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 Software
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 Software
Architecture
Design Patterns
in Java
Partha Kuchana

AUERBACH PUBLICATIONS
A CRC Press Company
Boca Raton London New York Washington, D.C.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Kuchana, Partha.
Software architecture design patterns in Java / Partha Kuchana.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8493-2142-5 (alk. paper)
1. Java (Computer program language) 2. Computer Software. 3. Computer architecture.
4. Software patterns. I. Title.

QA76.73.J38K83 2004
005.13′3—dc22 2003070897

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Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0
Printed on acid-free paper

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 DEDICATION

To my family

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 CONTENTS

SECTION I: AN INTRODUCTION TO DESIGN PATTERNS

1 Design Patterns: Origin and History
Architectural to Software Design Patterns
What Is a Design Pattern?
More about Design Patterns
About This Book
Source Code
Source Code Disclaimer

SECTION II: UNIFIED MODELING LANGUAGE (UML)

2 UML: A Quick Reference
Structure Diagrams
Behavior Diagrams
Model Management Diagrams
Class Diagrams
Class
Inner Class
Access Specifiers
Static
Abstract Class/Method
Exception
Note
Generalization
Interface
Realization
Dependency
Class Association
Multiplicity
Navigability
Composition
Aggregation
Sequence Diagrams
Object
Message
Self Call

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

SECTION III: BASIC PATTERNS
3 Interface
Description
Example
Practice Questions

4 Abstract Parent Class

Description
Example
Abstract Parent Class versus Interface
Practice Questions

5 Private Methods
Description
Example
Practice Questions

6 Accessor Methods
Description
Accessor Method Nomenclature
Example
Direct Reference versus Accessor Methods
Practice Questions

7 Constant Data Manager

Description
Example
Practice Questions

8 Immutable Object
Description
Example
Practice Questions

9 Monitor
Description
Example
Practice Questions

SECTION IV: CREATIONAL PATTERNS

10 Factory Method
Description
Example
Practice Questions

11 Singleton
Description
Who Should Be Responsible?
Example
Make the Constructor Private
Static Public Interface to Access an Instance
Practice Questions

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

12 Abstract Factory
Description
Abstract Factory versus Factory Method
Example I
Example II
Logical Flow When the Application Is Run
Practice Questions

13 Prototype
Description
Shallow Copy versus Deep Copy
Shallow Copy Example
Deep Copy Example
Example I
Design Highlights of the HostingPlanKit Class
Example II
Redesign the UserAccount Class
Create a Prototype Factory Class
Practice Questions

14 Builder
Description
Example I
A Side Note
Back to the Example Application
Example II
Example III
Practice Questions

SECTION V: COLLECTIONAL PATTERNS

15 Composite
Description
Example
Design Approach I
FileComponent
getComponentSize()
DirComponent
addComponent(FileSystemComponent)
getComponent(int)
getComponentSize()
Design Approach II
Practice Questions

16 Iterator
Description
Iterators in Java
Filtered Iterators
Internal versus External Iterators
Example: Internal Iterator
Client/Container Interaction
Example: External Filtered Iterator
Practice Questions

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

17 Flyweight
Description
How to Design a Flyweight in Java
Design Highlights
Example
Design Approach I
Design Approach II
Practice Questions

18 Visitor
Description
Design Idea 1
Design Idea 2
Defining New Operations on the Object Collection
Adding Objects of a New Type to the Collection
Example
Design Approach I
Design Approach II
Design Approach III (Composite Pattern)
Design Approach IV (The Visitor Pattern)
Application Flow
Defining a New Operation on the Order Object Collection
Adding a New Order Type to the Collection
Practice Questions

SECTION VI: STRUCTURAL PATTERNS

19 Decorator
Description
Characteristics of a Decorator
Example
Concrete Logger Decorators
HTMLLogger
EncryptLogger
Adding a New Message Logger
Adding a New Decorator
Practice Questions

20 Adapter
Description
Class Adapters versus Object Adapters
Class Adapter
Object Adapter
Example
Address Adapter as an Object Adapter
Practice Questions

21 Chain of Responsibility
Description
Example
Practice Questions

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

22 Façade
Description
Example
Important Notes
Practice Questions

23 Proxy
Description
Proxy versus Other Patterns.
Proxy versus Decorator
Proxy versus Façade
Proxy versus Chain of Responsibility
RMI: A Quick Overview
RMI Components
RMI Communication Mechanism
RMI and Proxy Pattern
Example
Additional Notes
Compilation and Deployment Notes
Practice Questions

24 Bridge
Description
Example
Abstraction Implementation Design
Abstraction Interface Design
Design Highlights of the Abstraction Interface Classes
Bridge Pattern versus Adapter Pattern
Practice Questions

25 Virtual Proxy
Description
Advantage
Disadvantage
Example
Practice Questions

26 Counting Proxy
Description
Example
Practice Questions

27 Aggregate Enforcer
Description
Example
Design Approach I (On-Demand Initialization)
Design Approach II (Early Initialization)
Design Approach III (Final Variables)
Practice Questions

28 Explicit Object Release

Description
The finalize Method

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 When an Object Goes Out of Scope, It Is Believed to
Be Garbage Collected Immediately
The Garbage Collection Process Runs as a Low-Level
Background Daemon Thread
The finally Statement
Example
Best Case Scenario
Exception Scenario 1
Exception Scenario 2
Practice Questions

29 Object Cache
Description
Example
Practice Questions

SECTION VII: BEHAVIORAL PATTERNS

30 Command
Description
Example I
Example II
Application Flow
Practice Questions

31 Mediator
Description
Mediator versus Façade
Example I
Client Usage of the Mediator
User Interface Objects: Mediator Interaction
Example II
Practice Questions

32 Memento
Description
Example
DataConverter (Originator)
ID
Memento
process
createMemento
setMemento
DCClient (Client)
MementoHandler
Practice Questions

33 Observer
Description
Adding New Observers
Example
Subject–Observer Association
Logical Flow

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Practice Questions

34 Interpreter
Description
Example
Infix-to-Postfix Conversion (Listing 34.8)
Construction of the Tree Structure (Listing 34.9)
Postorder Traversal of the Tree
Additional Notes
Infix-to-Postfix Conversion
Infix Expression
Postfix Expression
Conversion Algorithm
Example
Binary Tree Traversal Techniques
Preorder (Node-Left-Right)
In-Order (Left-Node-Right)
Postorder (Left-Right-Node)
Level-Order
Practice Questions

35 State
Description
Stateful Object: An Example
Example
Practice Questions

36 Strategy
Description
Strategies versus Other Alternatives
Strategy versus State
Example
SimpleEncryption
CaesarCypher
SubstitutionCypher
CodeBookCypher
Practice Questions

37 Null Object
Description
Example
Practice Questions

38 Template Method
Description
Abstract Class
Concrete Class
Example
Additional Notes
Mod 10 Check Digit Algorithm
Practice Questions

39 Object Authenticator
Description

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Example
Practice Questions

40 Common Attribute Registry

Description
Example
Practice Questions

SECTION VIII: CONCURRENCY PATTERNS

41 Critical Section
Description
Example
Approach I (Critical Section)
Approach II (Static Early Initialization)
Practice Questions

42 Consistent Lock Order

Description
Example
Practice Questions

43 Guarded Suspension
Description
Example
Use of wait() and notify() in the ParkingLot Class Design
Practice Questions

44 Read-Write Lock
Description
Design Highlights of the ReadWriteLock Class
Lock Statistics
Lock Methods
Lock Release
Example
Practice Questions

SECTION IX: CASE STUDY

45 Case Study: A Web Hosting Company
Objective
KPS Hosting Solutions: A Brief Overview
Requirements
Functional
Technical
Business Objects and Their Association
Framework for Application Processing
Enterprise Service Level
Generic Interface Contract
Sample Interface Contract
Task Level
Generic Task-Handler Mapping
Sample Task-Handler Mapping

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Error Processing
Enterprise Services Design
Address Validation
Credit Card Service
Validation
Search Management
Customer Management
Conclusion

SECTION X: APPENDICES
Appendix A: List of Design Patterns
Appendix B: References

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 FOREWORD

Partha Kuchana is an experienced enterprise systems architect. He understands

that patterns are not about things that are just good ideas, but that patterns are
about capturing knowledge bred from experience. This hard-won knowledge is
what Partha is sharing with readers of his book. Here are some of the things I
really like about what he has to say.
The book presents 42 design patterns, which include the 23 GoF patterns.
These patterns are categorized as follows:

䡲 7 Basic patterns
䡲 5 Creational patterns
䡲 4 Collectional patterns
䡲 11 Structural patterns
䡲 11 Behavioral patterns
䡲 4 Concurrency patterns

The discussion of each pattern includes an example implemented in Java.

Further, the source code for all examples is found on the following Web site for
this book: http://www.crcpress.com/e_products/downloads/download.asp. The
source code and the easily understood examples make this format work well.
Partha takes complex material and clearly explains the ideas so they are easy-
to-understand, an important consideration for both the novice encountering the
material for the first time and the experienced developer who quickly wants to
extract the important bits for immediate use. Each pattern discussion also includes
Practice Questions for exactly that — your own use to improve your skills or, if
this book were to be chosen as a text, to help the time-pressured instructor.
Partha takes the time to compare and contrast the patterns. For example, in the
discussion on the Mediator pattern, a table shows similarities and differences
between Mediator and Façade. The reader will find that this analysis leads to a
clearer understanding than simply trying to focus on each pattern in isolation. The
text also includes consideration of relationships between patterns. For example, in
the discussion on the Mediator pattern there is a reference to a previous design
example for the Command pattern.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Finally, at the end of the book, the reader will be happy to find a case study
that pulls some of the patterns together to illustrate how a more complicated
problem would be tackled and how the patterns work together. As those who
have studied the work of Christopher Alexander realize—patterns are not applied
in isolation but collaborate within a specific domain to address large and small
problems.
It has been ten years since the GoF book was published. A lot of patterns
have been identified and captured in that time. A lot of patterns books have been
written. This book is like the GoF book, a catalog; probably not one you will
read cover-to-cover in a single setting, but which will find a place on your
bookshelf. Keep it handy for all those “How do I do this in Java?” questions
where you wish you had an expert in the office next door to provide answers.
This book is the next best thing.
Linda Rising
Phoenix, AZ

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Partha Kuchana is an experienced enterprise systems architect. He has eleven

years of experience in all aspects of project delivery management (onsite/offshore
models), enterprise architecture, design, development, mentoring and training. He
is a Sun certified enterprise architect.
During the last several years, he has worked on numerous client–server, E-
business, Web portal and enterprise application integration (EAI) projects at various
client sites in the United Kingdom and the United States, involving iterative design
methodologies such as Rational Unified Process (RUP) and extreme programming.
He has extensive experience applying design patterns in application architec-
ture and design. He has successfully architected and designed business-to-business
systems and complex heterogeneous systems integration using Web services,
middleware and messaging products from various vendors. He has several pub-
lished software-related publications.

Home page: http://members.ITJobsList.com/partha

E-mail: ParthaKuchana@ITJobsList.com

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to thank my wife for her patience and support,
for taking some of my workload especially in the ar eas of UML and Java
programming and for her inspirational contributions at the time of frustrating
moments. I would like to thank my parents, my sister, my brother and my dear
friends whose support and encouragement throughout my life have made it
possible for me to build the skill set necessary to succeed.
I would like to thank Venu Kuchana and D.R. Sudhakar for their contributions
in terms of writing different Java programs. I would like to thank BalaLingam
Kuchana for his contributions in the area of UML and for being in charge of
creating the formatted version of my draft.
I would like to thank the entire team at Auerbach publications for their
contributions in this project and for making this a remarkable experience. In
particular, I have a deep sense of gratitude towards my acquisitions editor, John
Wyzalek, for sharing my enthusiasm and providing me with great advice and
help. I also would like to thank the managing editor, Claire Miller, for her
invaluable advice and contribution in arranging the book in a presentable form.
My sincere thanks to Linda Rising for writing the Foreword.
I am truly appreciative and thankful to the following reviewers who have
taken the time to read the draft and provide me with feedback.

䡲 Pradyumn Sharma, CEO, Pragati Software Pvt. Ltd.

䡲 Carsten Kuckuk, project lead, Design Patterns Study Group Stuttgart, RIB
Software AG
䡲 Tim Kemper, Boulder Design Patterns Group
䡲 Geoffrey Sparks, CEO, Sparx Systems P/L
䡲 Edward L. Howe, software architect, Employease, Inc.
䡲 Christopher R. Gardner, software developer, McKesson Information Solutions
䡲 David Deriso, senior software engineer, Employease, Inc.
䡲 Mike Heinrich, software engineer, Canada
䡲 Rodney Waldoff, director of systems architecture, Encyclopedia Brittanica
Inc.
䡲 Thomas SMETS, software engineer, Belgium
䡲 Linda Rising, Ph.D., independent software consultant, Arizona State University
䡲 Ray Tayek, coordinator LAJUG/OCJUG

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 In particular, thanks to Pradyumn Sharma, Carsten Kuckuk, and Tim Kemper
for their insightful recommendations, their thoroughness, and their invaluable
suggestions, including questions that an inquisitive reader might have about design
patterns.
I would like to thank Mark Grand for his encouragement and advice on various
aspects of writing a patterns book. I am sure I have forgotten someone important;
please accept my sincere apologies.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 I
AN INTRODUCTION TO
DESIGN PATTERNS

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 1
DESIGN PATTERNS:
ORIGIN AND HISTORY

During the late 1970s, an architect named Christopher Alexander carried out the
first known work in the area of patterns. In an attempt to identify and describe
the wholeness or aliveness of quality designs, Alexander and his colleagues studied
different structures that were designed to solve the same problem. He identified
similarities among designs that were of high quality. He used the term pattern in
the following books to refer to these similarities.

䡲 A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction (Oxford University

Press, 1977)
䡲 The Timeless Way of Building (Oxford University Press, 1979)

The patterns identified and documented by Alexander are purely architectural

and deal with structures like buildings, gardens and roadways.

ARCHITECTURAL TO SOFTWARE DESIGN PATTERNS

In 1987, influenced by the writings of Alexander, Kent Beck and Ward Cunningham
applied the architectural pattern ideas for the software design and development.
They used some of Alexander’s ideas to develop a set of patterns for developing
elegant user interfaces in Smalltalk. With the results of their work, they gave a
presentation entitled Using Pattern Languages for Object-Oriented Programming
at the Object-Oriented Programming Systems, Languages, and Applications (OOP-
SLA) ’87 conference. Since then, many papers and presentations relating to patterns
have been published by many eminent people in the Object Oriented (OO) world.
In 1994, the publication of the book entitled Design Patterns: Elements of
Reusable Object-Oriented Software on design patterns by Erich Gamma, Richard
Helm, Ralph Johnson and John Vlissides explained the usefulness of patterns and
resulted in the widespread popularity for design patterns. These four authors
together are referred to as the Gang of Four (GoF). In this book the authors
documented the 23 patterns they found in their work of nearly four and a half
years.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Since then, many other books have been published capturing design patterns
and other best practices for software engineering.

WHAT IS A DESIGN PATTERN?

A design pattern is a documented best practice or core of a solution that has
been applied successfully in multiple environments to solve a problem that recurs
in a specific set of situations.
Architect Christopher Alexander describes a pattern as “a recurring solution to
a common problem in a given context and system of forces.” In his definition,
the term context refers to the set of conditions/situations in which a given pattern
is applicable and the term system of forces refers to the set of constraints that
occur in the specific context.

MORE ABOUT DESIGN PATTERNS

䡲 A design pattern is an effective means to convey/communicate what has

been learned about high-quality designs. The result is:
– A shared language for communicating the experience gained in dealing
with these recurring problems and their solutions.
– A common vocabulary of system design elements for problem solving
discussions. A means of reusing and building upon the acquired insight
resulting in an improvement in the software quality in terms of its
maintainability and reusability.
䡲 A design pattern is not an invention. A design pattern is rather a docu-
mented expression of the best way of solving a problem that is observed
or discovered during the study or construction of numerous software
systems.
䡲 One of the common misconceptions about design patterns is that they are
applied only in an object-oriented environment. Even though design pat-
terns discussions typically refer to the object-oriented development, they
are applicable in other areas as well. With only minor changes, a design
pattern description can be adjusted to refer to software design patterns in
general. From the preceding section, Origin and History, it can be seen
that patterns have existed from the early days of architecture, long before
the object-oriented design and programming era.
䡲 Design patterns are not theoretical constructs. A design pattern can be
seen as an encapsulation of a reusable solution that has been applied
successfully to solve a common design problem.
䡲 Though design patterns refer to the best known ways of solving problems,
not all best practices in problem resolution are considered as patterns. A
best practice must satisfy the Rule of Three to be treated as a design
pattern. The Rule of Three states that a given solution must be verified to
be a recurring phenomenon, preferably in at least three existing systems.
Otherwise, the solution is not considered as a pattern. The goal is to ensure
that some community of software professionals applied the solution
described by the pattern to solve software design problems. Satisfying the

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 Rule of Three indicates that a design pattern provides a practical solution
to deal with a real-world problem.
䡲 Design patterns do not provide solutions to every problem found in real-
world software design and development. Design patterns are about pro-
viding elegant, reusable solutions to commonly encountered software
development problems in a particular context. This means that a pattern
that is meant to provide the best solution to a problem in a particular
context may not produce an effective solution to the same problem in a
different context. Sometimes, the solution proposed by the design pattern
may not even be applicable in a different context.

Software frameworks can be confused with design patterns. They are closely
related. Table 1.1 lists the similarities and differences between the two.

Table 1.1 Design Patterns versus Frameworks

Design Patterns Frameworks

Design patterns are recurring solutions to A framework is a group of components

problems that arise during the life of a that cooperate with each other to
software application in a particular provide a reusable architecture for
context. applications with a given domain.
The primary goal is to: The primary goal is to:
• Help improve the quality of the • Help improve the quality of the
software in terms of the software software in terms of the software
being reusable, maintainable, being reusable, maintainable,
extensible, etc. extensible, etc.
• Reduce the development time • Reduce development time
Patterns are logical in nature. Frameworks are more physical in nature,
as they exist in the form of some
software.
Pattern descriptions are usually Because frameworks exist in the form of
independent of programming language some software, they are
or implementation details. implementation-specific.
Patterns are more generic in nature and can Frameworks provide domain-specific
be used in almost any kind of functionality.
application.
A design pattern does not exist in the Frameworks are not complete
form of a software component on its applications on their own. Complete
own. It needs to be implemented applications can be built by either
explicitly each time it is used. inheriting the components const
directly.
Patterns provide a way to do “good” Design patterns may be used in the
design and are used to help design design and implementation of a
frameworks. framework. In other words,
frameworks typically embody several
design patterns.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

 ABOUT THIS BOOK
The objective of this book is to discuss design patterns in an easy to understand
manner with simple examples. This book discusses 42 design patterns including
the 23 patterns by GoF. These patterns are arranged in six categories:

䡲 7 Basic Patterns — Section III (Chapter 3 through Chapter 9)

䡲 5 Creational Patterns — Section IV (Chapter 10 through Chapter 14)
䡲 4 Collectional Patterns — Section V (Chapter 15 through Chapter 18)
䡲 11 Structural Patterns — Section VI (Chapter 19 through Chapter 29)
䡲 11 Behavioral Patterns — Section VII (Chapter 30 through Chapter 40)
䡲 4 Concurrency Patterns — Section VIII (Chapter 41 through Chapter 44)

Each pattern discussion starts with an explanation of the pattern followed by

an example implemented in Java™ programming language. How a given pattern
is applied in the example is discussed in detail along with code segments and
UML diagrams (class, sequence). At the end of each pattern discussion, a few
practice questions are provided for you to work on to improve your understanding
of the pattern. Wherever applicable, patterns are compared with other similar
looking patterns.
The examples in this book are kept simple for easy understanding. The
objective is to enhance the explanation of each pattern with examples for a better
understanding.
The UML section provides an overview of the Unified Modeling Language
(UML) and discusses various elements of class and sequence diagrams.
The case study at the end of the book demonstrates the collective usage of
different design patterns in a real-world application design scenario. This section
discusses how various patterns can be used in designing a reusable application
framework for a fictitious Web hosting company.

Source Code
The source code for all example applications is available on the following Web
site for this book: http://www.crcpress.com/e_products/download.asp.

Source Code Disclaimer

Both the author and the publisher make no representations or warranties about
the suitability of the software, either expressed or implied, including but not
limited to the implied warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose
or noninfringement. Both the author and the publisher shall not be liable for any
damages suffered as a result of using, modifying or distributing the software or
its derivatives.
Java is a trademark of Sun Microsystems, Inc. Windows is a registered trademark
of Microsoft Corporation.

© 2004 by CRC Press LLC

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impossible but that the capital must have been imbued with the
reckless iniquity, outrageous dissoluteness, and general immorality of
the higher classes. The poets, playwrights, essayists, and
biographers of the age all bear traces of the effects of bad example
in high places on public manners. A critic of those days says, “The
accomplished gentleman of the English stage is a person that is
familiar with other men’s wives and indifferent to his own, and the
fine lady is generally a composition of sprightliness and falsehood.” A
thorough disrespect for female virtue, or rather the admiration of
libertinism, tainted the life’s blood of the capital. And when, passing
over the coarse wit of Prior, or the perverted genius of Dryden, we
come to the sober and moderate writings of essayists and satirists,
we find material which gives us some little insight into the lower
London life of the period, and that which has more immediate
interest for us in this inquiry.
In the delightful and ever youthful pages of the Spectator, there are
some incidents of great pathos touching the state of those
unfortunates whose condition was then, as now, one of the
disgraces of civilization. One paper contains a singularly apposite
remark. “I was told,” says the writer (a woman of the town), “by a
Roman Catholic gentleman last week, who I hope is absolved for
what then passed between us, that in countries where Popery
prevails, besides the advantages of licensed stews, there are larger
endowments given for the Incurabili, I think he called them. This
manner of treating poor sinners has, we think, great humanity in it;
and as you, Mr. Spectator, are a person who pretends to carry your
reflections upon all subjects which occur to you, I beg therefore of
you to lay before the world the condition of us poor vagrants, who
are really in a way of labor instead of idleness.”
At another time the Spectator himself meets “a slim young girl of
about seventeen, who, with a pert air, asked me if I was for a pint of
wine. I could observe as exact features as ever I had seen; the
whole person, in a word, of a woman exquisitely beautiful. She
affected to allure me with a forced wantonness in her look and air,
but I saw it checked with hunger and cold. Her eyes were wan and
eager; her dress thin and tawdry; her mien genteel and childish.
This strange figure gave me much anguish of heart, and, to avoid
being seen with her, I went away, but could not avoid giving her a
crown. The poor thing sighed, courtesied, and with a blessing,
expressed with the utmost vehemence, turned from me. This
creature is what they call newly come upon the town.”
The arts of the procuresses; their experiments on inexperienced
country girls; their attendance at coach-offices and public places to
hunt for and entrap the unwary; the regular customers they have for
new wares; the mode, first of offering them to private sale, and,
when the first gloss is worn off, casting them on the public market,
are all as true of 1858 as of the day for which it was written. In one
case, the Spectator, being at a coach-office, overhears a lady
inquiring of a young girl her parentage and character, and especially
if she has been properly brought up, and has been taught her
Catechism. Desirous of seeing a lady who had so proper an idea of
her duties to servants, he peeps through and sees the face of a well-
known bawd, thus decoying a young girl just arrived in London. One
amusing cheat in the business of these go-betweens is complained
of by a lady correspondent: for a consideration, they profess to
introduce some ambitious foreigner or country gentleman to the
favors of ladies of high degree, ruling toasts, leading belles, etc.
Some lady, Wilhelmina Amelia Skeggs, is foisted upon the deluded
customer, who must, of course, be ignorant of the person of his
inamorata, and he walks off boasting, in great self-gratulation, of his
good fortune, to the great injury of an irreproachable woman’s fame.
[296]

It was reserved for the reign of George III. to give a favorable turn
to court morals and to make virtue respectable. The Georges I. and
II. had exercised but a negative influence on their subjects. They
were merely viewed as political necessities, and held in little or no
personal esteem. Their uncouth manners, foreign mistresses, and
decidedly heavy liaisons had no charm for either eye or fancy. With
George III. and his queen, virtue in courts became in some degree
fashionable; the slough of libertinism in which Louis XV. and the
Regent Orleans had plunged themselves seemed in France to have
created some reaction. Louis XVI. in Paris, and George III. in
London, presented the rare spectacle to their respective subjects of
two well-conducted men, whose domestic life and character were
unimpeachable. But as the sons of George III., especially the Prince
of Wales and the Duke of York, attained their majority, they were
surrounded by bands of flatterers and parasites, who stimulated and
encouraged the natural proneness of youth to pleasure and
dissipation. The libertinism and excesses of the Stuarts again
became bon-ton, devoid, it is true, of political debasement and
national dishonor; checked also by parental disapprobation, and by
the influence of public opinion. This, though very weak, was not
quite powerless; and, though lenient to the errors of youth, it drew
an unfavorable comparison between the reckless extravagance and
dissolute tastes of the princes, and the moderate and personally
estimable conduct of the king and queen.[297]
The masses of the English people were distinguished for plain good
sense, and attachment to the cause of religion and morality; and
although drinking, gambling, boxing, and racing were, in honor of
the royal princes, fashionable amusements, and their attainment
coveted and emulated by many of the rising generation, still the
general sentiment of the nation at this period was condemnatory of
these vices. Those inclined to charitable views of human nature
found excuses in the temptations of youth, a fine person, a
commanding position, and, lastly, in the infamous counsels of those
who found political capital in the encouragement of these excesses,
thereby promoting a division between the heir to the throne and his
sovereign parent. Others there were who beheld in George IV.,
whether as prince or monarch, a modern Tiberius, a man of
ungovernable lusts; a ruthless libertine and a debased sensualist,
without any redeeming qualities. As a fact, apart from causes and
political prejudices, George IV. was undoubtedly a debauchee and a
man of dissolute habits;[298] but he was a man of liberal education,
of cultivated taste, of distinguished appearance, and elegant
manners. He and the Count D’Artois, brother of Louis XVI., were
considered the most finished gentlemen in Europe, so far as
mannerism went. These externals glossed over, and even lent a
charm to, the vices of his youth; and the mysterious orgies of
Carlton House were associated in the public mind with the brilliant
wit of Sheridan, the manly grace of Wyndham (that beau ideal of an
English gentleman), the vast talent of Fox, and the enchanting grace
of Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire, the bright particular star amid
a galaxy of minor luminaries. The respectability belonged to the
court party; the genius and fascination were ranged on the side of
the Prince of Wales.
It is difficult, even at this brief lapse of time, and when so many eye-
witnesses are yet surviving, to speak with any degree of confidence
of the state of general public morals in England as affected by the
French Revolution, and the violent Tory and Whig contests of the
period. The literature which preceded and accompanied the French
Revolution went the whole length of undermining and unsettling
every established institution, both of politics and religion, without
building up an effective substitute in place of the structure
destroyed. The doctrines of moral obligation and the balance of
general convenience, which, according to the Volney, Voltaire, and
Rousseau school, were to supersede the effete and worn-out
dogmas of the Gospel, were little known and less liked in England.
At the outset of the French movements, the cause had the sympathy
of the English Liberals; but afterward, when the social and political
excesses of the time disgusted even its moderate British supporters,
and when the deep-rooted and apparently innate antagonism of the
two nations was revived by the war, the hatred and contempt of the
English people for French manners, French literature, French men,
French every thing, knew no bounds. Thus, while the leaven of
Parisian philosophy was fermenting in the breasts of all Continental
Europe, it is our opinion that its influence in England was purely of a
reactionary character; and as under the last Stuarts patriotism and
libertinism went hand in hand, so, in the end of the eighteenth and
the commencement of the nineteenth centuries, an Englishman’s
love of his own country and his hatred of France were associated
with a detestation of the heresies of French philosophers and
patriarchs.
Of the effect produced on the morals of the people by the loose
manner in which, previous to 1753, the marriage ceremony was
performed, we have the evidence brought forward in the debates on
Lord Hardwicke’s Marriage Bill. Anterior to that time, a boy of
fourteen and a girl of twelve years of age might marry against the
will of their parents or guardians, without any possibility of dissolving
such marriage. The law, indeed, required the publication of banns,
but custom and the dispensing power had rendered them nugatory.
A dispensation could be purchased for a couple of crowns, and the
marriage could take place in a closet or a tavern, before two friends
who acted as witnesses. But dispensations were not always
necessary. There were privileged places, such as May Fair and the
Fleet, where the marriage ceremony could be performed at a
moment’s notice, and without any inconvenient questions being
asked.
Gretna Green, on the borders of Scotland, was long a famous place
for runaway matches. It has been questioned how far the Scotch law
of marriage was conducive to morality; but, judging from its effects
upon the people themselves, it can scarcely be considered an ally of
vice. This law, which has only been repealed within a few years,
treated marriage as a civil contract, valid if contracted before
witnesses, and required no ceremony or preparatory notice. That
unions so formed were binding, admits of no possible dispute: the
question has been tried in the British courts of law on every
conceivable ground, and their legality has been always affirmed, but
in the case of marriages at May Fair or the Fleet the same certainty
did not exist. Gretna Green is the first village after passing the
dividing line between England and Scotland, and owes its fame to its
locality. It has doubtless been the scene of many heartless
adventures, for which the actual law of the land must be held
accountable.
The marriage act which came into operation in 1754, had for its
object the prevention of clandestine marriages in England, but did
not interfere with the law of Scotland. It sought to effect this reform
by making it necessary to the validity of a marriage without license,
that it should take place after the proclamation of banns on three
Sundays in the parish church, before a person in orders, between
single persons consenting, of sound mind, and of the age of twenty-
one years, or of the age of fourteen in males and twelve in females,
with the consent of parents and guardians, or without their consent
in cases of widowhood. The new marriage act of 1837 allows
marriage, after notice to the superintendent registrars in every
district, either in the public register offices in the presence of the
superintendent registrar and the registrar of marriages, or in duly
registered places of worship.
We have no statement as to the number of marriages previous to
the year 1753. All we know is, that from 1651 to 1751 the
population only increased sixteen per cent., the increase being only
one million and fourteen thousand in one hundred years. Since the
act of 1753 came into operation, the registers of marriages have
been preserved in England, and show an increase of marriages from
50,972 in the year 1756, to 63,310 in 1764. “The rage of marrying is
very prevalent,” writes Lord Chesterfield in the latter year; and again
in 1767, “In short, the matrimonial phrensy seems to rage at
present, and is epidemical.” After many fluctuations, the marriages
rose to seventy, eighty, ninety, and one hundred thousand annually,
and in 1851 to one hundred and fifty-four thousand two hundred
and six. Fourteen millions were added to the population, an increase
of 187 per cent., or at the rate of one per cent. annually.[299]
 CHAPTER XXV.
GREAT BRITAIN.—PROSTITUTION AT THE PRESENT
TIME.
Influence of the Wealthy Classes.—
Devices of Procuresses.—Scene at a
Railway Station.—Organization for
entrapping Women.—Seduction of
Children.—Continental Traffic.—
Brothel-keepers.—“Fancy Men” and
“Spooneys.”—Number of Brothels in
London.—Causes of Prostitution.—
Sexual Desire.—Seduction.—Over-
crowded Dwellings.—Parental
Example.—Poverty and Destitution.
—Public Amusements.—Ill-assorted
Marriages.—Love of Dress.—Juvenile
Prostitution.—Factories.—Obscene
Publications.—Census of 1851.—
Education and Crime.—Number of
Prostitutes.—Female Population of
London.—Working Classes.—
Domestic Servants.—Needlewomen.
—Ages of Prostitutes.—Average Life.
—Condition of Women in London.—
Charitable Institutions.—Mrs. Fry’s
benevolent Labors.
The corruption of court morals alone, and without circumstances of
national weight and moment, has seldom, we take it, affected the
bulk of the population. It is nevertheless undeniable that a lax
morality, and, à fortiori, a system of absolute profligacy among the
wealthy classes of society, will contribute in a significant degree
toward the increase of prostitution in metropolitan cities. It is in the
service of her wealthy customers and patrons that the professional
procuress is chiefly employed, and, stimulated by high gains, she
plies her vile calling, and exerts all her hellish ingenuity to discover
new sources of amusement and gratification for them.
In Fletcher’s “Humorous Lieutenant,” written in 1690, a court bawd
is introduced reading her minute-book, and calling over the register
of the females at her command. “Chloe, well—Chloe should fetch
three hundred and fifty crowns; fifteen; good figure; daughter of a
country gentleman; her virtue will bring me that sum, and then a
riding-horse for her father out of it; well. The merchant’s wife, she
don’t want money. I must find a spark of quality for her.” The
representation of such character is out of vogue in these days on the
English stage; but, while the proprieties are observed, the omission
is but a veiling of the subject. The reality exists, though unseen.
In the London Times of July, 1855, an incident is thus related by a
correspondent: “I was standing on a railway platform at ——, with a
friend waiting for a train, when two ladies came into the station. I
was acquainted with one of them, the younger, well. She told me
she was going to London, having been fortunate enough to get a
liberal engagement as governess in the family of the lady under
whose charge she then was, and who had even taken the trouble to
come into the country to see her and her friends, to ascertain that
she was likely in all respects to suit. The train coming in sight, the
fares were paid, the elder lady paying both. I saw them into the
carriage, and the door being closed, I bowed to them and rejoined
my friend, who happened to be a London man about town. ‘Well, I
will say,’ said he, with a laugh, ‘you country gentlemen are pretty
independent of public opinion. You are not ashamed of your little
transactions being known!’ ‘What do you mean?’ I asked. ‘Why, I
mean your talking to that girl and her duenna on an open platform.’
‘Why, that is Miss ——, an intimate friend of ours.’ ‘Well, then, I can
tell you,’ said the Londoner to me, coolly, ‘her friend is Madam ——,
one of the most noted procuresses in London, and she has got hold
of a new victim, if she is a victim, and no mistake.’ I saw there was
not a minute to lose; I rushed to the guard of the train, and got him
to wait a moment. I then hurried to the carriage-door where the
ladies were. ‘Miss ——, you must get out; that person is an unfit
companion for you. Madam ——, we know who you are.’ That was
one victim rescued, but how many are lost?”
In another case, the practices of a scoundrel named Phinn were
made the subject of a public warning by the Lord Mayor of London
from his judicial chair. This fellow’s plan was to advertise from
abroad for ladies to go to Cologne, or other places on the Rhine, to
become governesses in his family, which was traveling, and whose
governess had unexpectedly left them, or been taken ill, or was
otherwise got rid of. The candidates were to pay their own passage
to the place of rendezvous, when the appointments of the situation
were to commence. In some cases in which the practices of this
rascal had failed of their full effect, he had succeeded in defrauding
poor women of their funds, and they had found the utmost difficulty
in making their way home again.
While it is impossible to have any precognizance of the persons and
circumstances among which these wretches find their prey, some
cases are peculiarly within the scope of their operations. Young
females who have lost their natural protectors, and are brought into
contact with the world under their own guidance, are easily imposed
upon by the pretended friendship of these persons, and being under
a pretense of employment inveigled into their houses, are there kept
until their fall is accomplished by persuasion or force. It is said that
women even attend regularly at churches and Sunday-schools for
the purpose of decoying female children. They first accost them, and
interest them, without making any direct advances. The next time
they proceed a little farther, and soon invite them to accompany
them a little distance, when they lead them to a brothel. They have
been known to take the children away in the presence of the
teacher, who, seeing them act as acquaintances, had no suspicion of
the real nature of their associations.[300]
The London Society for the Protection of Young Females have
recorded instances of children of eleven years of age being
entrapped by procuresses into houses of prostitution. Those who are
thus decoyed are not permitted to escape, nor to go into the streets
for two or three months. By that time they are supposed to be
incapable of retracing their steps, or to have become reconciled to
their mode of life, and are permitted to go or remain. Occasionally
they are turned adrift to seek new lodgings, their places being
supplied by fresh arrivals. Some of these children find their way
home again, but the majority of them are of course irretrievably lost,
and continue in the course into which they have been thus
indoctrinated.
The procuresses have agents in different parts of London, whose
business it is to discover young persons, servant-girls and others,
who are dissatisfied with their earnings and condition in life, and
who may be considered suitable subjects. The number of servants
out of place, in London alone, is enormous—many thousands in
number; and as “service is no inheritance,” such a body constitutes a
very favorable field of operations. The intermediate agents in these
cases are small shop-keepers, laundresses, charwomen, and such
others as from their avocations have the opportunity of becoming
acquainted with young women in service. Common lodging-house-
keepers too, residing in the suburbs of London, contribute their
quota of assistance. Young women coming fresh from the country,
and sleeping in such places for a night, receive recommendations to
procuresses and brothel-keepers as servants. Intelligence-offices for
hiring servants, which in London are called “Servants’ Bazars,” and
are not under any license, are visited by these people in search of
new faces.
In some cases procuresses are found to act on behalf of particular
individuals only. In one case, such a woman kept a small shop, to
which she invited servant-girls in the neighborhood after a little
acquaintance. By her assistance, aided by liberal entertainment with
wines and spirits, her employers (two men of property) were
enabled to corrupt eight servant-girls in a short space of time.
A constant trade in prostitution is carried on between London and
Hamburg, London and Paris, and London and the country. Three or
four years ago a trial took place at the Central Criminal Court
(London) of a man and woman who were engaged in the
importation of females for purposes of prostitution. The prisoners
were convicted. The details of the trial show that a regular
organization existed. In some cases, Parisian prostitutes were hired
in Paris for the London market by the ordinary agents in such
contracts; in other cases, the parties in both capitals decoyed young
women into their service on pretense of reputable engagements,
and shipped them over to their consignees. Of course, every care is
taken in these matters to keep the transaction confidential; for,
although the English laws are practically most defective, still, in
cases exciting any degree of notoriety, and in which the offense can
be satisfactorily established by legal proof, prosecutions do take
place.
We can not close this branch of our subject better than by once
again quoting from the Spectator, and giving a genuine letter, which,
although written a century and a half ago, is just such a one as
might, for a similar purpose, be penned at the present day. It as
accurately describes the mode in which “articles of trade” in the
procuress line are disposed of now as then.
“My Lord,—I having a great esteem for your honor, and a better opinion of you
than of any of the quality, makes me acquaint you of an affair that I hope will
oblige you to know. I have a niece that came to town about a fortnight ago. Her
parents being lately dead, she came to me, expecting to have found me in so
good a condition as to set her up in a milliner’s shop. Her father gave fourscore
pounds with her for five years. Her time is out, and she is not sixteen: as pretty
a gentlewoman as ever you saw; a little woman, which I know your lordship
likes; well-shaped, and as fair a complexion for red and white as ever I saw. I
doubt not but your lordship will be of the same opinion. She designs to go down
about a month hence except I can provide for her, which I can not at present.
Her father was one with whom all he had died with him, so there is four children
left destitute; so, if your lordship thinks fit to make an appointment, where I
shall wait on you with my niece, by a line or two, I stay for your answer, for I
have no place fitted up, since I left my house, fit to entertain your honor. I told
her she should go with me to see a gentleman, a very good friend of mine; so I
desire you to take no notice of my letter by reason she is ignorant of the ways of
the town. My lord, I desire, if you meet us, to come alone, for, upon my word
and honor, you are the first that I ever mentioned her to.”
Next to procuresses in this gradation of iniquity are the brothel-keepers, who,
although often procuresses, are not necessarily so. Shakspeare, who included all
human existence in the sphere of his observation, says of them,
“A bawd! a wicked bawd!
The evil that thou causest to be done,
That is thy means to live: do thou but think
What ’tis to cram a maw or clothe a back
From such a filthy vice; say to thyself,
From their abominable and beastly touches
I drink, I eat, array myself, and live.
Canst thou believe thy living is a life?
So stinkingly depending.”
Many of these persons have been prostitutes themselves, and when past service
in the one branch of business have naturally fallen into the other. Others,
without having been such, adopt the trade from inclination or circumstances.
The condition of these people and the interior of their houses are as various as
the people themselves. At the west end of London there is a considerable
degree of style; in the lower parts of the town they are sordid and filthy
habitations, fit only for deeds of darkness. They are confined to private streets,
alleys, and lanes out of the great thoroughfares. The law is usually put in
operation in England against the brothel-keepers as the representatives of the
whole class. As they get the chief profits of the trade, so they run all the legal
risks. The indictments against them, however, are comparatively few. There is
no public prosecutor in England, as with us. The police administration of the
metropolis, perhaps the best organized, the most efficient and cheapest
department of the public service, does not include the prevention of brothels
within its duties, which are confined to the preservation of life and property. The
prosecution of brothel-keepers and abolition of their establishments are usually
undertaken by the parish authorities when the places are so conducted as to
become a nuisance to the neighborhood; and police officers merely interfere to
prevent the assemblage of prostitutes in the public streets, or the solicitation of
passengers by them. Virtually this provision is little better than a dead letter, and
the women evade it by walking when an officer is in sight, and thus deprive him
of the only proof which would enable him to make an arrest.[301]
Some of the girls who pay exorbitant board also stipulate to give their
mistresses one half of their cash receipts, which are frequently very large in the
case of attractive women, amounting sometimes to one or two hundred dollars a
week. The mistress is treasurer, and the prostitutes rarely succeed in receiving
back what ostensibly belongs to them. The very prosecution before mentioned
originated in a French girl’s being cheated by the brothel-keeper. The clothing is
furnished by the mistress, and for this she charges prices which absorb the
entire earnings of the girls. She even contrives to furnish them with such a
number of showy and useless garments that she keeps them always in her debt,
and so has a lien on each to prevent her leaving as long as she is a profitable
member of the establishment. Some girls who have been seduced have, when
entering on a life of prostitution, extensive and valuable wardrobes. The
mistress runs them into debts of her own contracting, and if they become
dissatisfied with their treatment and desire to leave, they are held for the debt.
By the common law of England, all debts incurred for an immoral purpose are
void, but this law is of little value to those who are ignorant of its existence;
besides which, the brothel-keepers have possession of the booty, and thus
effectually drive the debtor to an adjustment of the matters in dispute.
Such of the brothel-keepers as have no lawful husbands form intimacies with
some man whom they support. In slang dialect, there is a class of men called
“spooneys,” who support the women, or furnish them with funds when
necessary. They set them up in business, become responsible for their debts,
and assist them in all their difficulties. The “fancy men” are those who do
nothing for them, but live at their expense. The lower class of brothel-keepers
have no “spooneys,” but they invariably have “fancy men,” who act as bullies,
and settle by physical force any disputes that may arise between the inmates
and their visitors. These men spend the day in taverns, and the night in the
particular brothels to which they are attached, and are frequently felons of the
deepest dye.
Some of the brothel-keepers are married women, and even mothers of families.
The husbands are lazy, worthless wretches, addicted to gambling and drinking,
and brutally indifferent to the sources from which their luxuries are supplied. In
some cases the wealthier individuals have been known to send their children to
good schools away from home, and to have kept them in ignorance of their own
wretched vocation. Thus sin entails its own punishment.
The number of brothels in London has been variously estimated. The whole
number of houses at the last census was three hundred thousand and upward.
Among them it was calculated, and probably correctly, that there were five
thousand brothels, including houses of assignation. The rents of these
establishments vary as much as the houses and situations (from fifteen hundred
down to one hundred dollars a year). In good neighborhoods we should be slow
to believe that landlords had any previous knowledge of the purposes to which
their houses are to be applied. Independent of moral objection, such a house
deteriorates the character of the property. Indeed, the clauses in leases of the
great London properties are very strict, and include all objectionable trades as
causes of forfeiture.
The owners of the houses are of all classes. The Almonry of Westminster, once
the abode of Caxton, which within these six or eight years has been pulled
down, was one of the vilest aggregations of vice and crime in existence. This
was the property of the dean and chapter of Westminster Abbey. The common
law of England, as already mentioned in the matter of dress, prohibits the
recovery of the rents of houses let for immoral purposes. Many of the brothel-
keepers themselves hire houses, furnish them, and sublet them. It has been
made a matter of reproach that landlords should, even indirectly, derive income
from such sources. But poverty and vice are closely allied; where poverty exists,
vice will come. It is impossible for a landlord to exclude any class of tenants in a
particular neighborhood suited to them, and those who know aught about the
improvement and ventilation of large cities, and the breaking up of bad
neighborhoods, are well aware that they are accompanied with a fearful amount
of extra misery to the very poor.
In a subsequent portion of this work we have endeavored to analyze the causes
of prostitution as it exists in the city of New York. It may be reasonably
supposed that the same reasons would be applicable to the kindred people of
Great Britain. We give the following, mainly deduced from English writers, as
indicating the sentiments of the best-informed in that kingdom as to the sources
of so deep-rooted an evil, which must be sought in a variety of circumstances,
national as well as personal.
A professional man, Mr. Tait, to whose pages we have turned for information as
to prostitution in Great Britain, classifies the causes as natural and accidental.
The natural he subdivides into licentiousness of disposition, irritability of temper,
pride and love of dress, dishonesty and love of property, and indolence. The
accidental include seduction, ill-assorted marriages, low wages, want of
employment, intemperance, poverty, defective education, bad example of
parents, obscene publications, and a number of minor causes. Without assenting
to the classification, we will accept the enumeration.
The operation of sexual desire on the female sex is a mooted question among
English writers on prostitution. Whether it is latent, and never powerful enough
to provoke evil courses until it is itself stimulated and roused into energy by
external circumstances, or whether it be an active principle impelling the ill-
regulated female mind to sacrifice self-respect and reputation in the gratification
of dominant impulses, has been frequently discussed. Many consider that its
influence on the inducement of prostitution is no less unsatisfactory of solution
than the physiological problem, alleging that those who have followed the bent
of their natural appetites would undoubtedly prefer to ascribe their lapse to
other circumstances. This subject is treated more fully elsewhere, and it is
needless to repeat here the views there expressed.
That sexual desire, once aroused, does exercise a potent influence on the
female organization, can not be questioned. Self-abuse, which is a perverted
indulgence of the natural instinct, is well known to English physicians as being
practiced among young women to a great extent, though in a far less degree
than among young men. Its frightful influences upon the latter have been the
subject of the liveliest anxiety to those who have made the care of youth their
profession, and this source of trouble is shared to some degree by female
teachers. Such subjects seem by common consent to be banished from rational
investigation by the majority of people, as if shutting one’s eyes to the fact
would prove its non-existence. This false delicacy is more injurious than is
commonly supposed; for the unchecked indulgence in such habits is not only
destructive of health, but in the highest degree inimical to the moral feeling, and
directly subversive of all self-respect, leaving but one step to complete the final
descent.
Seduction.—The effect of undue familiarity, and too unrestrained an intercourse
between the sexes, can not be exaggerated as paving the way for the last lapse
from virtue. It is precisely these familiarities which, in ill-regulated minds, excite
the first impulses of desire; and even where such a result does not immediately
flow from too free an intercourse, it breaks down that modesty and reserve
which so much enhance the beauty of woman, and constitute her best
safeguard. The inclined plane by which the female who permits the first freedom
glides unchecked to final ruin, though gradual, is very difficult to retrace. The
unrestricted intercourse permitted, or rather encouraged between the sexes at
places of public amusement much facilitates the opportunities of seduction.
Prostitutes frequently, and we believe with truth, allege seduction as the first
step toward their abandoned course of life, and the allegation itself should
induce a sympathy for the misfortune of their present existence. Although in
some cases the story can not be implicitly believed, at the same time there is no
doubt that a heartless seduction is but too frequent a circumstance in such
cases, and contributes its sad quota of heavy account to prostitution.
It is a general opinion that cases of (so called) seduction in England occur
between employers and female servants, and that of these are vast numbers. By
seduction in such circumstances is meant the inducement to do wrong by
promises or other suasives, in opposition to the commonly received idea, which
makes the fall the result of strong personal attachment. In a work like this we
must notice the largest definitions, and can not consistently limit ourselves to
the inducement customarily brought forward in law proceedings, namely, “a
promise of marriage.” In this sense, illegitimate children may be said to be the
consequence of seduction. Certainly not all of them, however, because many
persons, voluntarily and with their eyes open, enter upon cohabitation
arrangements; but doubtless many are. Once seduced, of course the female
becomes herself the seducer of the inexperienced.
The policy of English law, of late years, has been to compel the woman to
protect herself—in the main, a wise policy. But the balance of human justice is
very unevenly maintained. The male, the real delinquent, incurs no legal
punishment, and but little social reprobation. Actions for seduction are very
unpopular, and those brought bear but an infinitesimal proportion to the
occurrence of the crime. The onus of proof in bastardy affiliations of course rests
upon the woman. Of late years the alterations in the law have thrown great
difficulties in her way by what is called the necessity of corroborative evidence,
namely, some kind of admission, direct or indirect, or some overt act which will
furnish oral or documentary testimony other than the woman’s unsupported
statement. This may be strictly expedient, but it renders the man almost
irresponsible if he only play his part with knavish prudence. Lastly, popular
feeling is against charges of rape: acquittal is very frequent, and the usual
rebuttal is to impeach the character of the prosecutrix. The opinion of one of
England’s greatest judges has passed into a proverb: “No charge so easy to
make, none so difficult to disprove.” Queen Elizabeth’s mode of proving her
disbelief of rape is also expressive of public opinion.
From the combination of these circumstances, it would seem that seduction
must, almost as a matter of course, lead to prostitution, inasmuch as, in
ordinary English parlance, the mother of a bastard and a prostitute are almost
synonymous.
Overcrowded Dwellings.—The natural impulses of animal instinct in both sexes
seem to be implicated in the effect of crowded sleeping apartments, as met with
in the habitations of the poor both in town and country. In the latter we have
the show, and sometimes the reality, of family life and virtuous poverty. In the
towns we find abodes of poverty sometimes honest, sometimes in closest
propinquity or intimacy with vice, and there too we have the dwelling-places of
the lowest depravity and vagabondism.
Those who have not given their attention to the condition of the poor, and the
relation which their lives hold to the ordinary habits of decency and morality,
have much difficulty in comprehending, or even believing, statements which
embody the plainest every-day truths. It is hard to realize things as they are, if
the mind has been full of ideal pictures of things as they should be. The Dives of
society has been often reproached with his ignorance of Lazarus. The sin lies
exactly in that ignorance. As Carlyle finely says, “The duty of Christian society is
to find its work, and to do it.” Negative virtue is of no practical use to the
community. But yet the ignorance is natural enough, and no easier of removal
than other ignorance. It has been generally attributed to the wealthy and upper
classes of society, but it exists just the same, differing only a little in degree, in
the middle class and moderately rich members of the English social system.
The misery and inconvenience which the poor suffer from the straitness of their
domestic arrangements are beyond belief. Grown-up girls and boys sleep in the
same bed; brothers and sisters, to say nothing of less intimate relations, are in
the closest contiguity; and even strangers, who are admitted into the little home
to help in eking out the rent, are placed on the same family footing. This
momentous question to the moral well-being of the poor has excited very lively
interest in England, and has called into active operation several philanthropic
associations, which have in view the employment of capital in improving and
cheapening the dwellings of the working classes.[302]
In London this system of close lodging was carried to a fearful pitch. In some
places from five to thirteen persons slept in a single bed, while in the country
the evil was nearly as bad, although, from the slight restraint imposed by family
ties, the actual evil is positively less; though the moral contamination is of nearly
the same extent, and paves the way for other relations out of doors. The facts
which justify these conclusions are to be found in a variety of shapes—
parliamentary reports, statistical tables, appeals from clergymen, addresses from
philanthropic associations, etc., etc.[303]
The Honorable and Reverend S. O. Osborne, a clergyman well known for his
philanthropic exertions in behalf of the poor, says of country life in England:
“From infancy to puberty the laborer’s children sleep in the same room with his
wife and himself; and whatever attempts at decency may be made, and I have
seen many ingenious and most praiseworthy attempts, still there is the fact of
the old and the young, married and unmarried, of both sexes, all herded
together in one and the same sleeping apartment. * * * * I do not choose to
put on paper the disgusting scenes that I have known to occur from the
promiscuous crowding of the sexes together. Seeing, however, to what the mind
of the young female is exposed from her very childhood, I have long ceased to
wonder at the otherwise seeming precocious licentiousness of conversation
which may be heard in every field where many of the young are at work
together.”
Mr. A. Austin, Assistant Poor-Law Commissioner, says:
“The sleeping of boys and girls, young men and young women, in beds almost
touching one another, must have the effect of breaking down the great barriers
between the sexes. The accommodation for sleeping is such as necessarily to
create early and illicit familiarity between the sexes.”
Without entering into disgusting details, the pain of perusing which could add
nothing to the value of the statements, the conclusion is indisputable that much
of prostitution, if not of prostitution for hire, certainly of prostitution from
corrupt and profligate motives, is engendered by the vicious habits induced by
habitual proximity of the sexes in early life. The prostitutes themselves
frequently assign these habits as the commencement of their career of vice, and
some even admit the breach of the closest natural ties during early youth, by
reason of the too great facilities thus offered.[304] The great importance of this
want of decency and propriety in family life can not be overrated. The
contagious nature of vice is proverbial; and it is almost impossible to imagine
the power attained by ill-conditioned children, and the fatal readiness with which
their sinful words and practices are propagated.
The cheap lodging-houses are a pendant to the close-packed dwellings of the
poor, although they do not produce the same early pernicious results as
indecency and immorality in family life. The latter prepare the way to the scenes
of the common lodging-house, in which the lowest depth of vice is speedily
reached. Here prostitution is habitual—a regular institution of the place. The
smallest imaginable quantities of food can be purchased; adults, youths, and
children of both sexes are received, and herd promiscuously together; the prices
of beds are of the lowest (from three to six cents); no questions are asked, and
the place is free to all. A new-comer is soon initiated, or rather forced into all
the mysteries of iniquity. Obscenity and blasphemy are the staple conversation
of the inmates; every indecency is openly performed; the girls recite aloud their
experiences of life; ten or a dozen sleep in one bed, many in a state of nudity.
Indeed, the details of these places are horrible beyond description. Unmitigated
vice and lustful orgies reign, unchecked by precept or example, and the point of
rivalry is as to who shall excel in filth and abomination.
Example is the next immediate cause in what may be considered the natural
series. There are a few prostitutes who have children. That these latter should
follow the same course is quite in the common course of events, although
considerable anxiety is occasionally evinced by such women to have their
children brought up to better courses. Such redemption is all but impossible. In
ordinary life, however, the mind of youth is often perverted by direct evil
example in the elders; and, as we have already remarked, the corruption of the
human affections in their fountain-head—family life—where they ought to be
sweetest and purest, is more fatally demoralizing, and more certain to insure
eventual ruin than almost any other. Fathers and mothers are both wanting
often enough in their duty, although it is a matter of universal faith that the
influence and example of the father are of less importance than that of the
mother. A bad man may have virtuous children, a bad woman hardly ever. There
are cases where the mother and daughter sleep in the same bed, each with a
male partner. In the city of Edinburgh there are two mothers, prostitutes, each
with four daughters, prostitutes; five prostitute mothers each with three
prostitute daughters, ten such with two daughters each, and twenty-four such
with one daughter each, all following the practices of the mothers.[305]
Such influences brought to bear on the young are irresistible. This may perhaps
account for the number of sisters who carry on prostitution. The effect of mere
sisterly example would be sufficient to account for the circumstance, but the
parental becomes almost a compulsion, inasmuch as the parent (in such
circumstances, the mother) will not only connive at, but be the main cause of
her child’s ruin for her own direct profit and advantage. This, indeed, seems
more accordant with our ideas of the natural tendencies of prostitutes and
procuresses, than that such persons should be excessively anxious for their
children’s purity and moral welfare.
Poverty is an integral part of nearly all the conditions of life which we have to
consider as incentives to prostitution. In some instances, more, perhaps, than
may be generally credited, poverty is a direct and proximate cause of this vice.
In other words, “women previously and otherwise virtuous do prostitute their
bodies for bread.” In most of the cases enumerated except that purely natural,
but rare one, innate sexual desire, poverty is a remote cause. From the number
of the human race who are under its griping, chilling pressure, poverty may be
set down as a fruitful source of prostitution.
The connection of political circumstances with the phases of public morals is
more intimate than the consideration of the superficial differences of the two
matters would at first sight imply. But an attentive comparison of the state of
public prosperity with the state of public crime will show that crime is somewhat
dependent on food: the man with a well-filled stomach is no foe to order.
Prostitution, as a means of supplying the cravings of hunger, is part of the same
connection. It is true that in England there are poor-laws and work-houses, from
and in which every destitute person, without reference to character, has a right
to food and shelter. In the first place, however, the work-houses are objects of
unmitigated aversion to the poorer classes. Various rules, in themselves hard,
but rendered necessary by consideration for the rate-payers as well as for the
beneficiaries, such as separation of husband and wife while receiving relief,
separation of child and parent, etc., make the work-house system odious to the
worthy and honest poor; while the strict rules, and the restraint and discipline
enforced within the walls, make it still more odious to those who place their
happiness in license and irregularity; added to this, in populous and poor
districts, the claims upon the work-house in seasons of distress are too
numerous for its capabilities. It is an awful truth that, notwithstanding the
enormous revenues, nearly fifty millions of dollars per annum, collected for poor
relief, and the immense establishments instituted throughout the country for the
support and shelter of the distressed, sometimes the number of applicants is so
great that their demands can not be met. Possibly, if these unfortunates could
be distributed throughout the kingdom, so that the poverty of one spot could be
balanced by the comparative prosperity of another, the fearful starvation in the
midst of plenty, which is occasionally witnessed, need not occur. But in the mean
while, and until the time when all the schemes and devices of modern
improvement and advancement shall be finally perfected, and universal
happiness attained, there is a mass of inconceivable wretchedness to be dealt
with. In “Household Words” for November, 1855, Mr. Dickens gives a harrowing
picture of London distress, of which he was himself an eye-witness.
It was a dark, rainy evening, and close against the wall of Whitechapel Work-
house lay five bundles of rags. Mr. Dickens and his friend looked at them, and
attempted to rouse them in vain. They knocked at the door, were admitted, saw
the master of the work-house, and asked him if he knew there were five human
beings—females—lying on the ground outside, cold and hungry. He did—at first
he was annoyed—such applications were frequent—how could he meet them?—
the house was full—the casual ward was full—what could he do more? When he
found that Mr. Dickens’s aim was inquiry, not fault-finding, he was softened. The
case was certainly shocking: how was it to be met? Mr. Dickens said he had
heard outside that these wretched beings had been there two nights already. It
was very possible. He could not deny or affirm it. There were often more in the
same plight—sometimes twenty or thirty. He (the master) was obliged to give
preference to women with children. The place was full. Unable to do more, Mr.
Dickens left. On getting outside, he roused one of these poor wretches. She
looked up, but said nothing. He asked her if she was hungry; she merely looked
an affirmative. Would she know where to get something to eat? she again
assented in the same way. “Then take this, and for God’s sake go and get
something.” She took it, made no sign of thanks—“gathered herself up and slunk
away—wilted into darkness, silent and heedless of all things.”
To what will not such misery as this compel suffering human nature? In times of
commercial depression the police of London note an increase of street
prostitution. It is said in the cities of England that the permanent prostitution of
each place has a numerical relation to the means of occupation. In Edinburgh
there are but few chances of employing female labor. Glasgow, Dundee, and
Paisley are the seats of manufactures, and employ female labor extensively.
According to Tait, the prostitution of Edinburgh far exceeds its proportion of
prostitution to population as compared with the manufacturing towns.[306]
It seems unnecessary to multiply instances of poverty and indigence, inasmuch
as the fact is most miserably indisputable: shirt-making at three cents,
pantaloon-making at five or six cents—unceasing labor of fourteen hours a day
bringing in only sixty or eighty cents a week, and competition even to obtain
this. As the London Times once said, “The needle is the normal employment of
every English woman; what, then, must be the condition of those tens of
thousands who have nothing but that to depend upon?” Of late years, too, a still
farther competition has been introduced in that ingenious invention of our
country, the sewing machine.
In order to show the relation between unpaid and excessive labor and
prostitution, we will instance a few cases.
One young woman said she made moleskin pantaloons (a very strong, stiff
fabric) at the rate of fifteen cents per pair. She could manage twelve pairs per
week when there was full employment; sometimes she could not get work. She
worked from six in the morning until ten at night. With full work she could make
two dollars a week, out of which she had to expend thirty-eight cents for thread
and candle. On an average, in consequence of short work, she could not make
more than seventy-five cents a week. Her father was dead, and she had to
support her mother, who was sixty years of age. This girl endured her mode of
existence for three years, till at length she agreed to live with a young man.
When she made this statement she was within three months of her
confinement. She felt the disgrace of her condition, to relieve her from which
she said she prayed for death, and would not have gone wrong if she could have
helped it.[307]
Such a case as this scarcely comes within the term prostitution, but she stated
that many girls at the shop advised prostitution as a resource, and that others
should do as they did, as by that means they had procured plenty to eat and
clothes to wear. She gave it as her opinion that none of the thousands of girls
who work at the same business earn a livelihood by their needle, but that all
must and do prostitute themselves to eke out a subsistence.
Another woman, a case more directly in point, also said she could not earn more
than seventy-five cents. She was a widow, and had three children when her
husband died. Herself and her children had to live on these seventy-five cents.
She might have gone into the work-house, and been there better supported
than by her labor. Had she done so, the laws of the work-house are inexorable,
she would have been separated from her children. Although one child died, she
was now so reduced that she could not procure food. She took to the streets for
a living, and she declared that hundreds of married and single women were
doing the same thing for the same reasons.
A widow who had buried all her children could not support herself. From sheer
inability to do so she took to prostitution.
A remarkably fine-looking young woman, whose character for sobriety, honesty,
and industry was vouched by a number of witnesses as unimpeachable, had
been compelled to work at fine shirts, by which she could not earn more, on an
average, than thirty-five cents a week. She had a child, and, being unwilling to
go to the work-house, she was driven by indigence to the streets. Struck with
remorse and shame, and for the sake of her child determined to abandon
prostitution, she fasted whole days, sleeping in winter-time in sheds. Once her
child’s legs froze to her side, and necessity again compelled her to take to her
former course. Her father had been an Independent preacher.
These circumstances, and innumerable others, will establish incontestably the
intimate relation which poverty bears to prostitution. A consideration of such
circumstances as the foregoing, and the every-day observation of hosts of
others of a similar character which will come within the cognizance of any one
who searches into human motives, must incline all but the most outrageously
virtuous to judge more tenderly of the failings and errors of their fellow-
creatures.
All young females engaged in sewing are liable to the same distress, and the
same resource against it is, of course, open to all. The hard labor and long
hours are the least part of the evil, although in that light even there would be
ground for commiseration.[308] The real grievance is that the most patient and
industrious can not, by any hours of labor, earn a sufficiency to support
themselves. It is true that the work-house is the legal refuge of the poor; but
the tender mercies of the work-house have passed into a proverb. The policy of
the poor-laws as administered is to deter the needy from applying for relief
except in very extreme cases. Hence many rules are made, and much formality
is interposed, which render the legal provisions so irksome and unbearable that
many fly to the nearest means of satisfying their wants rather than demand
their legal rights.
Domestic Servants are, in respect of their removal from absolute want while in
service, more happily situated than those who are thus dependent upon the
needle. But they are open to influences of another kind—we mean seduction by
masters and male members of the household. Where this evil begins is an
exceedingly difficult question to determine. When corrupted, they become
themselves, by the very opportunities they possess, ready and dangerous
instruments of corruption, and contribute to disseminate the poisons of
immorality and of bodily disease. We have already incidentally mentioned that
this class is at times open to a great deal of poverty and distress, namely, when
out of service, and at such times they are peculiarly the mark for the lures of
persons who make seduction their business and profitable occupation.
The domestic servants and the sewing-women are the principal adult laborers of
Great Britain, except the factory girls. In 1851 there were,

Female domestic servants 905,165

Dress-makers 270,000
Seamstresses 72,940
Stay-makers 12,969

and of these one third were under twenty years of age.

Places of Public Amusement in England are few when compared with those of the
Continent, and their influence must be proportionately less. On the Continent
dancing saloons are a prominent feature; in England this character of
entertainment is almost unknown. In London there are a few places of this sort,
such, for example, as Cremorne Gardens. Mr. Tait lays some stress on the evil
effects of dancing-houses in Edinburgh. We should be inclined to think the cases
of misconduct traceable to these places actually few in number, though not
unworthy of notice. The single females who frequent dancing-rooms, theatres,
and other similar places in England, without friends or family escort, have very
little virtue to risk. The country fairs are far more injurious; they are
indiscriminately attended by all ages and sexes, and their effects upon the
female agricultural population are often very pernicious. Greenwich Fair, a three
days’ scene of rollicking and junketing, was held at Easter and Whitsuntide, in
the outskirts of London, but is now abolished. It had its uses a century or two
ago, but recently had been attended by all the idlers of London, of both sexes,
and was justly dreaded by the friends of youth. It is proverbial that more young
women were debauched at Greenwich Fair (allowing for its duration) than at any
other place in England.
Ill-assorted Marriages are decidedly a cause of prostitution. Certainly breach of
the marriage vow is one thing, prostitution for hire another. In estimating the
number of prostitutes in Edinburgh at eight hundred, Mr. Tait adds two hundred
to them under the head of married women, which he considers accrue from ill-
assorted marriages. That the marriage was ill-assorted is plainly shown by its
result, and that want of congeniality and temperament is the cause of
prostitution to the extent thus named we have no ground to question. He
speaks of such women selling their favors generally to one lover only,
occasionally to any one who will pay; although the latter forms what is
commonly known as prostitution, no other construction can be put upon the
former.
Love of Dress is another incident which many writers, and Mr. Tait among them,
have introduced into the direct causes of prostitution. We should consider it
doubtful if any woman ever positively sold her virtue for a new gown or a knot
of ribbons. Of course, after the Rubicon is crossed, all subsequent steps are
easy, and may be taken from any motive. The love of admiration, which, under
regulation, is sometimes a commendable instinct, when uncontrolled, becomes a
snare. The love of dress is a modification of this sentiment, and may help to
work out the effect when other causes have overthrown the balance of the
mind.
Juvenile Prostitution.—We have now arrived, in the consideration of the causes of
prostitution in England, at decidedly the most painful of all the phenomena
connected with this condition of human life, namely, the immense extent of
juvenile depravity. We have already sketched the evils of insufficient house
accommodation and its noxious effects upon the morals of the rising generation.
In this connection, also, bad example is particularly prominent; perhaps, indeed,
with respect to the young, evil communications are the greatest dangers.
The work-house was formerly one great hot-bed of vice, and the greatest license
and irregularity prevailed in every department. That children born or brought up
in such a place should grow up debased was perfectly in the expected course of
things. Now, however, under the new Poor-Laws Commission, the scene is
stripped of its more revolting accessories. The sexes do not mingle, children do
not associate with adults: some modicum of education is given. The sweetest
and holiest of all ties, that of family, is yet wanting, and self-respect is totally
deficient. In the absence of these protective influences, the wonder is, not that
so many children should turn out ill, but that so many girls should turn out well.
Formerly, also, there was a system of compulsory pauper apprenticeship, and
the interests of the parish apprentice out of doors were very little looked after.
This, again, has been altered, both in town and country, and the improvement is
marked.
Even with all this, it is recorded in the London Times (June, 1848) that a
correspondent, visiting one of the metropolitan work-houses, was struck by the
happy and healthy appearance of the female children, and inquired of the
master of the work-house what became of all of them. He was informed that
they were sent out, at the age of fourteen, as servants or in other capacities,
and that nine tenths of them, after coming backward and forward from their
places to the work-house, eventually got corrupted and took to the streets.
Factories are made accountable by many writers for much juvenile immorality
and prostitution. Factories in England are, as most of our readers are aware,
institutions materially differing in some respects from those of our own country.
In no feature is there so wide a dissimilarity as in the character of the work-
people. The factory children of England are the offspring of the poorest of the
community, whose only heritage is pauperism, with wages at no time too good,
and often at starvation point. The miserable earnings of the factory operatives
are still farther reduced by constant strikes and contests with their employers, in
which it is a foregone conclusion that the workmen must yield. Macaulay tells us
that, two centuries ago, the employment of children in factories, and the
dependence of the parent’s bread upon the children’s earnings, was a notorious
fact, much condemned by philanthropists. The introduction of machinery and
the value of child-labor gradually aggravated all the horrors of the factory
system, the enormity of which called down the indignation of the non-
manufacturing community, and compelled the protective interference of
Parliament. The Ten Hours’ Bill, the Factory Childrens’ Education regulations,
appointment by government of factory commissioners and inspectors, have all
contributed to ameliorate the hard lot of the factory child. The employment of
very young children in factories is still to be regretted, or rather its necessity, for
probably it is better they should be employed in a not very laborious occupation
than left to roam the streets.
The direct influence of factory work on juvenile prostitution is insisted on by
many writers; by others, some reservations have been introduced, such as, The
young associate only during hours of recreation. In business hours they are
generally employed in different parts of the building. They have a certain
amount of education. Their parents are generally, or very often, employed in the
same establishment. Assume that these children were not in the factory, where
would they be, and what could they do? Are evil influences rife only in the
factory? The overcrowding at home; the frequent drunkenness and debauchery
of their parents and associates; the endless indigence; the frequent visits to the
work-houses, are all circumstances which have been considered and argued in
the case. But of the fact of juvenile prostitution and depravity in factory
populations none can doubt; of its being exclusively or chiefly attributable to
factory life, others are not certain.
That children who labor in factories, and thereby contribute to the family
earnings and their own support, could do better in the present condition of
English society, is doubtful. Mill-owners are required to devote a portion of their
time to education. Sunday-schools are established; personal attention is paid by
leading mill-owners to the improvement of the poor; many build good cottages
(for which, by the way, they receive a good interest in the way of rent); many
inspect the schools; some build school-houses and pay the teachers. The good
example of benevolent mill-owners in a measure compels others, whose moral
perceptions are less keen, to follow them.
We would not be supposed to argue that English cotton factories are types of
the Millennium, any more than are similar institutions on this side of the Atlantic.
In fact, we have a very decided opinion on the matter, but common honesty
requires that the opinion of all who have investigated the subject should be
fairly recorded. In submitting the various arguments adduced in favor of factory
labor and its bearing on immorality, we present merely subjects for
consideration.
Disease in Children.—A fact of importance to public health is the disease acquired
by children. In the first address issued by the London Society for the Protection
of young Females, it is stated that in three of the London hospitals during the
preceding eight years there had been no less than two thousand seven hundred
cases of venereal disease in children between eleven and sixteen years of age.
Dr. Ryan, on the same subject, speaking from his professional experience as
medical officer of several charities, mentions the shock he felt on seeing
numerous cases of venereal disease in children.
Mr. Miller, of Glasgow, testifies to the same fact.
The very imperfect data which exist on this important branch of our subject will
not enable one to form any sound opinion on the spread of disease from these
juvenile sources. It is, however, reasonable to conclude, from the few facts, and
from the very facilities afforded at their age for intercommunication between
children, that the spread of disease from direct contamination, and the
deterioration of health and constitution from unknown excesses, must be very
great.
Obscene Publications.—Of these there are vast numbers, and the extent of
juvenile contamination from this source must be very great. The Society for the
Suppression of Vice, in London, reports having seized, at different periods,
thousands of obscene books, copper-plates, and prints, all of which they caused
to be destroyed. Within a period of three years they procured the destruction of

Blasphemous and impure books 279

Obscene publications 1,162
Obscene songs (on sheets) 1,495
Obscene prints 10,493

and even this was but an item in the calculation.

The police of London take but little interest in this matter. The above-mentioned
society is the principal agent in the repression of this infamous species of
depravity. There are certain places in London in which the trade still lives and
flourishes, notwithstanding the attacks made upon it. Holywell Street, in the
Strand, and the vicinity of Leicester Square, are places of disgraceful notoriety in
this respect. The secret is, that wherever there is a public demand, no
repressive laws will ever prevent trade. The attempt at repression but makes it
more profitable.
To the corruption of the youthful mind and the preparatives for prostitution
these publications must contribute. It is matter of question what number of
prostitutes have become such directly from this cause. The results of visitorial
inspection do not show among London prostitutes, any more than elsewhere, a
taste for books and prints of an obscene tendency. Their taste in literature is
that which would prevail among persons of low intellectual calibre. Startling
tales, romances with a plentiful spice of horrors, thrilling love-stories, highly
wrought and exaggerated narratives, are their taste. In the practice of
prostitution, the use of indecent or prurient prints is chiefly for the adornment of
visitors’ rooms in brothels.
Education.—In the relations between education and crime are found no
distinctive marks whereby prostitution may be separated from any other
development of vice or immorality. It is to be presumed that the same general
laws which apply to the unregulated manifestation of the passions apply to
those with which prostitution is chiefly implicated.
In the present generation it is generally assumed that crime is the offspring of
ignorance, therefore Education! is the cry. Education has become a party
watchword in England. The necessity of education, the quality and the quantity,
with all the minor propositions that branch off from the main question, are, and
have been for years, the subject of the hottest polemics. But recent results,
evolved from statistical inquiries, would seem to call up the previous question as
to the value of education at all. The present work is not the place in which to
discuss the fact, or to point out a remedy, or indicate the deficiencies of a
system which can suffer such a question to arise. We give the facts. From the
Parliamentary reports of 1846-1848, it appears that the number of educated
criminals in England was at that time more than twice, and in Scotland more
than three and a half that of the uneducated:

England. Scotland.
Years.
Educated. Uneducated. Educated. Uneducated.
1846 16,963 7698 3155 903
1847 19,307 9050 3562 1048
1848 20,176 9671 3985 911

In calculating a percentage on certain criminal returns during the

undermentioned years, the results were:

1839. 1840. 1841. 1842. 1843. 1844. 1845. 1846.

Uneducated 33·53 33·32 33·21 32·35 31·00 29·77 30·61 30·66
Imperfectly
53·48 55·57 56·67 58·32 57·60 59·28 58·34 59·51
educated
Well educated 10·07 8·29 7·40 6·77 8·02 8·12 8·38 7·71
Superior
0·32 0·37 0·45 0·22 0·47 0·42 0·37 0·34
education
Unascertained 2·60 2·45 2·27 2·34 2·91 2·41 2·30 1·78
100· 100· 100· 100· 100· 100· 100· 100·
This table, which on its face conclusively establishes an increase in criminals
imperfectly educated, and a decrease both in those who could read and write
well, and those who could not read or write at all, may be, and has been made,
the subject of much pseudo-philosophical remark, as proving the injury of
education. In the first place, it only shows the effects of partial education, if it
shows any thing. But the misfortune of statistical results is that they are relied
on too implicitly, with a narrow-minded subservience to figures and facts,
whereas they require to be accompanied with explanatory circumstances, which
may either enhance their value up to the point of mathematical demonstration,
or may so pare them away as to render them perfectly worthless. In the
consideration of the above figures, all that would seem to appear is that there
was an increase of education keeping pace with the increase of population, and
that in the statistics of crime the increase of imperfectly educated people would
be as perceptible as elsewhere. Mere reading and writing, unaccompanied by
moral elevation, will not reform mankind. Alone, they will not prevent a hungry
man from satisfying his hunger. The words of Cæsar apply to criminals equally
as to conspirators:
“Let me have men about me that are fat,
Sleek-headed men, and such as sleep o’nights:
Yon Cassius has a lean and hungry look.”
Pursuing this question, and turning to the population tables of 1851, the period
of the last census, we find that Middlesex was the most generally educated
county, taking the signature of the marriage register as the test of education.
Eighty-two per cent. signed the marriage register, yet in the list of criminality
Middlesex stood third of all the counties of England. Gloucester, which was first
in crime, was far from being the most ignorant. There sixty-five per cent. signed
the register. The general average of the whole population by the same list is
forty per cent. Here again is a qualifying circumstance. London is included in
Middlesex, with its vast seething mass of human misery and corruption to swell
the record of crime, while its general population is, of course, about the most
intelligent of the British empire, so that in the same spot is found at once the
greatest intelligence and the greatest misery. We are not aware of such
qualifying circumstances in Gloucestershire.
Dr. Ryan, writing on this point, refers to the Metropolitan Police Report for 1837,
by which it appears that of prostitutes arrested in that year there

Could not read or write 1773

" read and write imperfectly 1237
" " " " well 89
 Had received a good education 4
Total 3103

This is a tolerably fair criterion; for although, as before said, the police only
interfere with peace-breakers, and all these came under the technical term of
“drunk and disorderly,” still we believe the state of prostitution in London to be
such that an average proportion of all classes of courtesans pass through the
hands of the police during the year.
Mr. Tait, speaking of Edinburgh, confirms the view put forward as to educational
influences. A large proportion of the Edinburgh prostitutes (eighty-seven per
cent.) read and write. The Scottish peasantry are perhaps the best-educated in
Europe, and those girls who come to Edinburgh from the country are no
exception to the rule. The uneducated, Mr. Tait thinks, are city girls.
As to the religious denomination of prostitutes, for that a prostitute may have a
religion we may say, in the kindly spirit of Corporal Trim, but doubtingly, “A
negro has a soul, your honor.” In Edinburgh they include all sects except
Independents, Baptists, and Quakers. There may be those who smile at the idea
of a prostitute having any belief. How many of us are there whose actions are
accordant with our religious professions? Of London we have no data on this
point.
Illegitimate Births seem, by common consent of most writers, to be classed with
details of prostitution. In France, it is said by those who profess intimate local
knowledge, there is almost a prejudice against marriage, although it can be
performed as a legal ceremony. We think Bayle St. John states this fact. In the
poorer districts of London, the east end, for example, it is notorious that
numbers live in a state of concubinage. Again: in the country, and away from
the dense population of towns, a woman of immoral habits may often be found
who has had two or three illegitimate children by different men with whom she
has cohabited. Such a woman would most probably have been a prostitute in a
town; as it is, she is no better; still, she is not a prostitute for hire. But to
proceed to details.
The number of illegitimate births in every thousand births in the various counties
is as follows:

Cumberland 108
Norfolk 105
Hereford 100
Salop 99
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