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ACCP Critical Care Medicine Board Review 20th Edition
Joshua O. Benditt Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Joshua O. Benditt, et al. American College of Chest Physicians
ISBN(s): 9783805593663, 380559366X
Edition: 20
File Details: PDF, 18.59 MB
Year: 2009
Language: english
Contents
Solid Organ Transplantation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Joshua O. Benditt, MD, FCCP
Shock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
John P. Kress, MD, FCCP
Issues in Postoperative Management: Postoperative Pain Management and Intensive Glycemic Control . . . . . . 425
Michael A. Gropper, MD, PhD, FCCP
Electrolyte Disorders: Derangements of Serum Sodium, Calcium, Magnesium, and Potassium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 539
Richard S. Muther, MD
iv Contents
ACCP Critical Care
Medicine Board
Review: 20th Edition
The American Board of Internal Medicine (ABIM) is not affiliated with, nor does
it endorse, preparatory examination review programs or other continuing medical
education. The content of the ACCP Critical Care Medicine Board Review: 20th Edition
is developed independently by the American College of Chest Physicians (ACCP),
which has no knowledge of or access to ABIM examination material.
The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the
views of the ACCP. Use of trade names or names of commercial sources is for information
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Copyright © 2009 by the AMERICAN COLLEGE OF CHEST PHYSICIANS.
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No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without permission of the publisher.
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Thomas P. Bleck, MD, FCCP Grant monies
(sources other than industry): NINDS, NIAD
Grant monies
(industry-related sources): ALSIUS,
NovoNordisk, Actelion
Consultant fee: USAMRICD
Speakers bureau: PDL BioPharma
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Michael S. Niederman, MD, FCCP Consultant fee, speaker bureau, advisory committee, etc: Pfizer, Inc.,
Merck & Co., Inc., Schering-Plough, Ortho-McNeil, Nektar, Cerexa
Grant monies (from sources other than industry): Nektar to study
aerosolized amikacin in VAP therapy. Brahms to study procalcitonin
James A. Roth, MD Advisory committee: Medtronic Regional Advisory Board Member
Mary E. Strek, MD, FCCP Grant monies (industry-related sources): AstraZeneca LP,
GlaxoSmithKline
The following authors of the ACCP Critical Care Medicine Board Review: 20th Edition have disclosed to the ACCP that he or
she may be discussing information about a product/procedure/technique that is considered research and is not yet approved
for any purpose:
Thomas P. Bleck, MD, FCCP Nicardipine for subarachnoid hemorrhage; several drugs for status
epilepticus
John W. Drover, MD Parenteral glutamine
Michael S. Niederman, MD, FCCP Aerosolized amikacin
The following authors of the Critical Care Medicine Board Review: 20th Edition have indicated to the ACCP that no potential
conflict of interest exists with any respective company/organization, and this should be communicated to the participants of
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vi
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furnace to a fresh glow with a long pole curved at the end, and a second
apprentice stands looking at him, leaning on his hammer. On the walls hang
a variety of tools—hammers, files, a saw, etc.; also models of feet and
heads, and little tablets representing sketches of whole men and animals.
No less interesting is the workshop of a vase painter, represented in Fig.
203. Here we see a youth seated in an armchair, with a large two-handled
cup on his knee, which he is painting with the brush held in his right hand;
near him stands a little low table, on which are several pots containing
paints or varnish. Behind him a young apprentice, who also has pots on the
ground near him, is painting a large amphora; on the right a second boy and
a girl are working at a cup and another amphora, while a jar and a large
drinking-cup (κάνθαρος) stand on the ground, and other vessels hang on the
wall. Athene, the patroness of the arts, and Nike are hasting to crown the
skilful labourers as the reward of industry.
It is difficult to determine the kind of work which the magnificent old
man in Fig. 204, a terra-cotta figure from Tanagra, is doing; in front of him
is a board with which he is occupied, and a little gridiron. Some have
pronounced him a baker, others a maker of plaster of Paris tablets, others a
tanner; perhaps he might be a cook, seated in the street, and frying some
quickly-cooked dish over the gridiron, in order to sell it to the common
people, who often procured their food in this way from travelling cooks.
Even worse than the position of the artisans was that of the hired
workmen, that is, those labourers who, though free citizens, had not learnt
any technical art with which they could earn their living, and who were
therefore obliged to hire themselves out for
Fig. 202.
hard bodily labour. Not only citizens, but even their wives, were often
driven by need to perform such menial offices as day labourers in mills or
in the fields; many such workmen carried weights in the harbour, or helped
to load or unload the goods, to carry stones for building, etc. The pay was
very small, if only on account of the competition of slave labour; sometimes
a day’s wages was three or four obols, though higher amounts are
mentioned. The fleets, and in particular the rowing boats, were manned out
of this class, which was socially regarded as the lowest, and which bore the
name of “thetes.”
Fig. 202.
Fig. 203.
profit and wealth accruing to so many Greek states from trade was not
sufficient to decrease the prejudice against money-making occupations,
even the common people were not able to understand that the merchant, on
account of the risk of injury, or even loss of his goods, changing conditions
of price, and all his own trouble involved, was obliged to demand a higher
price for his wares than what had been originally paid by himself; and the
opinion that the merchant’s business was based on love of gain and deceit
was so common that even a philosophical intellect like Aristotle’s was
under the influence of this prejudice. It is possible that the Greek merchants
often deserved the reputation of dishonesty which they bore; their
predecessors, the Phoenicians, who had formerly carried on the whole trade
of Greece, had not unduly been reproached with deceit and even robbery
and piracy, and it is possible that there were traces of this still visible in the
Greek merchants. Still the contempt for the merchant class was not equally
directed at all; the wholesale dealer who imported his wares from a
distance, and had little personal contact with the public, was less affected by
it; in trading cities, such as Aegina and Athens, a great number of the rich
citizens belonged to this class. But the small trader was the more exposed to
the reproach of false weights and measures, adulteration of goods,
especially food, and all manner of deceitful tricks. Some complaints were
made that are still heard at the present day, that the wine dealers mixed
water with their wine, that the cloth-workers used artificial dressing to
make their materials look thicker, that the poulterers blew out the birds to
make them seem fatter, etc. Worst of all was the reputation of the corn
dealers. The division between
Fig. 204.
wholesale and retail traders seems to have been somewhat sharper in Greek
antiquity than at the present day, partly because the former were not only
merchants but also seafarers. The wholesale dealers as a rule were owners
of ships; they fetched their goods themselves on their journeys, or
commissioned responsible subordinates in their place. The ship was laden at
home with goods which were likely to find a good sale at the port to which
she journeyed; of course the owner made inquiries beforehand about the
best places for disposing of his goods, the private conditions, possible
competition, etc. It was, therefore, very important to hit the right moment,
and artificial manoeuvres for sending up the price of goods were not
unknown. Arrived at their destination, the wares were publicly sold, for
which purpose bazaars were erected in large harbours; then the goods were
either bought collectively by a wholesale dealer, or in small quantities by
smaller traders; there were also agents who undertook the mediation
between the buyer and seller in return for a commission. As a rule,
therefore, goods were purchased with the money, chiefly products of the
country which might be sold with advantage at home; it was almost
necessary to make fresh purchases, since the money of another state would
have no value at home, though Attic money could pass current anywhere. A
merchant did not always content himself with putting in at one single port;
he often visited a succession of neighbouring ports, calling at smaller
stations on the way, sometimes selling, sometimes buying, and often the
cargo of a ship changed three or four times during a journey. Probably these
wholesale dealers did not deal only with particular goods as at the present
day, but took anything which was likely to find a good sale, such as corn,
wine, oil, honey, skins, wool, clothes, textile ware, metal work, even statues
and books. Payment was made in coined money, and the calculation cannot
always have been an easy one, owing to the variety of money systems
prevailing in antiquity. In the Homeric age barter was usual, but afterwards
this ceased in civilised countries, though in some districts, as for instance
the neighbourhood of the Black Sea, it continued for some time longer.
Very different was the position and occupation of the retail dealer or
pedlar. He did not travel by sea, scarcely even by land, but usually carried
on his business at one place; he either bought his goods direct from the
producers or from the wholesale dealers, and offered them for sale in open
shops or in booths on the market-place; in large towns there were special
stands or markets for particular goods, but those who offered their wares at
these places were usually the producers themselves, thus at the Pot Market
at Athens, the wares were offered by real potters, who had doubtless made
them themselves. We must therefore distinguish between shopkeepers who
lived only by trade, and did not themselves produce, and producers, who
brought their own goods to market; the latter were regarded as merchants
by the ancients, and the hatred, where it existed, was chiefly directed at the
small shopkeepers, who sold their wares for as high prices as possible. In
small cities the circumstances may have been somewhat different, for it was
only the most important trades connected with food and clothing that were
carried on there, and many branches were not represented at all;
consequently many kinds of goods had to be imported for sale by the small
shopkeepers. No doubt the inhabitants of the small towns and even the
country people often went to the capital to satisfy their wants, especially to
the great markets held on fixed days of the month, usually on the first; the
national festivals too provided opportunities for many kinds of purchases,
since a sort of fair was usually connected with them.
In the market-places of large towns there were usually covered arcades
in which the merchants and dealers set up their wares; in some places there
were market-halls of this kind for special goods, such as corn, oil,
ointments, etc. Besides these permanent places of sale, there were light
booths of a temporary nature, constructed in tent fashion of woven reeds
and linen. The life in the market-place probably resembled that of the
present day in the south; the custom of calling out and extolling goods
existed in ancient Greece as well, and so did the excessive demands of the
seller and the depreciation on the part of the purchaser, and even the
notorious rudeness of the fish-wives seems to have been known to the
Greeks. We find mention also of peddling, and carrying wares from house
to house, and this was chiefly the case with provisions.
Greek art supplies very few pictures from the trader’s life. Fig. 205,
taken from a vase-painting, though a caricature, has an especial interest on
account of its subject: a certain king Arcesilas of Cyrene (probably
mythical), is represented as a dealer in silphium; it is well known that the
silphium plant, so much valued by ancient epicures, came from Cyrene, and
was an important article of trade. Under a canopy, the curtains of which are
suspended by rings, stands a large pair of scales, at which five men are
weighing goods, some of which are heaped up on the scales and others
lying about on the ground.
Fig. 205.
Most of the goods are as yet unpacked; these workmen, however, have
already filled large woollen sacks with them, and one of them is in the act
of tying his up, while another is carrying his away. The weighing and
packing are conducted under the superintendence of king Arcesilas, who is
seated close by, holding in his left hand his sceptre, and with his right
apparently giving directions to a workman standing before him. His
costume is very extraordinary. The panther under the prince’s seat, a lizard,
a stork (or crane), a monkey, and several pigeons, give life to the picture,
and partly indicate the place where the scene is laid. Below the main
picture, where we must suppose the cellar for the stores to be, workmen are
piling up finished packets, under the direction of a man in a cloak.
Occupations connected with money were largely developed in antiquity.
The merchants who dealt with such business—the bankers and money-
changers—were called by the Greeks “table-merchants” (τραπεζῖται), from
the table at which they originally carried on their occupations. Their duties
were of a double nature; besides the actual business of changing, they
undertook the investment of capital and the transaction of money business.
When the increased coinage of money and the augmentation of trade and
travel brought large sums into the hands of individuals, those who had not
invested their possessions in wares or property or slaves, naturally desired
to profit by it in some other way, and thus the loan business was gradually
developed, in which capitalists lent money to those who required it for any
mercantile undertaking, in return for a security and interest. In the bond
executed in the presence of witnesses, the amount of the capital, the interest
agreed upon, as well as the time for which the loan was arranged, had to be
entered. For greater safety, a third person usually became security for the
debtor, or else some possession was mortgaged, the value of which
corresponded to the sum lent. They distinguished between pledges in
movable objects, such as cattle, furniture, slaves, etc.; and mortgages given
partly on movable objects, such as factory slaves, and partly on immovable
property. Mortgages of this kind were very common in seafaring business.
The merchant who borrowed money from a rich citizen in order to carry on
a particular business with it, pledged his ship or the goods with which he
dealt, or perhaps both, to his creditor in a formal contract. They
endeavoured to obtain as much security as possible by very exact
arrangements concerning the object of the journey, the nature of the goods,
etc.; moreover, the interest in business of this kind was very high, because
the creditor ran the risk of losing his bargain entirely, or in part, by storms,
or pirates, or other misfortunes. Mortgages were also given on property in
land, and the creditor’s right of ownership was inscribed on stone tablets set
up on the property in question, with the name of the creditor and the amount
of the debt. In some places the State itself conducted books for mortgages,
in which all the property was entered, together with the amount of the
mortgages upon it. Here, as in other loans, interest was high, and this was
due to the insecurity of trade and the very incomplete development of
agricultural conditions. There were no laws against usury; from ten to
twenty per cent., or higher if it was for risk at sea, was common, but there
were even cases where thirty-six or forty-eight per cent. were taken. Of
course, in these circumstances complaints of extortion were made.
The arrangement of this money business was chiefly in the hands of the
bankers. Their original and chief occupation was the changing of money—
the various kinds of coinage which became current through foreign trade;
and here they got their profit from the rate of exchange. They also lent
money, both small sums and capital for trade and other business
undertakings, and this was their share in these monetary transactions. Rich
people often invested their money with these bankers, who paid them
interest and gave them security or pledges; they then themselves lent the
money to men of business, and on account of the risk naturally demanded
higher interest than they paid. But even when money was lent direct by a
capitalist to a merchant, the mediation of a banker was often resorted to in
concluding the contract; for these men were well known to the public on
account of their extensive business, and possessed considerable business
knowledge. As a rule, though some were known as usurers, and trickery and
bankruptcy occasionally occurred, they enjoyed so much confidence that
they were gladly engaged as witnesses in business contracts, and requested
to take charge of the documents. Money also was deposited with them, for
which no particular use appeared at the moment, and which would not be
safe if kept at home; of course, if this capital lay idle the banker could pay
no interest, but often demanded a sum for taking charge of the deposit.
Some of them left their money in the hands of money-changers to increase
the business capital, and the extent to which this was done is proved by the
fact that the banker Pasion, at the time of Demosthenes, in a business
capital of 50 talents (£11,700), had 11 talents (£2,593) lent by private
persons.
C H A P T E R X V.
SLAVERY.
Slaves in Ancient Greece—Captives Taken in War—The Slave Trade—The Price of Slaves
—Native Serfs—The Helots—The Penestae and the Clarotae—The Status of the Slave—
Protection against Ill-treatment—The Slave’s Duties—Modes of Liberation.
All the social and economic conditions of antiquity are based on the
institution of slavery, and without it would have been impossible; in fact,
slavery is so closely interwoven with the whole life of antiquity that even
the political development of the ancient nations and their achievements in
the domain of art and industry would be inexplicable without the existence
of a large slave population. So great was the importance of slavery in
antiquity that any account of Greek life would be incomplete, which did not
give some slight sketch of these peculiar conditions.
The institution of slavery in Greece is very ancient; it is impossible to
trace its origin, and we find it even in the very earliest times regarded as a
necessity of nature, a point of view which even the following ages and the
most enlightened philosophers adopted. In later times voices were heard
from time to time protesting against the necessity of the institution, showing
some slight conception of the idea of human rights, but these were only
isolated opinions. From the very earliest times the right of the strongest had
established the custom that captives taken in war, if not killed or ransomed,
became the slaves of the conquerors, or were sold into slavery by them.
This custom, which was universal in the Homeric age, continued to exist in
the historic period also, so that not only was it adopted in contests between
Hellenes and barbarians, but even in the numerous feuds between Hellenes
and Hellenes they often condemned their own countrymen to the hard lot of
slavery; in later times, however, it was only in cases of special animosity
that they resorted to this expedient; as a rule, they exchanged or ransomed
captive Greeks. Besides the wars, piracy, originally regarded as by no
means dishonourable, supplied the slave markets; and though in later times
endeavours were made to set a limit to it, yet the trade in human beings
never ceased, since the need for slaves was considerable, not only in
Greece, but still more in Oriental countries.
In the historic period the slaves in Greece were for the most part
barbarians, chiefly from the districts north of the Balkan peninsula and Asia
Minor. The Greek dealers supplied themselves from the great slave markets
held in the towns on the Black Sea and on the Asiatic coast of the
Archipelago, not only by the barbarians themselves, but even by Greeks, in
particular the Chians, who carried on a considerable slave trade. These
slaves were then put up for sale at home; at Athens there were special
markets held for this purpose on the first of every month; the slaves were
arranged on platforms, so that the buyers might examine them on all sides,
for they sought chiefly to obtain physical perfection and strength of limb for
hard work, and therefore, if the purchasers desired it, the slaves had to be
undressed. Of course, those slaves who were bought merely for the sake of
their bodily strength were least valuable; a higher price was given for those
who had any special skill or were suited for posts of confidence, and
considerable prices were also given for pretty female slaves or handsome
boys. Consequently, there was great variety of price; at the time of
Xenophon the price for a common male slave, who was only suited for
rough work, was half a mina (about £2), else the ordinary average was two
minae (about £8); for slaves who possessed any technical skill or higher
education the price rose from five to ten minae (£20-£40), and even in
exceptional cases amounted to one talent (£240).
A large portion of the slave population consisted of those who were born
in slavery; that is, the children of slaves or of a free father and slave mother,
who as a rule also became slaves, unless the owner disposed otherwise. We
have no means of knowing whether the number of these slave children born
in the houses in Greece was large or small. At Rome they formed a large
proportion of the slave population, but the circumstances in Italy differed
greatly from those in Greece, and the Roman landowners took as much
thought for the increase of their slaves as of their cattle. Besides these two
classes of slave population, those who were taken in war or by piracy and
those who were born slaves, there was also a third, though not important,
class. In early times even free men might become slaves by legal methods;
for instance foreign residents, if they neglected their legal obligations, and
even Greeks, if they were insolvent, might be sold to slavery by their
creditors, a severe measure which was forbidden by Solon’s legislation at
Athens, but still prevailed in other Greek states. Children, when exposed,
became the property of those who found and educated them, and in this
manner many of the hetaerae and flute girls had become the property of
their owners.
Finally, we know that in some countries the Hellenic population
originally resident there were subdued by foreign tribes, and became the
slaves of their conquerors, and their position differed in but few respects
from that of the barbarian slaves purchased in the markets. Such native serfs
were the Helots at Sparta, the Penestae in Thessaly, the Clarotae in Crete,
etc. We have most information about the position and treatment of the
Helots; but here we must receive the statements of writers with great
caution, since they undoubtedly exaggerated a good deal in their accounts
of the cruelty with which the Spartans treated the Helots. Still, it is certain
that in many respects their lot was a sad one. The constant fear of general
insurrection on the part of the Helots entertained by the Spartans, whose
own numbers were far fewer, and the terrible severity with which they
punished, not only real insurrection, but even merely suspected revolution,
prove to us that the statements concerning the cruel treatment of the Helots
are not absolutely without foundation. But, as a rule, they did not perform
menial slave offices in the houses of the free citizens, but cultivated their
lands, and as they were only obliged to hand over a certain part of the profit
to the owners, they were able to keep the remainder for themselves, and
sometimes to accumulate fortunes and even to purchase their freedom. Nor
do we hear of cases in which individual Spartans treated the Helots who
were subordinate to them with especial severity—most of the cases of
cruelty towards Helots are those in which State reasons seemed to require
such proceedings, and were aimed, not at individuals, but at the whole mass
of slaves. This was due to a curious arrangement by which the Helots were
not, like other slaves, private property of the Individual citizens, but State
property and assigned to a particular piece of land, and along with it to the
owner for the time being, without enabling him to maintain right of
ownership over them. We must not therefore regard the Helots in the same
light as ordinary slaves; they were rather public serfs, and on this account
they were better off than those who belonged to individual owners. There
seems no doubt that besides the Helots there were also private slaves at
Sparta, who rendered personal services in the households.
The position and treatment of the slaves varied in different periods, and
differed also in the different parts of Greece. Here, too, the conditions of the
heroic age were patriarchal, and the distinction between free men and slaves
was not so great as afterwards. Trustworthy slaves superintended extensive
farms and numerous herds; old female slaves had the whole direction of the
household; they were often intimately connected with the inmates of the
house, and showed touching fidelity and affection for their masters, with
whom they lived on a familiar footing. Similar conditions existed in later
times too, but only in remote pasture districts, such as Arcadia, where even
in the historic age the slaves were almost regarded as members of the
family, ate at the same table as their masters, and shared their labours and
recreations. Generally speaking, the Dorians were regarded as stern
masters, and the Athenians as kinder and more considerate; in fact, a
common reproach against the Athenians was that their kindness degenerated
into weakness, and that the slaves were nowhere so insolent as at Athens;
they expressed themselves freely, it was said, did not give way even to free
citizens in the street, they drank, they met together for common banquets,
carried on love affairs, etc., just like free men. These reproaches seem not to
have been altogether exaggerated, as is proved by the important part played
by slaves in the newer Attic comedy; they were usually insolent, cunning
fellows, who cared little for an occasional beating, and were always ready
to play their masters a trick, or to intrigue with the sons against their stern
fathers. Still it was not unusual in Attica for slaves to run away, and
therefore the slave-owners tried to prevent this by stern supervision, and
even by chaining and branding. It is natural that the temperament of the
Athenians, which changed quickly from extreme to extreme, should not
often succeed in finding the right mean between severity and kindness, and
therefore, in their sudden transitions from excessive consideration to
severest cruelty, a real feeling of attachment between slaves and masters
was very rare; still there were instances of devoted fidelity on the part of the
slaves, and many inscriptions still extant speak of such devotion continuing
even to the grave.
The rights assigned by law to the master over his slaves were very
considerable. He might throw them in chains, put them in the stocks,
condemn them to the hardest labour—for instance, in the mills—leave them
without food, brand them, punish them with stripes, and attain the utmost
limit of endurance; but, at any rate at Athens, he was forbidden to kill them.
These severe punishments were generally reserved for special cases of
obstinacy, theft, or such like; as a rule, the slaves were treated much as our
servants are. Their masters gave them the ordinary dress of artisans and
workmen—the exomis, or short garment with sleeves (compare the terra-
cotta figure, No. 206);
their food was simple but nutritious, chiefly barley
porridge and pulse, sometimes meat; their drink was the
cheap wine of the country; they had their own sleeping
apartments, usually those of the male slaves were
separated from those of the female, except when the
master allowed a slave to found a family and to live with
one of his fellow-slaves. Legal marriages between slaves
were not possible, since they possessed no personal rights;
the owner could at any moment separate a slave family
again, and sell separate members of it. On the other hand,
if the slaves were in a position to earn money, they could
acquire fortunes of their own; they then worked on their
own account, and only paid a certain proportion to their
owners, keeping the rest for themselves, and when they Fig. 206.
had saved the necessary amount they could purchase their
freedom, supposing the owner was willing to agree, for he was not
compelled. Generally speaking, the position of the public slaves was even
more favourable. There were certain occupations which free men were
unwilling to undertake, and for this purpose the State used slaves; thus, for
instance, at Athens the executioner, torturers, gaolers, and police were all
slaves; they had their own dwellings assigned them by the State, could
possess property, and received a small salary from the State out of which
they had to feed and clothe themselves; they could also earn money by
other kinds of work, and sometimes attained a position of fortune. Some of
them, as for instance the Athenian police, held a position which gave them
certain rights over the citizens, and, therefore, the position of these public
slaves must have been a very independent one, while the numerous temple
slaves also felt the hardness of their position much less than those whose
owners were private persons.
The protection given to slaves by the State was very small, but here
again there were differences in different states. It was only in cases of the
utmost emergency that the State interfered between master and slave. In the
oldest period the owner had power of life and death over his slave, but later
legislation put an end to this, and at Athens, in particular, the master might
not even kill a slave if he found him committing a crime, the penalty of
which was death; cases of necessary defence, or such where the crime could
only be prevented by killing the perpetrator, were, of course, excluded. If
any owner had killed his slave without being able to justify himself, he was
punished for so doing, not as severely as though he had murdered a free
man, but only as if it were a case of manslaughter. Further protection
against excessive ill-treatment from their masters was given by the right of
sanctuary, which permitted the slave to take refuge at the altar of some god,
where he found, at any rate, protection for the time being; they might even,
supposing they were too cruelly used by their masters, ask to be sold to
another master, and it even appears as if the owner could be legally
compelled to grant this request. In other respects the State took little notice
of slaves, except to forbid certain things, such as gymnastic exercises, love-
making with free citizens, participation in certain festivals and sacrifices.
Very curious and characteristic of the view they held of slaves, were the
arrangements when a slave had to give evidence in a court of law. So bad
was their opinion of the moral character of barbarians, and especially of
those who were not free, that they thought the slaves could only be induced
to speak the truth by direct physical compulsion, and consequently they
were always questioned under torture. If in a suit one party required the
testimony of his opponent’s slave, the latter could refuse it, but he did so at
the risk of losing the suit. Sometimes a master voluntarily offered his slave
as witness. If the torture, of which there were various grades, some of them
very severe, inflicted any lasting injury on his body or health, the owner
might demand compensation, supposing that he was not the loser in the
case.
The mode in which slaves were used varied a good deal, according as an
owner required his slaves for his own personal service or household, or
used them for work in the field or at some trade, or sent them out to work
for others. Among those in the personal service of their master were all who
were occupied with the duties of the household and service and attendance
on their master and his family. Their number was, of course, regulated by
the size of the household; a poor family had often to content itself with a
single slave, but very few were so poor as not to have any; in large houses a
whole army of slaves was kept, who all had their special duties, though
often very slight ones. There were the door-keeper, the slaves who attended
their master or his family in the street, the paidagogos, the lady’s maid, the
cook, the coachman, the stable boys, water carriers, wool workers, etc. This
whole army of servants was usually under the direct supervision of a
superintendent or steward, himself a slave, but a particularly trustworthy
one, who was often trusted so much by his master as to have charge of his
keys and his signet ring. The office of these stewards was of particular
importance on the country estates, where they had all the slaves required for
farming purposes immediately under them, and had to assign them
occupations and superintend their work, unless the master undertook this or
himself took up his dwelling on the estate. Slaves who could fill such posts
of confidence would, of course, fetch a very high price, and their position
can in no way be compared with that of ordinary slaves. The same may be
said of those who possessed some intellectual culture, and could serve their
masters as secretaries or readers, or even help them in scientific labours, by
making extracts, etc.; but this was far rarer among the barbarian slaves of
the Greeks than among the Greek slaves of the Romans. The slaves could
also render their masters important assistance by technical skill; thus, in a
rich household, there would be, besides the cook, a special baker for bread
and cakes, also weavers, fullers, embroiderers, whose duty it was to provide
the clothing. And as the slaves in the country had to work in field and
meadow, to attend the vineyards, and olive gardens, to guard and attend the
cattle, so the artisan set his slaves to work in his workshop, and either
instructed them himself in his art or bought such as were already trained for
the purpose. Even physicians often had slave assistants, and some of these
were so much trusted by their masters that they took their place by the sick
bed.
It was very common, too, for people who were not themselves artisans to
own a number of slaves who practised some particular trade, as in a factory.
Among the ancients slaves took the place of machinery, for they were
tolerably cheap to buy and maintain, and thus a factory of this kind, worked
by slaves, was a good investment for capital, especially if the owner
understood enough business to undertake the direction himself, or if he had
a good overseer. These factory owners also escaped the prejudices against
artisans; to own slaves who made money by the work of their hands was not
regarded as “mechanical” so long as they kept their own hands from the
work. Thus the father of Demosthenes possessed a knife factory, that of
Isocrates a flute factory, Lysias and his brother owned a shield factory of
one hundred and twenty workers. The slaves who worked in these were not
all necessarily the property of the owner. Very often a slave proprietor who
did not understand a business himself, let his house to someone who carried
it on at his own risk; or, supposing a master to possess among his slaves one
who understood some particular trade, he let him out for a certain time at a
fee (which was paid not to the slave, but to the master) to someone who
could make use of him, perhaps in a large factory. In this way slaves were
often let out for work in the mines, which required a great many hands; in
fact, they might be let out for a long or short period, even for days and half-
days, for work in the fields, domestic occupations, personal service, etc.
Many of the flute girls and hetaerae were slaves, and were hired out by their
owners by the hour, day, or month, an arrangement with which we are
familiar from ancient comedy.
Moreover, it sometimes happened that slaves who had learned some
profession made an agreement with their masters to pay them a certain
proportion of their earnings, and keep the rest for themselves; sometimes
these lived in their own houses and paid for their own food, and might
easily earn enough to purchase their freedom.
There were various ways of liberating slaves, and the proceedings were
different in different states; it was a matter of some importance too, whether
a slave was private property or owned by the State or by some sanctuary.
There was no definite legal formula for the manumission of private slaves
as at Rome; the State did not interfere in the matter, but only demanded a
certain tax from the liberated slave. As a rule, the act of manumission was
performed before witnesses or publicly in some large assembly, at the
Theatre, in courts of law, etc., in order to give the freed man a guarantee of
its validity. It often happened that an owner gave all or some of his slaves
their freedom in his will, either immediately upon his death or on the
condition that the slave should serve his heirs for a certain period, or pay a
certain sum to them out of his own earnings in return for his freedom. If a
slave purchased his freedom during the lifetime of his master there was a
curious arrangement for establishing the legality of the proceeding, since a
slave was not able to conclude a legally valid contract. We owe our
knowledge of this proceeding chiefly to documents at Delphi. A mock sale
had to be carried on; the master sold the slave for a sum mentioned in the
contract (which was paid by the slave himself, unless it was remitted by the
master) to some god, e.g. at Delphi to Apollo, under the condition that he
should be free as soon as he entered the possession of the god. The slave did
not then become a temple slave, but was set free by the god, probably in
return for some small payment to the sanctuary. As these contracts were
concluded in the presence of witnesses, usually priests of the divinity in
question, and deposited in the sanctuary, the freed slave had the security of
not being afterwards claimed by his former master or his heirs, and again
losing his freedom. Sometimes these contracts contained clauses which
pledged the slave to certain obligations towards his master as long as he
lived, or towards his heirs, or to care for the burial and grave of his former
master, etc. In most cases the freed slave did not immediately lose all
connection with his old master; he was not a citizen, and therefore his
former owner became his legal patron. It was not unusual for the contract to
specify that in case the slave should die without children, his property
should belong to his former master or his heirs, and sometimes this even
extended to the children of the slave, supposing they in turn died without
legal heirs. It may have often happened, as was also the case among some
of the Russian serfs in our own time, that the freed slave was richer than his
master, and we may thus explain such obligations as those already
mentioned, or the condition that the liberated slave should maintain his
master until his death. The right of citizenship was seldom conferred on
slaves when they were set free; supposing this was the case, of course, all
such obligations were omitted. This was usually done when a slave had
deserved especially well of his country; thus, for instance, all those who
fought at the battle of Arginusae received their freedom and the right of
citizenship. The conditions at Sparta were different; sometimes the Helots
received their freedom from the State, especially those children of Helots
who were educated and brought up together with the sons of citizens, but
the right of citizenship was never combined with this freedom. Still, it was
not unusual for children who were born of Spartan fathers and Helot
mothers to be both free men and citizens; the celebrated Spartan generals
Lysander, Gylippus and Callicratidas, were sons of Spartans and Helots.
It would be impossible to make a guess at the number of slaves in
Greece. Statements on the subject are extant, but these are insufficient to
give us any general idea. There can be no doubt that the number was a very
large one; it was a sign of the greatest poverty to own no slaves at all, and
Aeschines mentions, as a mark of a very modest household, that there were
only seven slaves to six persons. If we add to these domestic slaves the
many thousands working in the country, in the factories, and the mines, and
those who were the property of the State and the temples, there seems no
doubt that their number must have considerably exceeded that of the free
population. The injurious influence of this part of the population, who were
chiefly barbarians, was felt in many different ways; and though it is not as
evident in Greece as in Rome, where the disastrous results of slavery are
most marked, yet we cannot hesitate to affirm that the speedy fall of Greece
from her political and social height, and the sad picture she offered under
Roman dominion, was due, among other causes, in very great part to the
institution of slavery.
THE END.
L I S T O F A U T H O R I T I E S C O N S U LT E D F O R
THIS BOOK.
I.—Works Bearing on the Subject Generally.
J. A. St. John. “The Hellenes.” London, 1844.
J. P. Mahaffy. “Social Life in Greece from Homer to Menander.”
London, 1875.
W. A. Becker. “Charikles neu bearbeitet von H. Goell.” Berlin, 1877.
C. F. Hermann. “Griechische Privataltertümer,” 3rd ed., edited by H.
Blümner. Freiburg and Tübingen, 1882.
Panofka. “Bilder antiken Lebens.” Berlin, 1843.
Panofka. “Griechen und Griechinnen.” Berlin, 1844.
Weiszer. “Lebensbilder aus dem Klassichen Altertum.” Stuttgart, 1862.
A. Baumeister. “Denkmäler des Klassichen Altertums.” Munich, 1884.
Th. Schreiber. “Kulturhistorischer Atlas des Altertums.” Leipzig, 1885.
H. Blümner. “Kunstgewerbe im Altertum.” Leipzig and Prague.
1. Costume.
W. Helbig. “Das homerische Epos aus den Denkmälern erläutert.”
Leipzig, 1884, pp. 115-180.
J. Boehlau. “Quaestiones de re vestiaria Graecorum.” Weimar, 1884.
Fr. Studniczka. “Beiträge zur Geschichte der altgriechischen Tracht.”
Vienna, 1886.
Th. Schreiber. “Mitteilungen des deutschen archaeologischen Instituts in
Athen.” Vol. VIII. (1883), pp. 246 f.; IX. (1884), pp. 232 f.
3. Education.
L. Grasberger. (See 2.)
J. L. Ussing. “Erziehung und Jugendunterricht bei den Griechen und
Römern.” Berlin, 1885.
8. Gymnastics.
L. Grasberger. (See 2.)
J. H. Krause. “Die Gymnastik und Agonistik der Hellenen.” 2 vols.
Leipzig, 1841.
Ed. Pinder. “Ueber den Fünfkampf der Hellenen.” Berlin, 1867.
H. Marquardt. “Zum Pentathlon der Hellenen.” 1886.
10. Religion.
K. F. Hermann. “Lehrbuch der gottesdienstlichen Altertümer der
Griechen.” Second edition. Revised by K. B. Stark. Heidelberg, 1858.
Metzger. An article entitled Divinatio in Pauly’s “Realencyklopädie.” II.,
pp. 1113 f.
Bouché-Leclerque. “Histoire de la divination dans l’antiquité.” Paris,
1880.
Büchsenschütz. “Traum und Traumdeutung im Altertum.” Berlin, 1882.
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