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Identity and Culture Narratives of Difference and
Belonging Issues in Cultural and Media Studies 1st
Edition Chris Weedon Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Chris Weedon
ISBN(s): 0335200869
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.15 MB
Year: 2004
Language: english
ID and culture 6/8/04 12:49 PM Page 1

I S S U E S in CULTURAL and MEDIA STUDIES I S S U E S in CULTURAL and MEDIA STUDIES

S E R I E S E D I T O R : S T U A R T A L L A N

Weedon
Chris Weedon
Identity and Culture
Narratives of Difference and Belonging

• Where does our sense of identity and belonging come from?

• How does culture produce and challenge identities?

In Identity and Culture Chris Weedon looks at how different cultural narratives and
practices work to constitute identity for individuals and groups in multi-ethnic,
‘postcolonial’ societies.The book:
• Uses examples from history, politics, fiction and the visual to examine the social
power relations that create subject positions and forms of identity
• Analyses how cultural texts and practices offer new forms of identity and agency
that subvert dominant ideologies

Identity and Culture encompasses issues of class, race, and gender, with a particular
focus on the mobilization of forms of ethnic identity in societies still governed by
racism. It is a key text for students in cultural studies, sociology of culture, literary
studies, history, race and ethnicity studies, media and film studies, and gender studies.

Identity and Culture

Chris Weedon is Professor of Critical and Cultural Theory at Cardiff University.
She teaches cultural theory and cultural criticism and has published widely on feminist
theory, poststructuralism, cultural politics and women’s writing. Her books include
Feminist Practice and Poststructuralist Theory (1987), Cultural Politics (1995), Contemporary
Women’s Writing in German (1997) and Feminism,Theory and the Politics of Difference (1999).

Cover illustration: Charlotte Combe

Identity and
Cover design: Barker/Hilsdon

Culture
Narratives of Difference and Belonging

www.openup.co.uk ISBN 0-335-20086-9

9 780335 200863
IDENTITY AND CULTURE:
NARRATIVES OF DIFFERENCE
AND BELONGING
 I S S U E S in CULTURAL and MEDIA STUDIES

Series Editor: Stuart Allan

Published titles
News Culture Cities and Urban Cultures
Stuart Allan Deborah Stevenson
Modernity and Postmodern Culture Cultural Citizenship
Jim McGuigan Nick Stevenson
Sport, Culture and the Media, 2nd edition Culture on Display
David Rowe Bella Dicks
Television, Globalization and Cultural Critical Readings: Media and Gender
Identities Edited by Cynthia Carter and
Chris Barker Linda Steiner
Ethnic Minorities and the Media Critical Readings: Media and Audiences
Edited by Simon Cottle Edited by Virginia Nightingale and
Karen Ross
Cinema and Cultural Modernity
Gill Branston Media and Audiences
Karen Ross and Virginia Nightingale
Compassion, Morality and the Media
Keith Tester Critical Readings: Sport, Culture and the
Media
Masculinities and Culture
Edited by David Rowe
John Beynon
Rethinking Cultural Policy
Cultures of Popular Music
Jim McGuigan
Andy Bennett
Media, Politics and the Network Society
Media, Risk and Science
Robert Hassan
Stuart Allan
Identity and Culture: Narratives of
Violence and the Media
Difference and Belonging
Cynthia Carter and C. Kay Weaver
Chris Weedon
Moral Panics and the Media
Chas Critcher
IDENTITY AND CULTURE

C h r i s We e d o n

OPEN UNIVERSITY PRESS

Open University Press
McGraw-Hill Education
McGraw-Hill House
Shoppenhangers Road
Maidenhead
Berkshire
England
SL6 2QL

email: enquiries@openup.co.uk
world wide web: www.openup.co.uk

and Two Penn Plaza, New York, NY 10121-2289, USA

First published 2004

Copyright © Chris Weedon 2004

All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism
and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted, in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording
or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher or a licence from the
Copyright Licensing Agency Limited. Details of such licences (for reprographic
reproduction) may be obtained from the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd of 90 Tottenham
Court Road, London, W1T 4LP.

A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 0 335 20086 9 (pb) 0 335 20087 7 (hb)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

CIP data applied for

Typeset by RefineCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk

Printed in Great Britain by MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin, Cornwall
 CONTENTS

SERIES EDITOR’S FOREWORD vii

PREFACE ix

INTRODUCTION 1

1 | SUBJECTIVITY AND IDENTITY 5

‘Hey, you there!’ 5
Subjectivity and the subject 9
Class, ideology, identity 10
Language and the split subject 12
The importance of the visual 13
Subjectivity, discourse and power 17
Subjectivity and identity: the local and the global 19
Further reading 21

2 | HISTORY, NATION AND IDENTITY 22

The question of history 28
The changing face of Britain 31
The Parekh report in the press 32
Conclusion 43
Further reading 44

3 | HISTORY, VOICE AND REPRESENTATION: ABORIGINAL WOMEN’S LIFE WRITING 46

History, voice and identity 49
Voicing Aboriginal women’s experience 50
Conclusion 57
Further reading 60
vi | IDENTITY AND CULTURE

4 | NARRATIVES OF IDENTITY AND DIFFERENCE: VOICING BLACK BRITISH HISTORY 61

Migration to Britain: the Windrush generation 68
Second generation writers and the migrant experience 71
Identity and belonging 74
New forms of resistance 78
Mixed-race identity 80
Rewriting history 81
Conclusion 83
Further reading 84

5 | IDENTITY, ORIGINS AND ROOTS 85

Biblical and ‘scientific’ myths of origin: the white identity movement in
the United States 93
The battle for the meaning of the flag 99
Further reading 103

6 | DIASPORIC IDENTITIES: SOUTH ASIAN BRITISH WOMEN’S WRITING 104

Further reading 115

7 | VISUALIZING DIFFERENCE: SOUTH ASIANS ON SCREEN 116

The deconstructive potential of comedy 126
Further reading 132

8 | COMPETING CULTURES, COMPETING VALUES 133

The contradictions 138
Belief versus reason: Islamophobia in the West 144
Conclusion 152
Further reading 153

CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS 154

NOTES 160

GLOSSARY 164

BIBLIOGRAPHY 168

INDEX 175
 SERIES EDITOR’S FOREWORD

‘Belonging,’ Stuart Hall once observed, ‘is a tricky concept, requiring both identifica-
tion and recognition.’ In considering what it means to be ‘British’, for example,
he highlighted the ways in which familiar ideas about national belonging can be
embedded in relations of power and discrimination. ‘If people from ethnic minorities
are to become not only citizens with equal rights but also an integral part of the
national culture,’ he wrote, ‘then the meanings of the term “British” will have to
become more inclusive of their experiences, values and aspirations.’ In other words, he
pointed out, for any society to claim to be both multi-ethnic and, at the same time,
mono-cultural would be a contradiction in terms. Each of us, as individuals, needs to
see something of ourselves given expression in our everyday cultural forms and prac-
tices. And yet, as some know more than others, inclusion is all too frequently defined
by exclusion. ‘Only deep and rigorous measures to end discrimination,’ Hall reminded
us, ‘can help us navigate these treacherous waters.’
For Chris Weedon, as she acknowledges on these pages, Stuart Hall has been a
lifelong inspiration. In important ways, Identity and Culture has been shaped by her
engagement with his writings, but also by her grassroots involvement in a multi-
ethnic cultural initiative – Butetown History & Arts Centre – in Cardiff Bay. As will
soon be apparent to the reader, this book looks at how different forms of cultural
narrative and cultural practice work to constitute subjectivity and identity for
individuals and groups in multi-ethnic, ‘postcolonial’ societies. Weedon begins the
discussion by engaging with several theoretical challenges, before moving on to look at
examples of historical, political, fictional and visual narratives of identity and
belonging. Her examples are drawn from British, Australian and US contexts, each of
them engendering critical insights into the social power relations that structure the
subject positions and forms of identity in play. Through a number of related case
studies, she analyses how cultural texts and practices offer new forms of identity and
viii | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

agency, and in so doing serve as ways of negotiating, even subverting dominant forms
of identity.
The Issues in Cultural and Media Studies series aims to facilitate a diverse range
of critical investigations into pressing questions considered to be central to current
thinking and research. In light of the remarkable speed at which the conceptual
agendas of cultural and media studies are changing, the series is committed to
contributing to what is an ongoing process of re-evaluation and critique. Each of the
books is intended to provide a lively, innovative and comprehensive introduction to
a specific topical issue from a fresh perspective. The reader is offered a thorough
grounding in the most salient debates indicative of the book’s subject, as well
as important insights into how new modes of enquiry may be established for
future explorations. Taken as a whole, then, the series is designed to cover the core
components of cultural and media studies courses in an imaginatively distinctive
and engaging manner.

Stuart Allan
 PREFACE

As I write this preface at the end of a dull, late November week in 2003, I have not been
looking out for items on race, ethnicity or difference. Despite this, a number of things
have come to my attention over the past few days. I have heard from several different
sources details of the increasing levels of tension between young Cardiff Somalis, who
are the children of refugees, and white and other non-Somali people in Cardiff. These
included vicious attacks on young Somalis by white youths with baseball bats. I also
listened to an announcement by the Home Secretary of plans to bring in legislation
that would allow the removal of the children of asylum seekers, from their parents.
This would punish people who had lost their appeals but refused to leave the country.
Their children would be placed in care, so that the parents could be denied all state
benefits. Meanwhile, BBC News 24 announced that the French government is to ban
the wearing of headscarves in all public buildings in the interests of maintaining a
secular state. France has a Muslim population of some five million, about 7 per cent of
the total population. At the same time, in the current monthly paper produced by
Cardiff County Council, there is an article announcing a new help line for victims of
racial abuse or attack and a note that such attacks have increased dramatically over
recent months.
If these types of social developments were not enough in themselves, two aspects of
my own life have made difference an issue of great concern to me. One is sharing my
life with someone who is an inspirational African-American writer and activist.
The other is my involvement, since 1990, in a multi-ethnic history and arts project,
Butetown History & Arts Centre (www.bhac.org), located in the old ‘Tiger Bay’
docklands community that has recently become part of the new ‘Cardiff Bay’. While
neither of these parts of my life feature in this book (except for the illustrations which
come from Butetown History and Arts Centre’s archive), they have both shaped my
understandings of difference, identity and the need to belong. I am indebted above all
x | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

to Glenn and also in various ways to many people in Butetown. I would like to thank
Butetown History and Arts Centre archive for permission to reproduce the photo-
graphs in Chapters 2 and 5. I am also grateful to those who have discussed issues with
me and commented on the material used in various chapters of this book, including the
series editor Stuart Allan. My particular thanks go to Jackie Huggins and Bronwen
Levy in Brisbane. Finally I would like to thank Stuart Hall for remaining an inspiration
over decades.
My hope is that Identity and Culture might provoke interest in questions of differ-
ence, particularly as raised by those who are not part of that privileged space of
belonging that is whiteness. Tackling discrimination in all its forms requires changes
in all areas of life: social, economic, political and cultural. It also requires an under-
standing of why people have such a strong investment in marking and policing
difference and why identities assume so much importance in particular contexts. While
cultural texts and practices cannot be or do everything, they are important. They can
and should contribute to the development of a society in which difference is not only
tolerated, or grudgingly accepted, but welcomed and celebrated as enriching.
Earlier versions of material used in this book appeared in the following publications.
Material from Chapter 3 in ‘Historia, voz y representacionen el feminismo post-
colonial: Las mujeres indigenas en Australia,’ Asparkia Investicacio feminista (2002)
(13), 115–28. Material from Chapter 4 in ‘Discourses of Race and Ethnicity in
Contemporary Britain,’ in D. Walton and D. Shultz (eds) Culture and Power:
Unofficial Knowledges, pp. 47–62. Bern: Peter Lang (2002). Material from Chapter 6 in
‘Redefining Otherness, Negotiating Difference: Contemporary British Asian Women’s
Writing’, in B. Neumeier (ed.) Contemporary British Women’s Writing, pp. 223–36.
Amsterdam: Rodopi (2000). Material from Chapter 7 in ‘Goodness, Gracious Me:
Comedy as a Tool for Contesting Racism and Ethnocentrism’, in M.J.C. Aguilar (ed.)
Cultural and Power V: Challenging Discourses, pp. 261–9. Valencia: University of
Valencia (2000). Material from Chapter 8 in ‘Miss World in Nigeria: Eurocentrism and
the Problem of Islamophobia,’ Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses. University of La
Laguna, Canary Islands, April 2004.
An enlarged and expanded version of some of the material drawn on in Chapter 4
will appear in Victoria Arana and Lauri Ramey (eds) (2004) Black British Writing. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan.
 INTRODUCTION

Just now everybody wants to talk about identity. As a key word in contemporary
politics it has taken on so many different connotations that sometimes it is
obvious that people are not even talking about the same thing. One thing at least
is clear – identity only becomes an issue when it is in crisis, when something
assumed to be fixed, coherent and stable is displaced by the experience of
doubt and uncertainty. From this angle, the eagerness to talk about identity is
symptomatic of the postmodern predicament of contemporary politics.
(Mercer 1990: 43)

Identity is about belonging, about what you have in common with some people
and what differentiates you from others. At its most basic it gives you a sense of
personal location, the stable core to your individuality. But it is also about your
relationships, your complex involvement with others and in the modern world
these have become ever more complex and confusing. Each of us live with a
variety of potentially contradictory identities, which battle within us for
allegiance: as men or women, black or white, straight or gay, able-bodied
or disabled, ‘British’ or ‘European’ . . . The list is potentially infinite, and so
therefore are our possible belongings. Which of them we focus on, bring to the
fore, ‘identify’ with, depends on a host of factors. At the centre, however, are
the values we share or wish to share with others.
(Weeks 1990: 88)

Identity is a key concept in the contemporary world. Since the Second World War,
the legacies of colonialism, migration, globalization, as well as the growth of new
social movements and forms of identity politics have put the question of identity at the
centre of debates in the humanities and social sciences. National liberation struggles
2 | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

and ethnic conflicts throughout the world, the fall of Communist regimes in Eastern
Europe and the rise of the extreme right in Europe as a whole have placed identity on
the mainstream political agenda. In Western societies, the successful mobilization by
the right of exclusive, racist discourses of national identity has, in part, fed upon media
representations of a perceived threat from increasing numbers of economic migrants
from developing countries and asylum seekers escaping repressive regimes.
In order to understand the power of identity, and particularly the role it plays in
repressive individual and social practices, we need to theorize it within broader
conceptualizations of subjectivity that can account for the unconscious, non-rational
and emotional dimensions of identity. Often tied to racism, ethnocentrism, sexism and
homophobia, exclusive forms of identity can lead to discriminatory behaviour towards
others and violence of all kinds. These aspects of subjectivity and identity have come to
the fore in recent years in a range of bitter ethnic conflicts, most visibly in Europe, Asia
and Africa. They are also implicated in the rising levels of Islamophobia and Muslim
fundamentalism that have become increasingly visible since the events of 11 September
2001, when the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York and a section
of the Pentagon in Washington were destroyed by passenger planes, hijacked by
disaffected Muslims linked to Al Qaeda.
Perceived threats from the West’s ‘others’ have profoundly affected mainstream
politics in Western countries, setting the agenda not only for the right, but also for
centre and centre-left parties. The events of 11 September have been used to justify
emergency laws that allow a range of repressive measures towards those defined as
suspect aliens, including, in some states, imprisonment without trial. Migration from
the developing world has been met by xenophobic policies and campaigns, which do
not only target poor or unskilled migrants. For example, the recruitment by industry of
highly qualified South Asian IT specialists in Germany was countered by campaigns in
Bavaria under the slogan ‘Kinder statt Inder’ (Children not Indians), in which German
women were called upon to have more children, echoing an aspect of Germany’s Nazi
past. In another hemisphere, the refusal of the Australian government in 2001 to accept
refugees, stranded on-board ship off the coast of Australia, helped secure the re-
election of what was, until then, a highly unpopular government. In Britain the moral
panics around asylum seekers continue to feed xenophobia and have resulted in a range
of repressive government policies that seek to contain asylum seekers and assuage
popular fears. In January 2003 the leader of the Conservative opposition in the British
parliament went so far as to urge that all asylum seekers be held and screened by the
security forces to ascertain whether or not they were connected with terrorism. All
these political issues feed on and keep alive discourses of identity and belonging, of
who we are and what ‘they’ are, and who has the right to live where we do.
Identity and culture are key issues in the ‘post-colonial’, ‘post-modern’ West. This is
a world in which the legacies of colonialism, including migration and the creation of
diasporas, along with processes of globalization have put taken-for-granted ideas of
identity and belonging into question. Organized around a series of case studies, this
 INTRODUC TION | 3

book focuses on how cultural texts, ranging from history and fiction to film and
television, address and seek to shape identities in societies where ethnicity, gender and
class are still paramount, and where racism is still alive and well. It asks how forms of
racism continue to structure both the ways in which people are defined and how they
see themselves.
Since the early modern period in Western Europe, different peoples and cultures have
come into contact – actually or virtually – and mixed with each other to ever increasing
degrees. This meeting of cultures in its various manifestations via colonialism, the slave
trade, white settlement outside Europe, war, migration to the West and globalization,
has involved relations of power, foremost among them attempts to dominate or
assimilate others under the various banners of civilization, Christianization,
modernization, progress and development. These processes have involved a profound
‘othering’ of colonized peoples as different and less advanced than people of European
descent. Often, for example in the cases of slavery, genocide and even contemporary
forms of racism, it has involved a denial of a common humanity. This strategy of
othering has persisted into the present. For example, in early 2003, the language of the
US administration in its ‘War on Terror’ and war against Iraq continued to divide
the world into the civilized and uncivilized, the good and the evil. Lost from view in
much of this Western political rhetoric are double standards in foreign policy, and the
material causes of social unrest, especially in developing countries. This in turn leads
to a failure to understand the reasons for the popular appeal, particularly but not
exclusively outside the West, of groups such as Al Qaeda.1 This appeal is in part
organized and catered for through a number of internet sites that link the global and
the local in an imagined community and create a space from which to speak in a world
in which Western powers are dominant (see Khatib 2003).
One of the legacies of colonial history is the multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and racially
mixed nature of contemporary Western societies. This book looks at questions of
culture and identity in the contemporary ‘postcolonial’ West, drawing on examples
and case studies from the UK, the United States, Australia and Africa. The book has
three major concerns. The first is how we might usefully theorize the relationship
between subjectivity, identity and agency and understand their constitution in and
through cultural texts and practices. This is the focus of Chapter 1. The second
concern is the importance of history to identity. This is taken up in different ways in
Chapters 2, 3 and 4, and includes issues such as the significance of having a voice that
is recognized and heard, and its role in the formation of positive forms of identity. It
further includes the social, ideological and political role of narratives of the past that
depict a collective experience for marginalized groups and the relations of dominant
groups to these narratives and to the histories they inscribe. An example of this – the
subject of Chapter 3 – is the Australian government project of ‘reconciliation’ with
the Aboriginal people of Australia, which was to culminate in the 100th anniversary
of the establishment of Australia as a sovereign state in 2001. Part of this process
involved the government-sponsored ‘Bringing Them Home’ project, which raised, once
4 | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

again, the painful issues of Aboriginal history since white settlement and white
Australia’s relationship to its past. This oral history project sought to collect the life
stories of the ‘Stolen Generation’: those mixed-race children forcibly removed from
their Aboriginal families to be brought up on missions, in orphanages and in white
adoptive families, and the various white Australians involved in the process. This is a
history that was made widely visible outside Australia by Sally Morgan’s My
Place (1988) and in 2002 by the film Rabbit Proof Fence.2 Linked to questions of
history and voice is the importance of roots and the appeal of narratives of origin and
belonging. This is the focus of Chapter 5. While this is especially true for those
minorities marginalized by mainstream discourses of national identity, it is also a
major component of extreme white supremacist thinking, as examples in Chapter 5
suggest.
The third focus of the book is how people negotiate identity and difference in
postcolonial, multi-cultural societies and the importance of hybrid cultures and iden-
tities. This is the focus of Chapters 6 and 7. Negotiating difference includes issues of
conflicting cultures and values and their effects on identity, an area that has come to the
fore in Western Europe with the establishment and growth of substantial minority
Muslim communities and the strengthening of Islamophobia. Postcolonial Western
societies are faced with competing ideas of how we should live, especially as regards,
gender norms, religious practices, food and dress. State institutions such as schools, the
health service and social services are increasingly being asked to address diversity in
the interests of accommodating difference. This is the focus of Chapter 8. The
final issue that the book addresses is how one might make hegemonic forms of
subjectivity and identity strange, problematizing and relativizing them in the interests
of a more tolerant and diverse society.
Yet, we also need to ask why these discourses have such a powerful hold over us. To
begin to answer this question I want to turn to theories of subjectivity and identity,
which are the focus of Chapter 1.
1 SUBJECTIVITY AND IDENTITY

Identity is not as transparent or unproblematic as we think. Perhaps instead of

thinking of identity as an already accomplished fact, which the new cultural
practices then represent, we should think. Instead, of identity as a ‘production’,
which is never complete, always in process, and always constituted within,
not outside, representation. This view problematises the very authority and
authenticity to which the term, ‘cultural identity’ lays claim.
(Hall 1990: 222)

The knowing self is partial in all its guises, never finished, whole, simply there
and original; it is always constructed and stitched together imperfectly, and
therefore able to join with another, to see together without claiming to be
another.
(Haraway 1991b: 193)

‘Hey, you there!’

In his classic and influential essay, ‘On Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses.
Notes Towards an Investigation,’ French Marxist philosopher, Louis Althusser
theorizes the process of identification through which individuals become ‘knowing
subjects’ (Althusser 1971). A ‘knowing subject’ is an individual conceived of as a
sovereign, rational and unified consciousness, in control of language and meaning. It is
the ‘I’ that thinks and speaks and is the apparent author of meaning. This is the theory
of the subject that is usually assumed in commonsense discourses. Althusser describes
an everyday situation in which an individual is walking down the street and hears a
police officer or other voice call out ‘Hey, you there!’ Almost always, Althusser suggests,
6 | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

the hailed individual will turn around. In the process s/he becomes a subject. Althusser
comments on the reasons for this, suggesting that it occurs:
Because he [or she] has recognised the hail was really addressed to him [or her],
and that ‘it was really him [or her] who was hailed’ (not someone else). Experience
shows that the practical telecommunication of hailings is such that they hardly
ever miss their [woman or] man: verbal call or whistle, the one hailed always
recognises that it is really him [or her] who is being hailed. And yet it is a strange
phenomenon, and one which cannot be explained solely by ‘guilt feelings’, despite
the large numbers who ‘have something on their consciences.’
(Althusser 1971: 163)
Faced by this ‘strange phenomenon’, Althusser theorizes the process of hailing, that
is, the process of the constitution of the individual as subject within language and
ideology, as fundamental to human societies. In Althusser’s theorization, the process
of recognition by the individual of herself or himself as the one addressed by the call
to recognition interpellates the individual as a subject within ideology. The individual
is hailed, and responds with an identification through which s/he is a subject in a
double sense. S/he becomes both the agent of the ideology in question and subjected
to it. This process of identification, Althusser argues, inserts individuals into ideolo-
gies and ideological practices that, when they work well, are lived as if they were
obvious and natural. In Althusser’s theorization, a range of what he terms ‘Ideological
State Apparatuses’ such as religion, education, the family, the law, politics, culture and
the media produce the ideologies within which we assume identities and become
subjects.
Identities may be socially, culturally and institutionally assigned, as in the case, for
instance, of gender or citizenship, where state institutions, civil society and social
and cultural practices produce the discourses within which gendered subjectivity and
citizens are constituted. Often they solicit active identification on the part of the
subject so defined. For example, forms of dress and many children’s games are
marketed as gender specific and encourage normative gender identification and
behaviour. In the case of citizenship, an elaborate bureaucracy monitors and allocates
the markers of citizenship, for example, birth certificates, passports and electoral
registers. National anthems, sung at official state occasions and at cultural and sports
events, seek to recruit subjects, drawing on emotional as well as rational forms of
identification in order to interpellate individuals as citizens of a particular nation. In
the cases of both gender and national identity, a wide range of social practices come
into play in recruiting subjects to identify with the identities on offer. The meaning of a
particular social practice, for example, the singing of a national anthem, is, however,
never fixed. It will change according to the context in which it is used.
Forms of identity are often internalized by the individual who takes them on. This
process can be theorized in terms of what Judith Butler has called ‘performativity’.
This refers to the repeated assumption of identities in the course of daily life. Butler,
 SUBJEC TIVIT Y AND IDENTIT Y | 7

who concentrates on the example of gender, argues that ‘there is no gender identity
behind the expressions of gender . . . Identity is performatively constituted by the very
“expressions” that are said to be its results’ (Butler 1990: 24–5). Thus, for example,
feminine identity, manifest in dress, ways of walking and behaving, does not give rise to
this femininity but is the product of it. It is acquired by performing discourses of
femininity that constitute the individual as a feminine subject. Whereas common sense
suggests that femininity and masculinity are natural, in this mode of theorization they
are culturally acquired through repetition. In Butler’s language, this ‘performativity
must be understood not as a singular or deliberate “act”, but, rather, as the reiterative
and citational practice by which discourse produces the effects that it names’ (1993: 2).
As individuals inserted within specific discourses, we repeatedly perform modes of
subjectivity and identity until these are experienced as if they were second nature.
Where they are successfully internalized, they become part of lived subjectivity. Where
this does not occur, they may become the basis for dis-identification or counter-
identifications which involve a rejection of hegemonic identity norms.
Other identities rely explicitly on active processes of identification, for example
membership of a club or religion, and may involve a conscious counter-identification
against institutionally and socially assigned identities, and the meanings and values
that they are seen to represent. An example of this would be gay and lesbian forms
of identity that mobilize common signs and symbols to signify difference from a
heterosexual norm. Identity is made visible and intelligible to others through cultural
signs, symbols and practices. This can be seen most obviously in the case of gender
identity, where cultural codes of the body, dress and behaviour signify gender.
Discourses of gender help shape the materiality of both female and male bodies,
through, for example, differential gender roles, physical education and work. Yet these
same codes can also be used to subvert hegemonic meanings, as in the case of Queer
appropriations of the signifiers of heterosexuality. The visual dimensions of identities
are often pronounced, as, for example, in the case of sub-cultural groups such as the
wide range of Western youth cultures from teddy boys through punks to Goths, seen in
the West since the 1950s. Religious identities, too, are often marked by dress and
hairstyle as in the case of Christian or Buddhist nuns, monks and priests, Muslims,
Sikhs and Rastafarians.
In Althusserian theory, as in the Lacanian psychoanalytic theory of the subject on
which it draws, identification is central to the mechanisms through which individuals
become knowing subjects. Yet the wide range of identities available in a society and the
modes of subjectivity that go with them are not open to all people at all times. They are
often restricted to specific groups, usually on the basis of discourses of class, gender
and race, that are exclusive to and policed by the groups in question. Non-recognition
and non-identification leaves the individual in an abject state of non-subjectivity and
lack of agency. At best the individual concerned must fall back on subject positions
other than the ones to which s/he is denied access. Toni Morrison, in her novel The
Bluest Eye, for example, vividly describes a scene in which the poor, Black child,
8 | IDENTIT Y AND CULTURE

Pecola, goes to buy sweets from the local store and comes up against a racism that
denies her access even to the position of a shared humanity:
She pulls off her shoe and takes out three pennies. The gray head of Mr
Yacobowski looms up over the counter. He urges his eyes out of his thoughts to
encounter her. Blue eyes. Blear-dropped. Slowly, like Indian summer moving
imperceptibly towards fall, he looks towards her. Somewhere between retina and
object, between vision and view, his eyes draw back, hesitate and hover. At some
fixed point in time and space he senses that he need not waste the effort of a
glance. He does not see her, because for him there is nothing to see. How can a
fifty-two-year-old white immigrant store keeper with the taste of potatoes and
beer in his mouth, his mind honed on the doe-eyed Virgin Mary, his sensibilities
blunted by a permanent awareness of loss, see a little black girl? Nothing in his life
even suggested that the feat was possible, not to say desirable or necessary.
(Morrison 1981: 47)
Mutual recognition between self and other has been a feature of theories of
subjectivity. In 1807, Hegel argued in the Phenomenology of Mind that the Other is
essential to the realization of self-consciousness (Hegel 1971: 153–78). This idea fed
directly into twentieth-century phenomenological and existentialist approaches to the
individual, identity and subjectivity, which also inform commonsense assumptions
about the self.
In commonsense discourse, people tend to assume that they are ‘knowing subjects’,
that is sovereign individuals, whose lives are governed by free will, reason, knowledge,
experience and, to a lesser degree, emotion. They are subjects who, in Althusser’s
terms, work by themselves. As sovereign, knowing subjects, they use language to
express meaning. They acquire the knowledge that they convey in language from their
socialization, education and experience of life. The assumptions that they hold about
themselves as fully conscious, knowing, intentional subjects derive from Enlightenment
ideas of rationality, combined with aspects of a humanism that privilege the indi-
vidual, consciousness, language and lived experience over theories which ground the
essence of the human in biology and natural science or in social structures such as
class. In humanist thought the subject and subjectivity are assumed to be unified and
rational and the subject is governed by reason and free will, which give it agency.
Humanism is a powerful discourse which, when linked to discourses of human rights
and equality, can serve as a positive basis for a tolerant and caring society. It is a
discourse based on an assumed sameness in which all human beings share a common
humanity, with specific needs and rights. The United Nations, for example, aspires to
the humanist goal of universal human rights for all. States that seek to resist this
discourse tend to deny the universality of the rights in question and argue that they are
culturally specific. Yet, when it comes to understanding how subjectivity and identity
work in societies fractured by power relations of class, gender, sexual, racial and
ethnic privilege and disadvantage, the theoretical basis on which humanism grounds
 SUBJEC TIVIT Y AND IDENTIT Y | 9

its aspirations requires problematization. There is more to the constitution of

subjectivities and identities than humanism is readily able to theorize. In drawing on
other theories we necessarily both think and act as knowing subjects, and, at the same
time, need to stand back from this position in order to question our assumptions and
to analyse how subjectivities and identities are socially constituted in ways that serve
particular interests, even while they may appear or be lived as obvious and natural.

Subjectivity and the subject

Subjectivity and the subject are crucial terms in social and cultural theory. Cultural
studies, film and media studies and literary studies all draw on a range of competing
theories of subjectivity and identity, variously derived from humanism, Marxism,
psychoanalysis, poststructuralism and feminism. Various political, philosophical and
cultural movements have challenged Enlightenment and humanist ideas of subjectivity.
If the seventeenth century in the West is often seen as the age of reason and the
scientific revolution, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, romanticism,
reinstated the centrality of emotion and sensibility. In a radically different vein,
Marxism, which developed from the 1840s onwards, constituted one of the most
important challenges to the sovereign rational subject and towards the end of the
nineteenth century Freud developed his influential critique of the rational subject. His
psychoanalytic theories of the unconscious have remained profoundly influential up to
the present day. How, then, might these and more recent poststructuralist theories of
the subject, language, meaning and power help us understand subjectivity and identity?
Different theoretical approaches to subjectivity and identity will produce different
types of analysis and forms of knowledge. This raises the question of how to choose
between theoretical approaches. Traditionally, proponents of particular theories have
appealed to science and truth to justify the validity of the theory in question. For
example, Marxists have often claimed the scientific status of historical materialism and
Freud attempted to clothe psychoanalysis in the language of science. More recently,
postmodern theory, particularly the work of Jean-François Lyotard, has questioned the
truth status of universalizing theories that claim to explain societies and the process of
history. Lyotard (1984) calls such theories ‘metanarratives’ and suggests that they are
never universal but merely one among many competing narratives. In the light of such
critiques, theory effectively becomes a tool kit that offers different ways of analysing
and theorizing social and cultural phenomena and practices. According to this logic,
the theory that one chooses will be that which has the most explanatory power in
relation to the questions that one wishes to understand. Important, too, in choosing
theories are the social and political implications of the type of knowledge produced.
For example, I would argue that it is necessary to have a theory of the unconscious in
order to understand the irrational dimensions of racism, sexism and homophobia. The
most developed theory of the unconscious is Freudian, yet this might not be the most
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