCKER = 100;

// Create an array to store the status of each array

2
 // The first student closes all lockers
bool lockers[NUMBER_OF_LOCKER];
for (int i = 0; i < NUMBER_OF_LOCKER; i++) {
lockers[i] = false;
}

// Each student changes the lockers

for (int j = 1; j <= NUMBER_OF_LOCKER; j++) {
// Student Sj changes every jth clocker
// starting from the lockers[j - 1].
for (int i = j - 1; i < NUMBER_OF_LOCKER; i += j) {
lockers[i] = !lockers[i];
}
}

// Finds which one is open

for (int i = 0; i < NUMBER_OF_LOCKER; i++) {
if (lockers[i])
cout << "Locker " << (i + 1) << " is open" << endl;
}

return 0;
}

3
Other documents randomly have
different content
 From Shrewsbury King, Legate, and council 1220
hastened to London for an important public
ceremony. Early in April the Legate and the Primate had received
letters from the Pope ordering that Henry “should be a second time
raised to the office of king, with due solemnity, according to the
custom of the realm; because his first coronation, on account of the
disturbed condition of his realm, had been performed less solemnly
than was right and fitting, and in another place than that which the
usage of the kingdom required.” This, of course, meant that the boy
was to be re-crowned at Westminster, and by the Archbishop of
Canterbury. Stephen was delighted, “for he loved the King dearly on
account of his innocency.” He and Pandulf agreed that the ceremony
should take place on Whit-Sunday, 17th May, and all the prelates
and nobles were summoned to be present.[612] On the preceding
day the young King himself had another solemn function to perform.
Henry came of a family who for two hundred years past had been
known as “great builders”; he was a lad of refined, artistic
temperament, as well as of a pious disposition; and it seems that he
had already undertaken the work which was to be the great
architectural glory of his reign, the rebuilding of the abbey church of
Westminster. On Whitsun Eve he laid the first stone of the new Lady
Chapel.[613] Next morning for the last time a king was crowned in
the old church of S. Edward the Confessor. In Pandulf’s presence
Henry renewed under the dictation of Archbishop Stephen the oath
which he had sworn in Gualo’s presence at Gloucester—to protect
the Church of God, and to preserve inviolate the peace of both
clergy and people and the good laws of the realm; then the
Archbishop placed in his hands the insignia of the regal office, and
set upon his head “the crown of the most holy King Edward.” “And
this crowning of the King was done with such great peacefulness
and splendour, that the oldest men among the nobles of England
who were present asserted that they never remembered any of his
predecessors being crowned amid such concord and tranquillity.”[614]
1205–1208
 Concord and tranquillity did indeed, to all outward seeming, reign
at that moment over all the dominions of the English Crown, except
the Duchy of Aquitaine. One of the most difficult of the many
difficult problems with which the regency had to deal was the
problem of how to retain Poitou and Gascony for Henry. The heritage
of his grandmother Eleanor had descended to him almost complete.
Philip Augustus had never made any attempt to conquer Gascony;
he had seized Poitou, but the greater part of it had been regained by
John in 1214 and left in his possession by the terms of the truce
with which the war between him and Philip had ended. John’s
seneschal in Gascony at that time was one of his chamberlains,
Geoffrey de Neville[615]; another chamberlain—Hubert de Burgh—
soon became seneschal of Poitou.[616] At the end of the year 1214
or the beginning of the next Geoffrey de Neville was succeeded by a
baron of Saintonge, Reginald de Pons;[617] in June 1215 Hubert de
Burgh became Justiciar of England; before that year closed, the
seneschalship of Poitou was united with that of Gascony in the
hands of Reginald[618]; and thenceforth the two offices were always
granted together and became practically one. Reginald resigned it a
few months after John’s death, and was succeeded by Archbishop
William of Bordeaux.[619] A year later William gave it up likewise,
and in May 1218 Geoffrey de Neville was again sent across the sea
to be Seneschal of Poitou and Gascony.[620] Reginald and William
had resigned ostensibly for the same reason—because they wanted
to go to the Holy Land. Possibly the layman and the prelate may
both of them have been glad of an excuse for ridding themselves of
an extremely disagreeable office. The loyalty—such as it was—of
Poitou and Gascony to the English Crown was of very recent growth;
it had sprung up since the expulsion of the Angevins from their other
continental dominions. The one persistent political aim of the men of
the South was to escape as much as possible from all external
control, no matter whence it came. Their land was full of thriving
cities and towns, each with a highly developed administrative
organization of its own, almost like so many miniature republics; and
of high-spirited, hot-tempered barons who were perpetually
quarrelling among themselves. Moreover, towns and barons were
mutually jealous of one another; and all were alike jealous of any
interference with their respective privileges, corporate or individual,
on the part of a higher power. They were also all alike shrewd
enough to see that their chances of independence were greater
under the rule of a sovereign beyond the sea than under the direct
rule of the King of France. But they were also, all alike, fully alive to
the advantages of their position between two rival overlords; and the
possibility of some turn in Aquitanian politics which might furnish a
plea, an excuse, or a temptation for French intervention was a
danger never absent from the minds of Henry’s counsellors in their
dealings with his transmarine dominions.
Besides Poitou and Gascony, the Duchy of Aquitaine included four
counties whose rulers owed homage and obedience to the Duke as
their suzerain: Angoulême, La Marche, Limoges, and Périgord. Two
of these stood, during the early years of the thirteenth century, in
relations to each other and to their common overlord which gave
them a special importance in the politics of the Duchy. The county of
Angoulême was the heritage of Queen Isabel, John’s wife and
Henry’s mother. La Marche belonged to Hugh of Lusignan, to whose
eldest son Isabel had been betrothed in her infancy, under whose
care she had been brought up, and from whose house her own
father had literally stolen her, a child scarce twelve years old, to
marry her to the King of England. Between the 1200
houses of Lusignan and of Anjou there was already,
even at that date, a smouldering feud of some years’ standing,
which this outrage, of course, aggravated, but which was allayed for
a time in 1214 by John’s promise of little Joan, his 1214
eldest daughter by Isabel of Angoulême, as wife to
the younger Hugh in her mother’s stead. Joan was then four years
old. Her bridegroom—known simply as “Hugh of Lusignan,” his
father being Hugh, Count of La Marche—was a young man in the
prime of life,[621] gifted with an ample share of the stirring,
ambitious, acquisitive spirit which characterized his race. That race
was famous alike in legend and in history, and had reached the
height of its greatness within the lifetime of the reigning count of La
Marche, two of whose brothers had been crowned and anointed
Kings.[622] Another brother, Ralf, was in right of his wife count of Eu
in Normandy and owner of some lands in England. In 1218 the elder
Hugh went to the Crusade; and thus when Geoffrey 1218
de Neville took up the government of Poitou and
Gascony, the younger Hugh was for practical purposes count of La
Marche, and the most important personage in northern Aquitaine.
He and Joan were still only betrothed, not married; but she was in
his custody, and he was officially treated as “brother” to King Henry;
he had claims against the English Crown respecting certain lands
which John had promised to him at his betrothal;[623] and when his
uncle Ralf of Eu died childless in the spring of 1219, 1219
he seems to have also—no doubt on behalf of his
father—laid claim to Ralf’s estates, and taken a high-handed method
of enforcing his demand, by picking a quarrel with the King’s town of
Niort. Geoffrey de Neville tried to mediate, and promised to procure
him satisfaction for any complaint that he might have against the
town, “but,” writes Geoffrey to the King, “he answered that he would
not cease from infesting your land for us or for anybody else.”
Geoffrey had now been seneschal for a year, and was confessedly at
his wit’s end and eager to be rid of an office in which he foresaw
nothing but failure and disgrace. “He”—that is, Hugh—“and others
can see how poor we are both in men and money.” “We greatly fear
that unless speedy and effectual counsel be taken for the defence of
your land, the said Hugh and the magnates will usurp it, and it will
pass to the rule of a stranger. And we do you to wit that unless you
take strong measures for its defence, we (Geoffrey) intend to set out
for Holy Land on Midsummer day, for we will on no account stay
here to your and our own damage and disgrace; because the said
Hugh has let us know that he will not cease from molesting you until
you give up the English lands of the count of Eu. For the love of
God, write back quickly what you wish us to do.”[624] Apparently the
answer to this letter was an order to remain at his post; and he did
so, though complaining bitterly of the impossibility of the task laid
upon him. “We have already urged you,” he writes again, “to take
some counsel for the defence of your land of Poitou and Gascony,
not so much against the King of France as against your own barons,
who ravage your land and capture and put to ransom your
townsfolk, and behave themselves towards your men in such fashion
that it appears, and we believe, they are not well affected to your
service. We, by reason of our poverty, cannot defend the land, nor
subdue them; and they make no more account of me than if I were
a foot-boy. Wherefore we do you to wit that unless you take other
counsel without delay, you will soon see us in England. And do not
say that the King’s land is lost through us; you are casting it away
yourselves for lack of counsel.”[625]
At this juncture a new complication arose. Queen 1218–1219
Isabel had in 1218 returned to her own county of
Angoulême, received in its capital city the homage of its barons, and
taken its government into her own hands.[626] She had some trouble
at the outset with Reginald of Pons, the ex-seneschal of Poitou, who
seems to have owned some castles in the Angoumois, and for some
unexplained reason held them against her, but was soon overcome
by her superior forces.[627] A matter of more consequence was her
quarrel with Bartholomew of Puy. In the early part of John’s reign
Bartholomew had been provost, or mayor, of the city of Angoulême;
[628] from July, 1214,[629] if not earlier, he was seneschal of the
county for John, and after John’s death for Henry. Isabel was minded
to govern for herself; rightly or wrongly, she asserted that
Bartholomew was plotting mischief against her with some of the
Poitevin barons, especially Ralf de Lusignan the count of Eu, and
also with the King of France; she therefore deprived him of his office
and all his possessions, and made him give her his two sons as
hostages. Bartholomew, apparently, appealed to the English
government and the new seneschal of Aquitaine, and fled for shelter
to Hugh de Lusignan.[630] Just then Hugh and the 1219
seneschal had suddenly become friends. Geoffrey
wanted to go to England, but he was so absolutely penniless that on
reaching La Rochelle he found it impossible to proceed any further,
or even to leave the city,[631] till a loan of a hundred and sixty marks
from some local merchants was negotiated for him by Hugh de
Lusignan, who offered himself as surety for its repayment by the
English government. This simple but timely stroke of policy made
Hugh master of the situation in Aquitaine. The letters in which he
and Geoffrey notified the transaction to King and Council were
carried to England by Bartholomew of Puy. Geoffrey excused his
acceptance of Hugh’s help on the plea that “the trouble in your land
is so great that ruin would have followed if I had withdrawn”; Hugh
modestly remarked that “your land of Poitou was greatly disturbed,
but by God’s grace we have put it into a better state.” Both
requested that the money should be given to Bartholomew in the
presence of Ralf of Saint-Samson, who accompanied him, and who
“knew that these things were true”; and Geoffrey added a warning
—“If it be not paid, and if Sir Hugh should be compelled to pay it for
me, you will never again find anybody who will make any loan to
your order or to you.”[632]
The Council perceived that the only thing to do 1219
with Sir Hugh was to make a friend of him, if
possible, by enlisting him as a sort of unofficial colleague to the
luckless seneschal. In July Bartholomew of Puy came back, in the
character of “the King’s messenger.”[633] He seems to have brought
letters from the King and Council to Isabel, directing her to reinstate
him in his property. Almost at the same time negotiations were set
on foot in the King’s name for a loan of a thousand marks from the
mayor and citizens of La Rochelle, and another thousand from those
of Bordeaux, “to be used and expended by the hands of our very
dear brother, Hugh of Lusignan, in defence of our land, if it should
be needful.”[634] The possible danger against which it was thought
that defence might be needed was an attack from Louis of France.
He had been for some months past in the county of Toulouse,
fighting against the Albigensians, and some of Henry’s subjects in
Aquitaine feared that the French host, when its work at Toulouse
was done, might be used against their sovereign and themselves.
[635] These suspicions of Louis were, however, without justification.
There is not the least indication that Louis ever thought of using, or
allowing his followers to use, the opportunity which certainly lay
within his reach for intervening at this time in the troubles of Poitou
and Gascony. The truce between France and England, however, was
now within nine months of its term;[636] and Pandulf was growing
very anxious to secure its prolongation. In September a month’s
safe-conduct was given to some envoys from the King of France to
come over and discuss this matter.[637] In January, 1220, the Legate
wrote urgently from the west of England, where he 1220
was detained by his negotiations with Llywelyn, to
the Bishop of Winchester and the Justiciar, begging them to send
some trusty messenger, “secretly, privately, and without delay,” to
ask Philip for a renewal of the truce; he himself drafted for them a
letter such as he deemed advisable for the envoy to convey; and he
impressed upon his colleagues the importance of taking the matter
in hand at once and insisting upon a decisive answer from the
French King.[638] Three envoys were accordingly despatched on
26th January;[639] and on 3rd March the truce was renewed for four
years from the ensuing Easter.[640]
Hugh of Lusignan meanwhile had thrown himself 1220
at once into his new part, posing as the zealous
1219
protector of the interests and loyal executor of the
mandates of his little “brother,” even in opposition to the Queen-
mother, who complained bitterly to Pandulf of the “maintenance”
which Hugh and Geoffrey de Neville, acting under instructions from
the royal Council, afforded to Bartholomew of Puy against her.[641]
In August, 1219, the countess of Eu went to England, to claim her
share of her late husband’s possessions there. As she was a
kinswoman of the Earl of Warren and a niece of the Justiciar, a
conflict between her claims and those of her husband’s brother bade
fair to stir up a good deal of trouble.[642] By the middle of November
Bartholomew of Puy seems to have been in England again;[643] and
before that time Geoffrey de Neville was there also.[644] Geoffrey
appears to have left Poitou and Gascony under the charge of a
knight named William Gauler, who presently wrote a pathetic letter
to Hubert de Burgh, complaining that he had been left without any
revenues save those of the ports, which were only worth fifty
pounds, “for all the affairs of the Poitevins and of Bordeaux”;
moreover, his friends were telling him that the King had ordered him
to be arrested, he knew not why. With strong protestations of loyalty
William declared himself ready to settle his accounts, “willingly and
truthfully,” with any one whom Hubert might send to Gascony as
seneschal, “whether it were the chamberlain or some other man.”
“Gascony,” he added, “is in a good condition up to the present; but I
greatly fear it will quickly fall back into worse ways unless you send
us good counsel and reinforcements.”[645]
Meanwhile the towns were protesting their 1219–1220
loyalty, and complaining of one another, and also of
the intrigues of the French party and the lawless doings of the local
barons.[646] About this last grievance they grew more clamorous
than ever in the winter of 1219–1220. “The King’s burghers” of La
Rochelle, Niort, and S. Jean d’Angély lived in perpetual terror of the
lord of Parthenay, William Larchevêque, who with the lord of Rancon
“and with the consent of others whom we will not at present name,”
persecuted them “daily and unceasingly.” “He seizes your burghers
and holds them to ransom; he carries off their beasts of burden,”
wrote the mayor and commune of Niort. “He has put out the eyes of
the bearer of this letter, and those of two other men, without any
offence or fault of theirs, and though they were not even on his land
when he captured them. And all this evil he does to us, so he
declares, because of a hundred marks of silver which the late King
promised him, and on account of a certain traitor whom you, Sir
Hubert de Burgh, hanged when you were our seneschal.” With one
voice the towns entreated that an efficient governor might be sent
into Poitou ; and they gave it clearly to be 1220 (March)
understood that they did not want Geoffrey de Neville back again.
“Our former governors have been somewhat slack in their dealings
with your enemies.” “When Sir Geoffrey was here, he could not
protect us; he was not sufficient for these things, nor for other
things either. If he were here now, he would be of no use. Send us
some one more useful, more competent to manage this country, and
to provide for the welfare of its people and uphold the rights and
interests of the Crown.”[647]
The task of selection devolved upon Hubert de 1220
Burgh. Pandulf, a total stranger to Aquitaine and its
affairs, seems to have declined to take any part in the matter
beyond promising to ratify Hubert’s choice, on whomsoever it might
fall.[648] Hubert was the one man then in England who knew by
experience what were the most essential qualifications for the
vacant post. Before he could find a man to his mind, however,
another sudden change occurred in the political situation. In
February or March, 1220, tidings came from Damietta that the count
of La Marche was dead;[649] and before the middle of May Isabel of
Angoulême wrote a startling announcement to her son. “We do you
to wit that the counts of La Marche and Eu[650] being both dead, Sir
Hugh de Lusignan was left, as it were, alone and without an heir,
and his friends would not allow him to marry our daughter on
account of her tender age, but counselled him to make such a
marriage that he might speedily have an heir; and it was proposed
that he should take a wife in France; which if he should do, all your
land in Poitou and Gascony, and ours too, would be lost. We
therefore, seeing the great danger that might arise if such a
marriage should take place, and getting no support from your
counsellors, have taken the said Hugh count of La Marche to be our
lord and husband.”[651]
This letter probably reached England shortly before the
coronation; on 22nd May Henry wrote to his step-father, expressing
his approval of the marriage.[652] At the same time he desired Hugh
to escort Joan to La Rochelle and there deliver her to two persons
(Ralph Gernon and Joldewin of Douai) who were charged to take
care of her till they received further orders from England.[653] A new
use for the little girl’s hand had already been devised by the royal
Council; they offered it to the young King of Scots. He was invited to
meet Henry at York on 10th June;[654] and there, on 15th June, the
treaty of marriage was arranged. Henry pledged himself to give Joan
to Alexander to be his wife, at the ensuing Michaelmas, “if he could
get her”; if he could not, his second sister, Isabel, should be given to
Alexander in her stead, within fifteen days of the time appointed.
Henry also promised that he would either cause Alexander’s two
sisters to be honourably married in England within a year from S.
Denys’s day (9th October), or restore them to their brother within a
month after that term should have expired.[655] All thought of a
marriage between Margaret of Scotland and Henry himself had
evidently been given up by mutual consent.
Henry’s doubts whether he could get his eldest sister back in time
for her to be married at Michaelmas proved well founded. Queen
Isabel, when she announced her own marriage, had assured him
that she was ready to let Joan go home as soon as he liked to send
for her. At the same time she had requested that her own dower-
lands, and a sum of three thousand five hundred marks which she
alleged had been bequeathed to her by John, should be handed over
to Hugh;[656] and it soon became apparent that she and Hugh
intended to hold Joan in pledge till this was done. The English
Council, however, were equally determined not to give up the
Queen’s dowry until that of Joan, and Joan herself, were safely
restored. On 20th June letters were written in Henry’s name to the
Pope, asking him to bid the bishops of Saintes and Limoges compel
Hugh to restore Joan and her dowry and right the wrongs which he
had done to Henry in other matters;[657] and also to the cardinals,
requesting that they would bring their influence to bear upon the
count of La Marche, who, “regardless of his plighted vow, having
taken our mother to wife instead of our sister, now refuses to give
our sister back to us, wishing by his detention of her to compel us to
buy her back.”[658]
The union of La Marche and Angoulême, instead of making for the
peace and safety of Aquitaine as Isabel had pretended, was in fact
no sooner accomplished than it made matters worse than ever. Hugh
openly threatened the towns and barons who opposed him with a
renewal of hostilities, and so great was their terror that “all the
bishops, very many of the barons, and other good men of the King’s
towns of Bordeaux, Niort, La Rochelle, and S. Jean d’Angély went to
him in a body at Angoulême, desiring him that before he made war
upon them he should approach the King and the Council with
reference to the matters in dispute between him and the King.” The
joint efforts of the bishops and of the King’s envoys, who seem to
have arrived in the midst of the colloquy, wrung from Hugh a
promise to stay his hand for a while.[659] But his promises were
worthless; and the complaints of the towns continued to pour in
upon Henry’s guardians. To the town of Niort Hugh had granted a
truce of seven weeks; “but,” wrote the mayor and commune, “as we
had no security except his word, we put it to Sir William Maingo the
younger whether he would keep us safe, so far as he and his men
were concerned, and maintain the truce. He wrote back to us that if
we would render to him one hundred marks a year, which King John
had promised him, he would keep us in safety; otherwise we must
guard ourselves against him and his men; and he has already done
us some injury. We likewise sent letters to Sir William Larchevêque,
that he might certify us whether he would keep the truce or not.
And he wrote back that he would not keep the truce, but would do
us all the evil and damage that he could; and he is oppressing us so
that we dare not get our harvest in; and he sets traps for us daily,
and so do many others”—Hugh’s own men-at-arms among the
number.[660] “When the truce was begun between us and the count
of La Marche,” they write again, “the count by one of his knights
declared us deprived of all rights within his fiefs”; he and his men
were guarding all the roads so that neither corn, nor wine, nor
wood, nor any necessaries could be got into the city, “and what is
your own property he declares to be of his fee.” Again “with tears”
they implored Henry to send them such a governor as should
extricate them and all Poitou from these perils.[661]
The men of Bordeaux on the other hand were urgent that Hugh
should be appeased. “He has promised,” they wrote, “to maintain
and defend the towns, from himself and his, and all other living
men, faithfully to the utmost of his power, for your benefit and
honour. And since his defence and maintenance is, above that of all
others, most useful and necessary to your faithful men of Poitou,
and molestation from him is equally perilous and injurious to them,
we entreat your royal majesty, by every means we can, to take such
counsel that a man of such importance, such a useful defender of
your land, and so pious and humble a protector of peace and
tranquillity, may not through any other’s fault withdraw from your
service; for he has promised that so long as he lives he will, unless
you give him cause to do otherwise, remain faithfully in your service
against all men living. All these things,” they add, “have been
communicated to us by the good men of La Rochelle.”[662] But
meanwhile the good men of La Rochelle had learned something of
the value of Hugh’s fine promises. Threatened by him with “all the
harm that he could do” to them, surrounded by enemies who
persecuted them for their loyalty, and without any protector save the
Bishop of Saintes, they again pleaded—as did also the men of
Bordeaux[663]—for the appointment of an efficient seneschal: “Send
us quickly a strong man, who will bring back the barons to
allegiance, and with their aid rout the enemies and restore the royal
authority.”[664] A rumour that the King was about to make the
viscount of Thouars seneschal of Poitou struck panic into Niort. “God
forbid it! for the viscount is our mortal foe, and in your father’s time,
with the counsel of the King of France, he did us all the evil that he
could. As you love your land of Poitou, and us, and your own honour,
we beseech you on no account to venture on making him seneschal;
moreover, make not anyone from these parts seneschal of Poitou. If
you do, they will take your land for their own advantage, as much as
they can, as some did in your father’s time. And we and the other
faithful men shall have to go out of your land, unless you take
diligent care and good counsel in this business. May it therefore
please your excellency to send some noble, discreet, wise, and
powerful man from the parts of England, to be your seneschal—such
a man as will know how to deal with your affairs in Poitou, and be
able to hold your land.”[665] Another rumour—this time in England—
as to the Council’s intentions with respect to the vacant office drew
forth a trenchant protest from Earl William of Salisbury. “I am given
to understand,” he writes to Pandulf, “that you, together with the
King’s Council, proposed to send the count of Aumale into Poitou to
keep the land. And as it seems to me that the count is less obedient
than he should be to the King’s commands concerning the things
which he holds in England, which are small, I doubt he would be less
obedient still if he had the seneschalship and government of Poitou
which is a great thing. And therefore I give notice to your holiness
that you will in no wise commit the custody of that land to him by
my counsel or assent.”[666]
Oddly enough, the man finally chosen by Hubert was Philip of
Ulecote, who also had given the government some trouble about the
restitution of a castle to its rightful owner.[667] When the choice was
at last made, in August, some difficulty arose before it could be
carried into effect; the sequel suggests that Philip’s state of health
may have been the obstacle. “I never felt any confidence,” wrote
Pandulf to Hubert on 25th August, “that Philip should go there;
though you seemed mighty certain about the matter, rambling over
seas and mountains in quest of things that are not to be had.” In a
more serious strain he warned the Justiciar that some decision must
be made at once. “You must provide for that country, which plainly
appears to be perishing through the fault of the King’s Council. The
matter has been already shamefully delayed, and I greatly fear lest
grave damage should come of it.”[668] In the middle of September
Philip of Ulecote was formally appointed seneschal of Poitou,[669]
and went across the sea.
Pandulf and Peter des Roches, meanwhile, had enlisted the
services of the Dean of Poitiers, who visited England in August, to
negotiate with Hugh of La Marche for a truce.[670] A carucage “for
our great needs, most urgent debts, and the preservation of our
land of Poitou” had been agreed upon in a council at Oxford on 9th
August.[671] Negotiations with the communes of La Rochelle and
Bordeaux for a loan “for the safe keeping of Poitou and Gascony”
were begun in September.[672] These two towns, with Niort and S.
Jean d’Angély, had now resolved upon sending representatives to
England to lay their complaints before the Council; the Preceptor of
the Temple, Gerard Brochard, at their request undertook to
accompany these envoys, and begged the Council to give him and
them an audience in London in the week after Michaelmas, “to hear
the proposals of the count of La Marche, and of others, on all sides.”
Gerard, it is clear, was in the confidence of all parties, and he
declared positively that if the Council would listen to him, the damsel
Joan would be restored to them in honour and freedom; “she would
have been delivered to me,” he said, “if I would have stood surety
that the King would do to the count what he ought.”[673] Probably
Gerard received in London, and thence transmitted to Hugh, a
formal assurance that Henry would “do what he ought”—in other
words, surrender his mother’s dowry. At the same time the Pope
took up the matter; and a letter from him, on 20th September,
threatening that if Hugh did not within fifteen days after its receipt
deliver Joan, together with the city of Saintes and the Isle of Oléron
(which had been pledged to him by John as security for her dowry)
to Henry’s appointed representatives, he should be excommunicated
and his lands placed under interdict,[674] was followed by Hugh’s
submission, so far as the surrender of Joan herself was concerned.
In obedience to an order from England issued on 6th October that
he should either himself bring Joan to England, or deliver her at La
Rochelle to certain persons appointed to receive her there,[675] he
set out with the child; but he fell sick at Oléron, where the Dean of
Poitiers and the new seneschal of Aquitaine, Philip of Ulecote, had
been ordered to meet him. The Dean waited for the seneschal in
vain, and at last learned that he was dead.[676] At the beginning of
November Hugh, being too ill to proceed, delivered Joan to the
commissioners—the Dean and two other envoys—who escorted her
to La Rochelle.[677] The term fixed for her marriage was past, but at
its expiration, on 13th October, Henry and Alexander had met again
at York,[678] and Alexander had evidently consented to wait for her
with patience; he waited in fact till the following Midsummer. Her
stepfather, when he gave her up to Henry’s commissioners, assured
them of his intention to go and perform his homage for La Marche
and Angoulême as soon as his health should permit him.[679] Thus
for a few months Aquitaine was—comparatively—at peace.
Meanwhile, however, the “concord and tranquillity” in England had
not been altogether unbroken. At first glance the Pope’s selection of
the spring of 1220 for the re-crowning of the young King appears
unaccountable. Since the ceremony had not taken place immediately
after the Primate’s return, two years ago, it would have seemed
more natural to delay it for seventeen months longer, till the boy
should have reached the completion of his fourteenth year, the
earliest age which could, on any known principle, be reckoned as
that of legal majority. A clue to the purpose for which the matter
was hurried on may possibly be found in certain steps which were
taken immediately after the coronation. On its morrow (18th May)
“the barons who were present swore that they would resign their
castles and wardenships at the will of the King, and would render at
the Exchequer a faithful account of their ferms; and also that if any
rebel should resist the King, and should not make satisfaction within
forty days after being excommunicated by the Legate, they would
make war upon him at the King’s bidding, that the rebel might be
disinherited without the option of a fine.”[680] A week after this, on
26 May, the Pope wrote a letter to Pandulf. He began by expressing
his distress at the reports that reached him of his royal ward’s
extreme poverty; this, he said, was imputed chiefly to the
archbishops, bishops, and other prelates in England, some of whom
had usurped the King’s castles, manors, and other domains, and
were detaining the same “on the frivolous pretext that they wish to
keep them safe till the King should be of age; and so meanwhile the
King must be a beggar, while they run riot, against his will, on what
belongs to him.” The Pope therefore ordered that they should
surrender all such castles and lands to the King, and make
restitution of all the proceeds thence derived since the war, and bade
Pandulf enforce their compliance with penalties both spiritual and
temporal. In a second letter, written two days later, Honorius
instructed the Legate not to suffer any man, howsoever faithful or
closely attached he might be to the King, to hold in his custody more
than two of the King’s castles, on pain of ecclesiastical censure
without appeal.[681]
From the days of Henry II, if not from a yet earlier time, the
Crown had found it a hard matter to preserve its authority over
castles held in private ownership. Such ownership was limited by the
King’s right in three ways. The owner was bound to allow his castle
to be garrisoned by the King’s own men at the King’s will; to
surrender it into the King’s hand if required; and not to make any
addition to its fortifications without the King’s licence. Against the
enforcement of these royal rights the owners of castles had
struggled, with varying success, under Henry II, Richard, and John.
The civil war, and the new conditions under which the powers of the
Crown had to be exercised during the minority of John’s successor,
had intensified their jealousy of all restriction upon their tenure of
their fortresses; and a like spirit of independence began to show
itself in some of the wardens of the King’s own castles, with regard
to the fortresses under their charge. The only important case of this
kind, until the latter part of the year 1219, was that of Count William
of Aumale. But between August, 1219, and March, 1220, trouble
began to threaten in connexion with two royal fortresses of not less
consequence than Sauvey and Rockingham, and from two men of
far greater political and personal weight than William de Fors.
 The combined offices of sheriff of Lincolnshire and warden of
Lincoln castle were hereditary in the family of Haye, represented at
this time by the old Dame Nicolaa, whose capability, courage, and
loyalty had never failed in the service of John and his heir
throughout the last twenty years. Three days after the battle of
Lincoln the city and county had been committed to 24 May 1217
the boy-King’s uncle, William Longsword Earl of
Salisbury, to hold during the King’s pleasure.[682] This grant was
probably made with the double purpose of rewarding Longsword for
his share in the victory, and relieving Nicolaa of a burden which she
had, nearly two years before, declared to be too great for her.[683]
Five months later, however, when peace was made, the old lady
asked to be reinstated in her hereditary functions. Her request was
granted, and on 31st October the Earl was bidden to deliver the
castle to her and give her seisin of the sheriffdom without delay; but
the latter half of this order seems not to have been enforced;[684]
and at the beginning of December the county “with all its
appurtenances” was again committed to William to hold during the
King’s pleasure.[685] This time, however, the castle did not go with
the shrievalty; for from March, 1218, onwards we 1218
find the former once more, with the full sanction of
the Crown, under the charge of its veteran castellan, Nicolaa.[686]
No one seems to have ventured on molesting her till three months
after the death of the old Earl Marshal. Then, on 23rd August, 1219,
“the sheriff of Lincoln”—no doubt the Earl of 1219
Salisbury’s deputy—had to be sharply told that he
was to “maintain, protect, and defend the lands, goods, and men of
our trusty and well-beloved Nicolaa de Haye within his bailiwick, to
cause her no molestation, injury or damage, nor to meddle in any
way with her debts to the Crown, or in any matters concerning her,
till he received orders to do so”; and next day “all the knights and
good men” of the shire were informed that the King had assigned
Falkes de Bréauté (who was sheriff of two shires contiguous to
Lincolnshire, those of Northampton and Rutland) to Dame Nicolaa as
her assistant in the defence of Lincoln castle, “and that they should
all efficaciously counsel and assist Falkes in the King’s business
which Falkes would explain to them, for the preservation of the
peace of the realm.”[687] It seems that Falkes, with three of his
knights (and no doubt some attendant men-at-arms), at once took
up his abode in the castle and made it his headquarters for the next
nine months.[688] From a temporary absence in January, 1220, when
he went to meet the King at Northampton, he was 1220
recalled by an urgent message from Nicolaa; and a
letter from Falkes himself to Hubert de Burgh makes it perfectly clear
that the danger against which he was required to protect her was a
persistent endeavour of the Earl of Salisbury, as sheriff of the county,
to enter the castle. “But,” wrote Falkes, “God helping me, with the
force at the Dame’s command I will take good care that he shall not
get in.”[689]
William Longsword was a son of Henry II; illegitimate, but always
acknowledged and treated as “the King’s brother” by both Richard
and John, and by Henry as “our beloved uncle.” Richard had given
him the earldom from which he took his title, together with the hand
and the great possessions of Ela, heiress of an earlier line of Earls of
Salisbury. He had done good service to John until the middle of
1216; then he had joined Louis, but early in 1217 he had returned to
the side of little Henry, and had received back all his forfeited
estates, to which in August of the same year were added the
counties of Somerset and Devon.[690] His attempt to interfere with
the rights of a castellan appointed by the King to the command of a
royal castle certainly failed, and was probably abandoned without
any open strife, for there is no sign of any breach in the friendly
relations between the King and his “beloved Uncle William,” to whom
the boy seems to have been really attached. But the mere making of
such an attempt, by a man of such high rank and so closely
connected with the King, was not without grave significance; and it
coincided ominously with another incident of graver significance still.
The castle of Marlborough, like that of Lincoln, 1220
belonged to the Crown. When it fell into the hands
of Louis in 1216 the younger William Marshal, then in arms on
Louis’s side, claimed it as his by right. The chronicler who records
this claim mentions also a claim put forth by William to act as
Marshal for Louis in England;[691] possibly he may have claimed the
wardenship of Marlborough castle as appertaining to the Marshalcy.
The two offices may have been granted together to his grandfather
John FitzGilbert, who was certainly Marshal under Henry I, and
commandant at Marlborough after that King’s death. In 1175–1176 a
part of the fine due to the Crown from the heirs of John FitzGilbert
for entering upon their patrimony was remitted in reimbursement for
repairs done to Marlborough castle.[692] At the coronation of Richard
John FitzGilbert’s two elder surviving sons, John and William, shared
between them the functions of Marshal, but the hereditary character
of that office was not explicitly determined till ten years later. During
the greater part of those ten years Marlborough was not a royal
fortress; Richard had given it to his own brother John. John’s
accession as King restored it to its old status; but no reference to its
wardenship occurs in the charter whereby John granted the
Marshalcy to William and his heirs for ever; and the great Earl never
was, nor, so far as we can see, claimed to be custodian of
Marlborough castle during John’s lifetime.[693] He certainly was so,
however, from November, 1217, until his death, and 1217
his eldest son succeeded him in this wardenship.
[694] In March, 1220, Hubert de Burgh informed 1220
Pandulf that Marlborough castle was being fortified
—evidently without instructions from the Crown. Pandulf bade him
despatch without delay “the most stringent letters from the King that
could be drawn up,” ordering the Marshal to stop the work at once,
and strictly forbidding all persons engaged in it, on pain of their
bodies, goods, “and even their inheritance,” to do anything towards
fortifying the castle without a special licence and order from the
King.[695] No further letters on the subject appear to be extant; the
information which Hubert had forwarded to Pandulf may have
proved to be incorrect, or the Marshal may have given some
satisfactory explanation. There is, however, an indication elsewhere
that he took upon himself to exercise over the tenants of the castle
of Marlborough more arbitrary authority than he was entitled to
assume as custodian of that fortress for the King.[696] Moreover,
there was another matter about which trouble with him must have
been felt to be impending.
Immediately after the younger Marshal’s return 1217
to allegiance, in March, 1217, there had been
granted to him, to hold during the King’s pleasure, the English lands
of Earl David of Huntingdon.[697] The most important part of these
lands was the honour of Huntingdon, which the Scot Kings had
inherited from the English wife of King David of Scotland, which
William the Lion had subenfeoffed to his brother David, and which,
with the estates held by David direct of the English Crown, had now
become forfeit to its English overlord because David and the reigning
King of Scots—his nephew Alexander—had espoused the cause of
Louis. A few months later they both submitted to Henry; Alexander,
having performed his homage in December, was granted seisin of
“the lands held of him in England by Earl David”;[698] and in the
following March orders were issued for complete restitution to David
himself of all his English possessions.[699] He seems to have
regained them all except one castle: Fotheringay. In June, 1219, he
died, leaving an heir under age. His fief being an 1219
English one, the right to its custody fell not to its
immediate overlord the King of Scots, but to its lord paramount the
King of England; in Henry’s name it was committed, during his
pleasure, to the charge of three knights, and an order was issued
that they should receive full seisin of “the manor of Fotheringay”
from the constable of the castle[700]—that is, the younger Marshal
(now Earl William the second of Pembroke and Striguil), or his
lieutenant there. In October the custody of the honour was
transferred to the King of Scots.[701] But twelve months later
Fotheringay castle was still in the hands of the Earl 1220
Marshal; not because either Henry or Alexander
had authorized him to retain it, but because he was, for some
Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.

More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge

connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and

personal growth every day!

testbankdeal.com