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Learn PowerShell Toolmaking
in a Month of Lunches
Learn PowerShell Toolmaking
in a Month of Lunches

DON JONES
JEFFERY HICKS

MANNING
Shelter Island
For online information and ordering of this and other Manning books, please visit
www.manning.com. The publisher offers discounts on this book when ordered in quantity.
For more information, please contact
Special Sales Department
Manning Publications Co.
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©2013 by Manning Publications Co. All rights reserved.

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any form or by means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, or otherwise, without prior written
permission of the publisher.

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claimed as trademarks. Where those designations appear in the book, and Manning
Publications was aware of a trademark claim, the designations have been printed in initial caps
or all caps.

Recognizing the importance of preserving what has been written, it is Manning’s policy to have
the books we publish printed on acid-free paper, and we exert our best efforts to that end.
Recognizing also our responsibility to conserve the resources of our planet, Manning books are
printed on paper that is at least 15 percent recycled and processed without the use of elemental
chlorine.

Manning Publications Co. Development editor: Cynthia Kane

20 Baldwin Road Technical proofreader: James Berkenbile
PO Box 261 Copyeditor: Linda Recktenwald
Shelter Island, NY 11964 Proofreader: Maureen Spencer
Typesetter: Gordan Salinovic
Cover designer: Leslie Haimes

ISBN 9781617291166
Printed in the United States of America
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 – MAL – 17 16 15 14 13 12
 brief contents
PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO TOOLMAKING ........................................1
1 ■ Before you begin 3
2 ■ PowerShell scripting overview 9
3 ■ PowerShell’s scripting language 15
4 ■ Simple scripts and functions 27
5 ■ Scope 39

PART 2 BUILDING AN INVENTORY TOOL.........................................45

6 ■ Tool design guidelines 47
7 ■ Advanced functions, part 1 53
8 ■ Advanced functions, part 2 66
9 ■ Writing help 80
10 ■ Error handling 88
11 ■ Debugging techniques 102
12 ■ Creating custom format views 119
13 ■ Script and manifest modules 132
14 ■ Adding database access 143
15 ■ Interlude: creating a new tool 157

v
vi BRIEF CONTENTS

PART 3 ADVANCED TOOLMAKING TECHNIQUES ..............................161

16 ■ Making tools that make changes 163
17 ■ Creating a custom type extension 175
18 ■ Creating PowerShell workflows 183
19 ■ Troubleshooting pipeline input 192
20 ■ Using object hierarchies for complex output 200
21 ■ Globalizing a function 209
22 ■ Crossing the line: utilizing the .NET Framework 217

PART 4 CREATING TOOLS FOR DELEGATED ADMINISTRATION ............225

23 ■ Creating a GUI tool, part 1: the GUI 227
24 ■ Creating a GUI tool, part 2: the code 236
25 ■ Creating a GUI tool, part 3: the output 244
26 ■ Creating proxy functions 256
27 ■ Setting up constrained remoting endpoints 268
28 ■ Never the end 275
 contents
preface xv
about this book xvi
about the authors xix
acknowledgments xx

PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO TOOLMAKING ...............................1

1 Before you begin 3

1.1 What is toolmaking? 3
1.2 Is this book for you? 4
1.3 Prerequisites 5
PowerShell v3 5 Admin privileges 5 Multiple computers 6
■ ■

SQL Server 7 PowerShell ISE 7 Optional prerequisites 7

■ ■

1.4 How to use this book 8

2 PowerShell scripting overview 9

2.1 What is PowerShell scripting? 9
2.2 PowerShell’s execution policy 10
2.3 Running scripts 10
2.4 Editing scripts 11

vii
viii CONTENTS

2.5 Further exploration: script editors 14

2.6 Lab 14

3 PowerShell’s scripting language 15

3.1 One script, one pipeline 15
3.2 Variables 16
3.3 Quotation marks 17
3.4 Object members and variables 18
3.5 Parentheses 19
3.6 Refresher: comparisons 19
3.7 Logical constructs 20
If construct 20 ■
Switch construct 21
3.8 Looping constructs 23
Do...While construct 23 ■
ForEach construct 24 ■
For construct 25
3.9 Break and Continue in constructs 25
3.10 Lab 26

4 Simple scripts and functions

4.1 Start with a command
27
27
4.2 Turn the command into a script 28
4.3 Parameterize the command 31
4.4 Turn the script into a function 33
4.5 Testing the function 35
Dot sourcing 36 Calling the function in the script
■
37 ■
A better way
ahead: modules 38
4.6 Lab 38

5 Scope 39
5.1 What is scope? 39
5.2 Seeing scope in action 41
5.3 Working out of scope 41
5.4 Getting strict with scope 42
5.5 Best practices for scope 43
5.6 Lab 43
 CONTENTS ix

PART 2 BUILDING AN INVENTORY TOOL ...............................45

6 Tool design guidelines 47

6.1 Do one thing, and do it well 47
Input tools 48 ■
Functional tools 49 ■
Output tools 49
6.2 Labs 50
Lab A 50 ■
Lab B 51 ■
Lab C 51

7 Advanced functions, part 1 53

7.1 Advanced function template 53
7.2 Designing the function 54
7.3 Declaring parameters 55
7.4 Testing the parameters 56
7.5 Writing the main code 57
7.6 Outputting custom objects 59
7.7 What not to do 61
7.8 Coming up next 63
7.9 Labs 63
Lab A 63 ■
Lab B 64 ■
Lab C 64 ■
Standalone lab 64

8 Advanced functions, part 2 66

8.1 Making parameters mandatory 66
8.2 Verbose output 68
8.3 Parameter aliases 69
8.4 Accepting pipeline input 70
8.5 Parameter validation 73
8.6 Adding a switch parameter 75
8.7 Parameter help 76
8.8 Coming up next 77
8.9 Labs 77
Lab A 77 ■
Lab B 78 ■
Lab C 78 ■
Standalone lab 79

9 Writing help 80
9.1 Comment-based help 80
9.2 XML-based help 84
x CONTENTS

9.3 Coming up next 86

9.4 Labs 86
Lab A 86 ■
Lab B 86 ■
Lab C 87 ■
Standalone lab 87

10 Error handling
10.1
88
It’s all about the action 88
10.2 Setting the error action 90
10.3 Saving the error 90
10.4 Error handling v1: Trap 91
10.5 Error Handling v2+: Try…Catch…Finally 92
10.6 Providing some visuals 95
10.7 Coming up next 97
10.8 Labs 97
Lab A 97 ■
Lab B 98 ■
Lab C 99 ■
Standalone lab 100

11 Debugging techniques 102

11.1 Two types of bugs 102
11.2 Solving typos 103
11.3 The real trick to debugging: expectations 103
11.4 Dealing with logic errors: trace code 109
11.5 Dealing with logic errors: breakpoints 113
11.6 Seriously, have expectations 116
11.7 Coming up next 116
11.8 Lab 117

12 Creating custom format views 119

12.1 The anatomy of a view 119
12.2 Adding a type name to output objects 121
12.3 Making a view 123
12.4 Loading and debugging the view 126
12.5 Using the view 128
12.6 Coming up next 129
12.7 Labs 129
Lab A 130 ■
Lab B 130 ■
Lab C 131
 CONTENTS xi

13 Script and manifest modules 132

13.1 Introducing modules 132
Module location 132 ■
Module name 133 ■
Module contents 134
13.2 Creating a script module 135
13.3 Creating a module manifest 137
13.4 Creating a module-level setting variable 139
13.5 Coming up next 142
13.6 Lab 142
Lab A 142 ■
Lab B 142 ■
Lab C 142

14 Adding database access 143

14.1 Simplifying database access 143
14.2 Setting up your environment 143
14.3 The database functions 147
14.4 About the database functions 149
14.5 Using the database functions 150
14.6 Lab 156

15 Interlude: creating a new tool

15.1 Designing the tool 157
157

15.2 Writing and testing the function 158

15.3 Dressing up the parameters 158
15.4 Adding help 158
15.5 Handling errors 159
15.6 Making a module 159
15.7 Coming up next 159

PART 3 ADVANCED TOOLMAKING TECHNIQUES ....................161

16 Making tools that make changes 163

16.1 The –Confirm and –WhatIf parameters 163
16.2 Passthrough ShouldProcess 164
16.3 Defining the impact level 166
16.4 Implementing ShouldProcess 167
16.5 Lab 174
xii CONTENTS

17 Creating a custom type extension 175

17.1 The anatomy of an extension 175
17.2 Creating a script property 177
17.3 Creating a script method 178
17.4 Loading the extension 179
17.5 Testing the extension 179
17.6 Adding the extension to a manifest 180
17.7 Lab 182

18 Creating PowerShell workflows 183

18.1 Workflow overview 183
Common parameters for workflows 184 Activities and stateless
■

execution 185 Persisting state 186 Suspending and resuming

■ ■

workflows 186 Inherently remotable 186 Parallelism 187

■ ■

18.2 General workflow design strategy 188

18.3 Example workflow scenario 189
18.4 Writing the workflow 189
18.5 Workflows vs. functions 190
18.6 Lab 191

19 Troubleshooting pipeline input 192

19.1 Refresher: how pipeline input works 192
19.2 Introducing Trace-Command 193
19.3 Interpreting trace-command output 194
19.4 Lab 199

20 Using object hierarchies for complex output 200

20.1 When a hierarchy might be necessary 200
20.2 Hierarchies and CSV: not a good idea 201
20.3 Creating nested objects 202
20.4 Working with nested objects 203
Using Select-Object to expand child objects 204 Using Format-Custom
■

to expand an object hierarchy 205 Using a ForEach loop to enumerate

■

subobjects 207 Using PowerShell’s array syntax to access individual

■

subobjects 208
20.5 Lab 208
 CONTENTS xiii

21 Globalizing a function 209

21.1 Introduction to globalization 209
21.2 PowerShell’s data language 211
21.3 Storing translated strings 213
21.4 Do you need to globalize? 216
21.5 Lab 216

22 Crossing the line: utilizing the .NET Framework 217

22.1 .NET classes and instances 217
22.2 Static methods of a class 218
22.3 Instantiating a class 219
22.4 Using Reflection 220
22.5 Finding class documentation 220
22.6 PowerShell vs. Visual Studio 222
22.7 Lab 223

PART 4 CREATING TOOLS FOR DELEGATED ADMINISTRATION ..225

23 Creating a GUI tool, part 1: the GUI 227

23.1 Introduction to WinForms 228
23.2 Using a GUI to create the GUI 228
23.3 Manually coding the GUI 232
23.4 Showing the GUI 234
23.5 Lab 234

24 Creating a GUI tool, part 2: the code 236

24.1 Addressing GUI objects 236
24.2 Example: text boxes 236
24.3 Example: button clicks 237
24.4 Example: list boxes 238
24.5 Example: radio buttons 241
24.6 Example: check boxes 242
24.7 Lab 243
xiv CONTENTS

25 Creating a GUI tool, part 3: the output 244

25.1 Using Out-GridView 244
25.2 Creating a form for output 247
25.3 Populating and showing the output 250
25.4 Lab 254

26 Creating proxy functions 256

26.1 What are proxy functions? 256
26.2 Creating the proxy function template 257
26.3 Removing a parameter 261
26.4 Adding a parameter 263
26.5 Loading the proxy function 267
26.6 Lab 267

27 Setting up constrained remoting endpoints 268

27.1 Refresher: Remoting architecture 268
27.2 What are constrained endpoints? 269
27.3 Creating the endpoint definition 270
27.4 Registering the endpoint 271
27.5 Connecting to the endpoint 273
27.6 Lab 274

28 Never the end 275

28.1 Welcome to toolmaking 275
28.2 Cool ideas for tools 276
28.3 What’s your next step? 276
appendix GUI technologies and PowerShell 277
index 281
 preface
I have a unique outlook on scripting. In my first career as an aircraft mechanic, I
worked with machinists—folks who used tools and dies to carve metal into aircraft
parts. A step above machinist, career-wise, was the tool and die maker. Those were the
highly-trained folks who actually created the tools and dies used by machinists. Folks
aspired to be toolmakers, as they were nicknamed, because it was considered a bit
cushier job. You didn’t work on the hot shop floor around screaming machines and
flying shards; you worked in a cool office, on a computer-aided design (CAD) station.
You wore nicer clothes.
It turns out that PowerShell can be treated in much the same way. Imagine work-
ing in a nice, cool office, with no users demanding your attention. You cruise through
your organization’s help desk ticketing system, looking for recurring problems that
eat up a lot of time, or that end up having to be solved by higher-tier technical staffers.
You write tools, in PowerShell, to solve those problems. You deploy those tools to the
help desk and your lower-tier colleagues. They can now solve those problems more
quickly and more consistently—and with less involvement from you. Your job is cush-
ier. Maybe you get paid more, too. Sounds awesome, right?
It’ll happen. That same pattern has repeated itself, over and over, throughout the
history of IT, in almost every corner of IT except the Microsoft space, mainly because
we haven’t had the right tool-making tools. Well, we do now: Windows PowerShell. If
you’re ready to stop thinking like a button-clicker and command-runner, and to start
thinking like a toolmaker, you’ve picked up the right book.
DON JONES

xv
 about this book
Most of what you’ll need to know about this book is covered in chapter 1, but there
are a few things that we should mention up front.
First of all, if you plan to follow along with our examples and complete the hands-
on exercises, you’ll need a virtual machine or computer running Windows 8 or Win-
dows Server 2012. We cover that in more detail in chapter 1. You can get by with Win-
dows 7, but you’ll miss out on a few of the hands-on labs.
Second, be prepared to read this book from start to finish, covering each chapter
in order. Again, this is something we’ll explain in more detail in chapter 1, but the
idea is that each chapter introduces a few new things that you will need in subsequent
chapters. You shouldn’t try to push through the whole book—stick with the one chap-
ter per day approach. The human brain can only absorb so much information at
once, and by taking on PowerShell in small chunks, you’ll learn it a lot faster and
more thoroughly.
Third, this book contains a lot of code snippets. Most of them are quite short, so
you should be able to type them easily. In fact, we recommend that you do type them,
since doing so will help reinforce an essential PowerShell skill: accurate typing!
Longer code snippets are given in listings and are available for download at http://
Morelunches.com (just click on this book’s cover image and look for the “Down-
loads” section).
That said, there are a few conventions that you should be aware of. Code will
always appear in a special font, just like this example:
Get-WmiObject –class Win32_OperatingSystem
➥ –computerName SERVER-R2

xvi
 ABOUT THIS BOOK xvii

That example also illustrates the line-continuation character used in this book. It indi-
cates that those two lines should actually be typed as a single line in PowerShell. In
other words, don’t hit Enter or Return after Win32_OperatingSystem—keep right on
typing. PowerShell allows for very long lines, but the pages of this book can only hold
so much.
Sometimes, you’ll also see code font within the text itself, such as when we write
Get-Command. That lets you know that you’re looking at a command, parameter, or
other element that you would type within the shell.
Fourth is a tricky topic that we’ll bring up again in several chapters: the backtick
character (`). Here’s an example:
Invoke-Command –scriptblock { Dir } `
-computerName SERVER-R2,localhost

The character at the end of the first line isn’t a stray bit of ink—it’s a real character
that you would type. On a U.S. keyboard, the backtick (or grave accent) is usually near
the upper left, under the Escape key, on the same key as the tilde character (~). When
you see the backtick in a code listing, type it exactly as is. Furthermore, when it
appears at the end of a line—as in the preceding example—make sure that it’s the
very last character on that line. If you allow any spaces or tabs to appear after it, the
backtick won’t work correctly, and neither will the code example.

NOTE Frankly, it’d be easier to just download the code samples and not
worry about typing them in. They’re posted at http://MoreLunches.com—
just click on this book’s cover image and head for the Downloads section.

You can also download the code from the publisher’s website at www.manning.com/
LearnPowerShellToolmakinginaMonthofLunches.
Finally, we’ll occasionally direct you to Internet resources. Where those URLs are
particularly long and difficult to type, we’ve replaced them with Manning-based short-
ened URLs that look like http://mng.bz/S085 (you’ll see that one in chapter 1).

Author Online
The purchase of Learn PowerShell Toolmaking in a Month of Lunches includes access to a
private forum run by Manning Publications where you can make comments about the
book, ask technical questions, and receive help from the authors and other users. To
access and subscribe to the forum, point your browser to www.manning.com/
LearnPowerShellToolmakinginaMonthofLunches and click the Author Online link.
This page provides information on how to get on the forum once you are registered,
what kind of help is available, and the rules of conduct in the forum.
Manning’s commitment to our readers is to provide a venue where a meaningful
dialogue between individual readers and between readers and the authors can take
place. It’s not a commitment to any specific amount of participation on the part of
the authors, whose contribution to the book’s forum remains voluntary (and
xviii ABOUT THIS BOOK

unpaid). We suggest you try asking the authors some challenging questions, lest
their interest stray!
The Author Online forum and the archives of previous discussions will be accessi-
ble from the publisher’s website as long as the book is in print.
 about the authors
DON JONES is a multiple-year recipient of Microsoft’s prestigious Most Valuable Profes-
sional (MVP) Award for his work with Windows PowerShell. He writes the Windows
PowerShell column for Microsoft TechNet Magazine, blogs at PowerShell.org, and
authors the “Decision Maker” column and blog for Redmond Magazine. Don is a pro-
lific technology author and has published more than a dozen print books since 2001.
Don is a Senior Partner and Principal Technologist for Concentrated Technology
(ConcentratedTech.com), an IT education and strategic consulting firm. Don’s first
Windows scripting language was KiXtart, going back all the way to the mid-1990s. He
quickly graduated to VBScript in 1995 and was one of the first IT pros to start using
early releases of a new Microsoft product code-named “Monad”—which later became
Windows PowerShell. Don lives in Las Vegas and travels all over the world delivering
IT training (especially in PowerShell) and speaking at IT conferences.

JEFFERY HICKS is a multi-year Microsoft MVP in Windows PowerShell, a Microsoft Certi-

fied Trainer, and an IT veteran with 20 years of experience, much of it spent as an IT
consultant specializing in Microsoft server technologies. He works today as an inde-
pendent author, trainer, and consultant with clients all over the world. Jeff writes the
popular Prof. PowerShell column for MPCMag.com and is a regular contributor to the
Petri IT Knowledgebase. If he isn’t writing books then he’s most likely recording train-
ing videos for companies like TrainSignal or helping out in discussion forums. You
can keep up with Jeff at his blog, http://jdhitsolutions.com/blog.

xix
 acknowledgments
Books simply don’t write, edit, and publish themselves. Don would like to thank every-
one at Manning Publications who decided to take a chance on a very different kind of
book for Windows PowerShell, and who worked so hard to make this book happen.
And Jeff would like to thank Don for inviting him along for the ride, as well as the
PowerShell community for their enthusiasm and support.
We are both grateful to Manning for allowing us to continue the “Month of
Lunches” series with this next book in the line-up.
Thanks also to the following peer reviewers who read the manuscript during its
development and provided feedback: Bryan Clark, Chad McAuley, Christoph
Tohermes, David Smith, Karl Mitschke, Manuel Ruf, Marc Johnson, Mark Schill, Mike
Stevenson, Nathan Shelby, and Thomas Lee. Special thanks to James Berkenbile for
his technical proofread of the final manuscript shortly before we went to press.

xx
 Part 1

Introduction to toolmaking

B efore you can dive into PowerShell scripting and toolmaking, you need to
know exactly what those entail—and you need just a crash course in Power-
Shell’s scripting language. That’s what we’ll accomplish in this part of the book.
If the material in this part seems high level and brief, it’s okay. That’s our
intent: At this point, all of these foundation topics are a bit conceptual and
abstract, so we’re going to try to get them out of the way quickly. Stick with it,
because we’ll be revisiting all of them later, when we can do so in a more real-
world and meaningful context. If you’re looking for more complete coverage,
grab a copy of Learn PowerShell in a Month of Lunches, 2nd edition. Or if you feel
like going all in, pick up PowerShell in Depth, also from Manning Press.
 Before you begin

Windows PowerShell is an interesting product. It’s one of the few Microsoft prod-
ucts that were explicitly designed for several different audiences. Within those
audiences will be beginners, intermediate users, and experts, but in many cases
there’s little crossover between the audience categories. Folks who use the shell as
a command-line interface—tool users, in our terminology—aren’t always interested
in approaching the shell in any other way. Folks who use the shell to create tools—
toolmakers, as we would call them—might use the shell as a development tool most
of the time and only rarely use PowerShell as an interactive command-line inter-
face. This book is for people—primarily administrators—who are getting started in
that second, toolmaking audience.

1.1 What is toolmaking?

We borrowed the term toolmaking from the tool and die industry, because we think
it’s a particularly apt fit for PowerShell. In that industry, there are machinists who
produce a variety of different parts and products. To do so, they use tools—drill
bits, dies, and so forth—which are manufactured by tool and die makers. Both
audiences—machinists and the tool and die makers—utilize many of the same
skills and equipment, but they do so for different reasons. Toolmakers know that
the tools they make aren’t an end product but are rather a means to an end. They
know their work product will be consumed by another expert, albeit an expert with
a slightly different set of goals and a different inventory of skills.
In the PowerShell world, the broadest audience of shell users is just using the tools
provided to them. They’re running commands and at most combining a bunch of
those commands in a script to automate some complex, multistep process. Toolmak-
ers, on the other hand, are focused less on getting a production task accomplished

3
4 CHAPTER 1 Before you begin

and more on making a reusable, packaged tool that can complete that task—and doing
so in a way that enables the tool to be handed down to the tool users, who can consume
the tool in their own, simpler scripts.
Sure, there’s crossover. Today, Bob might be focused on getting a bunch of new
users provisioned in Active Directory. After doing that manually for a while, Bob
might think, “You know, I bet I could put this all into a script that someone from
Human Resources could run, and get this off of my plate entirely.” Bob has just set
himself up to become a toolmaker: using PowerShell not to accomplish a task directly
but instead enabling someone else—often someone less technically proficient—to
accomplish the task themselves.
We use the term toolmaking instead of scripting in order to highlight what we believe
is a key difference between the two. For us, a script is something you make for your-
self. It might be a bit ugly, but you’re the only one who’ll know. You can make a lot of
assumptions about how it will be run, because you’ll be the one running it. Scripts are
often quick and dirty, and although they might be long and complicated, they’re just a
way for you to automate something that only you will ever do. For a tool, on the other
hand, you can make fewer assumptions. You’re going to be handing it over to some-
one else, and you won’t be around to babysit it. Your tool needs to be more structured
and more resilient to errors. You need to check the input your tool is given to make
sure it’s correct and usable. Your tool needs to be a bit more professional, and a bit
more robust, than something that you’d only ever run yourself.
Toolmaking is a step below full-on software development. Toolmakers still operate
entirely within PowerShell, rather than moving into, say, Visual Studio and a .NET
Framework language like C#. Toolmakers still need to exhibit some of the discipline
and maturity of a developer—anticipating and handling errors, validating user input,
and so forth—but toolmakers work in a simpler environment than developers and
often produce less-complex tools. Developers often tap into broad portions of the
.NET Framework; PowerShell toolmakers rely more heavily on PowerShell commands
and may not directly access the Framework at all or may do so only minimally. We
admit that it’s a fine line; in the end, it becomes more about the person. If Visual Stu-
dio just ain’t your cup of tea, and you’d rather stick with a simpler, scripting-like envi-
ronment, then you’re a toolmaker. Welcome aboard.

1.2 Is this book for you?

At a minimum, you should be a confident and skilled Microsoft administrator.
Whether you work with Windows, Exchange Server, SharePoint Server, or even third-
party products like VMware vSphere, you should know how to quickly accomplish
whatever tasks you need within your chosen technology. We’re going to keep the
examples in this book pretty generic, so that you can focus on the skills and tech-
niques rather than on the technology being managed; we’ll also keep the examples
very template-ized, so that you can more easily rip them apart and repurpose them for
your own uses, in your own environment. Remember, the goal here is to teach you
how to make tools in PowerShell, not to teach you how to accomplish tasks in
 Another Random Document on
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summer of 1864.[55] Whenever there was a difficulty to be
overcome, or an opportunity to be seized, Miss Nightingale was
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Guards wanted it for an Officers' Club. A promise had already been
given in favour of the former, but Sir George Lewis was wavering.
“Lord de Grey thinks,” wrote Captain Galton (April 29, 1862), “that
the best course for the Iron House is for Sir H. Verney to ask Sir G.
L. in the House about it, alluding to his former promise, and if it
could be arranged that Monckton Milnes, Gen. Lindsay, or any other
persons could cheer or support the proposals, it would pledge Sir G.
L. to act at once.” Miss Nightingale set her parliamentary friends to
work, and the fight for the Iron House was won. Lord de Grey
succeeded in getting a vote on the Estimates for the encouragement
of such places. Miss Nightingale revised for him a set of Regulations
for Reading-Rooms. She also, at his request, drew up (in concert
with Captain Pilkington Jackson) an inventory of the appropriate
furniture and other fitments. Her zeal in this matter was known
abroad; at Montreal and Halifax and Gibraltar commanding-officers
who were trying to start or develop instructions of the kind applied
to her. She often succeeded in obtaining War Office grants for them,
and these she supplemented by gifts of her own. No inconsiderable
portion of her resources at this time went in subscriptions of this
sort, either in money or in kind (carpentering equipment, bagatelle
boards, books, prints, and the like). It is pleasant to read the letters
in which the non-commissioned officers and men of regiments,
which had been served by Miss Nightingale in the Crimea, sent
thanks, through their commanding officers, to “that noble lady for
her continued interest in the welfare of the British soldiers.”

It was a cause of great pleasure to Miss Nightingale that in 1864

her old friend of the Scutari days, General Storks, who had
encouraged her there in work of this kind,[56] was appointed to the
command at Malta. “I am very grateful to you,” he wrote (Nov. 10),
“for seeing me the other day, and can only express the great
gratification I experienced on that occasion. I can never forget the
time when I was associated with you in the great work which has
produced such satisfactory results, and for which the whole army will
ever thank you. When one reflects on the condition of the soldier ten
years ago and what it is now, there is cause for wonder at the
difficulties you have overcome, and the results you have achieved.…
(Nov. 18.) All the arrangements contemplated at Malta, both
legislative (if necessary) and administrative, shall be submitted for
your consideration and approval in draft before they are acted upon,
and I need not say how grateful I shall be for your kind assistance.”
In later years Miss Nightingale took a friendly interest in the Soldiers'
Institute at Portsmouth, founded by Miss Sarah Robinson. A meeting
was held in its support at the Mansion House in 1877, at which Lord
Wolseley presided, and a letter from Miss Nightingale was read. “If
you knew,” she said, “as I do (or once did), the difference between
our soldiers cared for in body, mind, and morals, and our soldiers
uncared for—the last, ‘hell's carnival’ (the words are not my own),
the first, the finest fellows of God's making; if you knew how troops
immediately on landing are beset with invitations to bad of all kinds,
you would hasten to supply them with invitations to, and means for,
good of all kinds: remembering that the soldier is of all men the man
whose life is made for him by the necessities of his Service. We may
not hope to make ‘saints’ of all, but we can make men of them
instead of brutes. If you knew these things as I do, you would
forgive me for asking you, if my poor name may still be that of the
soldiers' ever faithful servant, to support Miss Robinson's work in
making men of them at Portsmouth, the place of all others of
temptation to be brutes.”

VII

Even the multifarious interest described in preceding pages and

chapters do not tell the whole tale of Miss Nightingale's labours
during this time. It was not only the British soldiers at home and in
India whom she took under her protection; nor only the War Office
and the India Office with which she had some connection. She was
open to any human appeal for help, and her acquaintance with Sir
George Grey led her, through a friendly Minister at the Colonial
Office, to make an attempt for the protection of the aboriginal races
in the British Dominions. She had met Sir George Grey in 1859 and
1860, and he had talked to her about the gradual disappearance of
those races when brought into touch with civilization. This was a
subject which appealed strongly to Miss Nightingale. Her mission in
life was to be a “saviour” of men. It shamed her to think that her
country in colonizing so large a part of the world should so often
come into contact with inferior races only to destroy them. In the
course of conversation with Sir George Grey, the question was raised
whether the disappearance of the aboriginal races was in any degree
due to the effect of European school usages and school education.
Miss Nightingale determined to investigate the matter. She drew up
schedules of inquiry, and the Duke of Newcastle (then Colonial
Secretary) officially circulated them to Colonial Schools and Colonial
Hospitals (1860). As each return came in during following years, it
was forwarded from the Colonial Office to Miss Nightingale. Her
inquiries were far more searching and detailed, I notice on looking
through the papers, than were the answers. There were not many
passionate statisticians in those days among the schoolmasters or
doctors attached to native schools or hospitals in distant colonies,
and the results of Miss Nightingale's researches in this obscure field
were somewhat disappointing. She summarized the information in a
Paper which she contributed to the Social Science Congress at
Edinburgh in 1863, and which she printed as a pamphlet.[57] The
Duke of Newcastle sent the pamphlet to colonial governors and
other officials, and invited their remarks. To the Congress in 1864
Miss Nightingale contributed a further Paper (also printed as a
pamphlet[58]), embodying the substance of some of the later
information thus obtained. The documents which she received from
the Colonial Office during several years are preserved amongst her
papers, and form what is, I suppose, a unique collection of
information on a curious subject. Though her researches did not lead
to any positive conclusions in relation to the effect of education as
such upon the deterioration of the wild races, they disclosed much
neglect of sanitary precautions. She pointed out mistakes that were
made in the kind of clothing into which in the name of decency the
native children were put. She applied in a wider way the principle
that their open-air habits should be remembered, insisting especially
on the importance of physical and manual training. The returns from
colonial hospitals showed again that preventable causes—bad
drainage, bad water, and so forth—were to blame for much of the
mortality. “Incivilization with its inherent diseases, when brought into
contact with civilization without adopting specific precautions for
preserving health, will always carry with it a large increase of
mortality on account of the greater susceptibility of its subjects to
those causes of disease which can, to a certain extent, be endured
without as great a risk by civilized communities born among them.”
But principally Miss Nightingale based upon the results of her
inquiries a moral appeal to the conscience of popular opinion and
governments in the Colonies and in Downing Street. “The decaying
races are chiefly in Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and perhaps in
certain parts of South Africa. They appear to consist chiefly of tribes
which have never been civilized enough, or had force of character
enough, to form fixed settlements or to build towns. Such tribes
have few fixed habits or none. But the papers show that they are
naturally, in their uncivilized condition, possessed of far stronger
stamina, and that they resist the effects of frightful wounds and
injuries far better than civilized men. This latter fact tells strongly
against any natural proclivity to diseased action.” The course of
history does not show that such appeals as Miss Nightingale's have
been wholly successful. It seems to be, as Mr. Froude said, that with
men, as with orders of creation, only those wild races will survive
who can domesticate themselves into servants of the newer forms.
Where there is such ability, where the labour of the coloured races is
required by the white men, the aboriginal races survive, and even
thrive and multiply; where those conditions do not exist, they do not
survive. So far, however, as the extinction of native races has been
arrested, Miss Nightingale was among the pioneers in pointing out
the way. Her clear intelligence, acting upon the mass of evidence
which she had collected, perceived certain principles which have
guided all practical statesmen who sought to protect aborigines, and
to free civilization from one of its disgraces. She urged that
“provision of land should be made for the exclusive use of existing
tribes.” She pleaded passionately for the suppression of the liquor
traffic.[59] She argued that in the formal education, and in all other
means of endeavouring to improve the natives, “there should be as
little interference as possible with their born habits and conditions,”
that interference should be wise and gradual, and that above all
“physical training and a large amount of out-door work are
essentially necessary to success.” She did not succeed in arresting
the decline of the aboriginal races; but she contributed something to
their protection.

VIII

Thus, then, in all the various ways described in this chapter did
Miss Nightingale labour, but especially in the cause of the British
Army. The rôle of the Soldiers' Friend which she had filled in the
Crimea was enacted on a conspicuous stage. Her work was now all
done behind the scenes; and done, as I have already described,
under heavy physical disability. Much of the work was, moreover, dull
and even uncongenial; but she fed her soul on higher things:—

(Miss Nightingale to Mrs. Moore.) 32 South Street, Dec. 15 [1863].

Dearest Revd. Mother—I am here, as you see—(My brother-in-law's house
—where you were so good as to see me last year—to think of that being
more than a year ago) and have been here a good bit. But I have had all
your dear letters. And you cannot think how much they have encouraged
me. They are almost the only earthly encouragement I have. I have been
so very ill—and even the little change of moving here knocks me down for
a month. But God is so good as to let me still struggle on with my
business. But with so much difficulty that it was quite impossible to me to
write even to you. And I only write now, because I hear you are ill. I have
felt so horribly ungrateful for never having thanked you for your books. S.
Jean de la Croix's life I keep thankfully. I am never tired of reading that
part where he prays for the return for all his services, Domine, pati et
contemni pro te. I am afraid I never could ask that. But in return for very
little service, I get it. It is quite impossible to describe how harassing, how
heart-breaking my work has been since the beginning of July. I have
always, with all my heart and soul, offered myself to God for the greatest
bitterness on my own part, if His (War Office) work could be done. But
lately nothing was done, and always because there was not one man like
Sidney Herbert to do it.… I don't think S. Jean de la Croix need have
prayed to be dismissed from superiorships before he died. For as the Mère
de Bréchard says, there are more opportunities to humble oneself, to
mortify oneself, to throw oneself entirely on God, in them than in anything
else. I return the life of S. Catherine of Genoa. I like it so much. It is a
very singular and suggestive life. I am so glad she accepted the being
Directress of the Hospital. For I think it was much better for her to make
the Hospital servants go right than to receive their “injures”—however[82]
submissively—much better for the poor Patients, I mean.

I am quite ashamed to keep Ste. Thérése so long. But there is a good

deal of reading in her. And I am only able to read at night—and then not
always a large, close-printed book. Pray say if I shall send her back. And I
will borrow her again from you perhaps some day. I am so sorry about
poor S. Gonzaga's troubles. I know what those Committees are. I have
had to deal with them almost all my life.

My strength has failed more than usually of late. And I don't think I
have much more work in me—not, at least, if it is to continue of this
harassing sort. God called me to Hospital work (as I fondly thought, for
life)—but since then to Army work—but with a promise that I should go
back to Hospital—as I thought as a Nurse, but as I now think, as a
Patient. But St. Catherine of Siena says: “Et toutesfois je permets cela luy
advenir, afin qu'il soit plus soigneux de fuyr soi mesme, & de
venir & recourir à moy … et qu'il considère que par amour je luy donne le
moyen de tirer hors le chef de la vraye humilité, se reputant indigne de la
paix & repos de pensée, comme mes autres serviteurs—& au contraire se
reputant digne des peines qu'il souffre,” etc.

My sister and her family come to spend here two or three nights
occasionally to see friends. But I was only able to see her for ten minutes,
and my good brother-in-law, who is one of the best and kindest of men,
 not at all—nor his children.… I sent you back St. Francis de Sales, with
many thanks. I liked him in his old dress. I like that story where the man
loses his crown of martyrdom, because he will not be reconciled with his
enemy. It is a sound lesson. I am going to send you back S. Francis
Xavier. His is a life I always like to study as well as those of all the early
Jesuit fathers. But how much they did—and how little I do.… Ever my
dearest Revd. Mother's loving and grateful, F. N.

Miss Nightingale never lost sight of the end in the means. She was
doing “God's work” in the “War Office.” She thought it was “little”
that she did, for it is often the hardest workers who thus deem
themselves the most unprofitable servants. And the work was often
drudgery; yet through it all she had inspiration from her memories of
heroism in the Army, for whose “salvation” she was working. “I have
seen to-day [from my window],” she wrote to her mother in 1863,
“the first Levée, since all are dead whom I wished to please. A
melancholy sight to me. Yet I like the pomp and pageant of the old
veterans covered with well-earned crosses. To me who saw them
earned, no vain pageant. It is like the Dead March in Saul—to me,
who heard it on the battle-field, no vain sound, but full of deep and
glorious sadness.”

CHAPTER V

HELPERS, VISITORS, AND FRIENDS

(1862–1866)

To be alone is nothing; but to be without sympathy in a crowd, this is to

be confined in solitude. Where there is want of sympathy, of attraction,
given and returned, must it not be a feeling of starvation?—Florence
Nightingale: Suggestions for Thought (1860).
 Friendship should help the friends to work out better the work of life.—
Benjamin Jowett (1866).

The years of Miss Nightingale's life, described in this Part, were

perhaps those of her hardest and most unremitting work.
Throughout these years, until August 1866, she lived entirely in
London or immediately near to it.[60] Her quarters were in lodgings
or in hired houses, until November 1865, when her father took a
house for her for a term of years in South Street (No. 35), near her
married sister. This house (No. 10 when the street was renumbered)
was the one that she occupied till her death. I think that there was
not a single day during the period from 1862 to 1866 upon which
she was not engaged in one part or another of the manifold work
described in preceding chapters. And there was much other work as
well, begun in these years, but brought to completion later, which
will be described in a subsequent Part. She gave account of her days
to Madame Mohl (Jan. 24, 1865), and recalled what “a poor woman
with 13 children, who took in washing, once said to me—her idea of
heaven was to have one hour a day in which she could do nothing.”
Yet all that Miss Nightingale did was done forcefully. “I am
completely reassured as to the state of your health,” wrote her old
friend Mr. Reeve (Jan. 21, 1865), in reply to some communication on
Indian affairs, “by the Homeric frame of mind you are in. You will
live an hundred years. You will write a Sanitariad or a Lawrentiad in
24 books, and Lord Derby will translate you into all known
languages. Stanley will be Lord Derby then, but this will only make
the thing more appropriate.” But her work, though very vigorous,
was very hard. It was done, not as in the Crimean war, in the
excitement of immediate action, nor, as in the years succeeding her
return, with the daily aid and sympathy of her “dear Master.” It was
her hardest work for another reason, already mentioned: she was
for a large part of this later period, almost bedridden. She would get
up and dress in order to receive the more important of her men-
visitors, but the effort tired her greatly.

The amount of work which she did under these conditions is

extraordinary, and the question arises how she did it. A principal
explanation is to be found in Dr. Sutherland. The reader may have
noticed once or twice in letters written by Miss Nightingale such
expressions as “We are doing” so and so, or “Can such and such be
sent to us.” The plural was not royal; it signified she had explained
at an earlier time to Sidney Herbert, “the troops and me;” but it also
signified, during the years with which this Part is concerned, herself
and Dr. Sutherland. She wrote incessantly, but even so she could
hardly have accomplished her daily tasks without some clerical
assistance. She knew an immense deal about the subjects with
which she dealt, and her memory was both precise and tenacious;
but there were limits to her powers of acquisition, and cases often
arose in which personal inspection or personal moving about in
search of information were essential. In all these ways
Dr. Sutherland's help was constant. He wielded a ready pen. He was
one of the leading sanitary experts of the day. His professional and
official connections gave him access to various sources of
information. His regular work was on the Army Sanitary Commission;
and for the rest, he placed himself at Miss Nightingale's beck and
call. Mrs. Sutherland was her private secretary at this time for
household affairs, such as searching for lodgings and engaging
servants; her accounts were still kept, and much of her
miscellaneous correspondence conducted by her uncle, Mr. Sam
Smith;[61] but in all official business, her factotum was
Dr. Sutherland. A large proportion of the notes, drafts, and
memoranda, belonging to these years, among her papers, is in
Dr. Sutherland's handwriting, and sometimes it is impossible to
determine how much of the work is hers and how much his. Often
he took down heads from her conversation, and put the matter into
shape; at other times he submitted drafts for her approval or
correction, and took copies of the letters ultimately dispatched.

How indispensable to her was Dr. Sutherland's help comes out

from some correspondence of 1865. Captain Galton had sent private
word that there was talk at the War Office of appointing
Dr. Sutherland Commissioner to inquire into an outbreak of cholera
at some of the Mediterranean Stations. Miss Nightingale was greatly
perturbed. “We are full of Indian business,” she wrote (Nov. 1),
“which must be settled before Parliament meets. Lord Stanley has
consented to take it up. And I have pledged myself to have it all
ready—a thing I should never have done if I had thought
Dr. Sutherland would be sent abroad. You are yourself aware that
Calcutta water-supply has been sent home to us (at my request),
and Dr. S. told me this morning that he and I should have to write
the Report.” And again (Dec. 15): “For God's sake, if you can,
prevent Dr. Sutherland going.” She had begged that at any rate
nothing should be said to Dr. Sutherland himself about it unless the
mission were irrevocably decided upon: “he is so childish that if he
heard of this Malta and Gibraltar business he would instantly declare
there was nothing to keep him in England.” The “child”—the “baby”
of some earlier correspondence[62]—only liked a little change
sometimes. Indispensable though he was to his task-mistress, he
yet, as in former days, vexed her. She thought him lacking in
method, and with her this was one of the unpardonable sins. He
sometimes forgot what he had done with, or had promised to do
with, a particular Paper; he was even capable of mislaying a Blue-
book. He was often behind hand with tasks imposed upon him. His
temperament was a little volatile, and in one impeachment he is
accused of “incurable looseness of thought.” If this were so (which I
take leave to doubt), the defect must have been congenital, or long
service under Miss Nightingale would have cured it.

Partly because Dr. Sutherland's manner sometimes teased her,

partly because he was deaf, and partly owing to her own physical
disabilities, Miss Nightingale developed at this time a method of
communicating with him which, during later years, became familiar
to all but her most privileged friends. The visitor on being admitted
was ushered into a sitting-room on the ground-floor, and given
pencil and paper. It were well for him that what he wrote should be
lucid and concise. The message was carried upstairs into the
Presence, and an answer, similarly written, was brought down. And
to such interchange would the interview be confined. With
Dr. Sutherland, Miss Nightingale had many personal interviews; their
business was often too detailed, too intricate, too confidential, to be
conducted otherwise; but there are hundreds of letters, received
from other people, upon which (in blank spaces or on spare sheets)
there are pencilled notes conveying answers or messages to
Dr. Sutherland. “Well, you know I have already said that to Lord
Stanley. I can't do more.” “Yes, you must.” “Oh, Lord bless you, No.”
“You want me to decide in order that you may do the reverse.” “Can
you answer a plain question?” “You have forgotten all we talked
about.” “I cannot flatter you on your lucidity.” “I do not shake hands
till the Abstract is done; and I do not leave London till it is done.”
“You told me positively there was nothing to be done. There is
everything to be done.” “Why did you tell me that tremendous
banger? Was it to prevent my worrying you?” “Nothing has been
done. I have been so anxious; but the more zeal I feel, the more
indifferent you.” Sometimes he strikes work, or refuses to answer,
signing his name by a drawing of a dry pump with a handle marked
“F.N.”: “Your pump is dry. India to stand over.” Sometimes he makes
fun of her business-like methods, and heads his notes
“Ref.000000/000.” Sometimes he pleads illness. “I am very sorry, but I
was too ill to know anything except that I was ill.” Often he received
visitors for her, or entertained them on her behalf at luncheon or
dinner. “These two people have come. Will you see them for me? I
have explained who you are.” “Was the luncheon good? Did he eat?”
“Did he walk?” “Yes.” “Then he's a liar; he told me he couldn't
move.” In 1865–66 Dr. and Mrs. Sutherland had moved house from
Finchley to Norwood. Miss Nightingale complained of this
remoteness. Dr. Sutherland dated his letters from “The Gulf.” He
stayed there sometimes, complaining of indisposition, instead of
coming up to South Street where business was pressing. Miss
Nightingale did not take the reason kindly, and his letters begin,
“Respected Enemy” or “Dear howling epileptic Friend.” One morning
(June 23, 1865) Dr. Sutherland went to the private view of the
Herbert Hospital—a great occasion to Miss Nightingale. In the
afternoon he called and sent up to her a short note of what he had
seen. “And that is all you condescend to tell me. And I get it at 4
o'clock.” Of course, they understood each other; they were old and
intimate friends. But I think that the man who thus served with Miss
Nightingale must have had a great and disinterested zeal for the
causes in which they were engaged; and that there must have been
something at once formidable and fascinating in the Lady-in-Chief.

II
 The pressure of work during these years caused Miss Nightingale
to close her doors resolutely. She did indeed see her father often;
her mother and sister occasionally, though she did not press them to
come. Other relations and many of her friends felt aggrieved that
she would not accept help which they would have liked to give. But
she had a rule of life to which she adhered firmly. There was so
much strength available, likely enough (as she still supposed) to be
ended by early death; there was so much public work to be done;
there was no strength to spare for family or friends, except in so far
as they helped, and did not hinder, the public work. She saw nurses
and matrons from time to time: they were parts of her life-work. She
saw Lady Herbert and Mrs. Bracebridge: they were parts of her work
in the past. She never omitted to write to Lady Herbert on the
anniversary of Lord Herbert's death, though their friendship lost
something of its former intimacy when in 1865 Lady Herbert joined
the Church of Rome. Other friends were seldom admitted. Letters to
an old friend, who was sometimes received and sometimes turned
away, explain Miss Nightingale's point of view:—

(To Madame Mohl.) 115 Park Street, July 30 [1864]. You will be doing
me a favour if you come to me. August 2 is a terrible anniversary to me.
And I shall not have my usual solace, for Mrs. Bracebridge has always
come to spend that day with me, and I am sure she would have come this
year, but I could not tell whether I should be able to get Sir John
Lawrence's things off by that time. It does me good to be with you, as
with Mrs. Clive, because it reduces individual struggles to general
formulæ. It does me harm, intensely alone as I am, to be with people
who do the reverse. But it is incorrect to say, as Mrs. Clive does, that “I
will not let people help me,” or, as others do, that “no one can help me.”
Any body could have helped me who knew how to read and write and
what o'clock it is.

June 23 [1865], South Street. Clarkey Mohl Darling—How I should like

to see you now. But it is quite, quite, quite impossible. I am sure no one
 ever gave up so much to live, who longed so much to die, as I do and
give up daily. It is the only credit I claim. I will live if I can. I shall be so
glad if I can't. I am overwhelmed with business. And I have an Indian
functionary now in London, whose work is cut out for him every day at my
house. I scarcely even have half an hour's ease. Would you tell M. Mohl
this, if you are writing, about the Queen of Holland's proposed visit to me?
I really feel it a great honour that she wishes to see me. She is a Queen
of Queens. But it is quite, quite, quite impossible.… (Oct. 4 [1865]). I am
so weak, no one knows how weak I am. Yesterday because I saw
Dr. Sutherland for a few minutes in the afternoon, after the morning's
work, and my good Mrs. Sutherland for a few minutes after him, I was
with a spasm of the heart till 7 o'clock this morning and nearly unfit for
work all to-day.

In the case of one distinguished visitor to London, Miss

Nightingale made an exception. This was Garibaldi. She was a sworn
Garibaldian, as we have heard. He wished to see her; she was
famous in Italy, and she had subscribed to his funds. Friends told
her that she might be able to influence the hero in the direction of
her own interests, and with some trepidation she prepared herself to
receive him. “I think,” wrote Mr. Jowett, “that we may trust God to
give us his own calmness and clearness on any great occasion such
as this is. I hope you will inspire Garibaldi for the future and not pain
him too much about the past. Ten years more of such a life as his
might accomplish almost anything for Italy in the way of military
organization and sanitary and moral improvement—if he could only
see that his duty is not to break the yet immature strength of Italy
against Austrian fortresses.” Miss Nightingale prepared for the “great
occasion” by jotting down in French what she would try to say. “Eh
bien! in five years you have made Italy—the work of five centuries.
You have worked a miracle. But even you, mon Général, could not
make a steam-engine in five minutes. And Italy has to be
consolidated into a strong machine, like those which you have been
seeing at Bedford,” and so forth, and so forth. She tried to keep the
fact of the interview secret, but it was chronicled in the
newspapers[63]:—

(Miss Nightingale to Harriet Martineau.) 115 Park St., April 28 [1864].

You may have heard that I have seen Garibaldi. I resisted it with all my
might, but I was obliged to do it. I asked no one to look at him—told no
one—and he came in my brother-in-law's carriage, hoping that no one
would know. But it all failed. We had a long interview by ourselves. I was
more struck with the greatness of that noble heart—full of bitterness, yet
not bitter—and with the smallness of the administrative capacity, than
even I expected. He raves for a Government “like the English.” But he
knows no more what it is than his King Bomba did. (It was for this that I
was to speak to him.) One year of such a life, as I have led for ten years,
would tell him more of how one has to give and take with a[91]
“representative Government” than all his Utopia and his “ideal.” You will
smile. But he reminds me of Plato. He talks about the “ideal good” and
the “ideal bad”; about his not caring for “repubblica” or for “monarchia”:
he only wants “the right.” Alas! alas! What a pity—that utter
impracticability! I pity me very much. And of all my years, this last has
been the hardest. But now I see that no man would have put up with
what I have put up with for ten years, to do even the little I have done—
which is about a hundredth part of what I have tried for. Garibaldi looks
flushed and very ill, worn and depressed—not excited. He looks as if he
stood and went thro' all this as he stood under the bullets of Aspromonte
—a duty which he was here to perform. The madness of the Italians here
in urging him is inconceivable.

Miss Nightingale, we may safely infer, did not inspire Garibaldi with
divine fervour for sanitary reform or any merely administrative
progress. Administration in any sort was foreign to his genius. But
she felt, after the interview no less than before, that it was a great
occasion to her. The interview took place at 115 Park Street, a house
belonging to the Grosvenor Hotel, and she presented the Hotel with
a bust of Garibaldi as a memento of the occasion.
 Another of her heroes was Abraham Lincoln, of whom she wrote
this appreciation[64]:—

34 South Street, June 20 [1865]. Dear Sir—I have not dared to press in
with my feeble word of sympathy upon your over-taxed time and energy,
when all Europe was pouring in upon you with its heartfelt sympathy. My
experience has been infinitesimally small. Still, small as it is, it has been of
historical events. And I can never remember the time—not even when the
colossal calamity of the Crimea was first made known to us,—not even
when we lost our own Albert (and our Albert was no common hero—
remember that it was no Sovereign, but it was Washington, whom he held
up as an example to himself and his)—I can never remember the time
when so deep and strong a cry of feeling has gone up from the world, in
all its length and breadth, and in all its classes, as has gone up for you
and yours—in your great trial: Mr. Lincoln's death. As some one said of
him, he will hold “the purest and the greatest place in history.” I trust and
believe that the deed which will spring up from that[92] noble grave will
be worthy of it. I will not take up your time with weak expression of a
deep sympathy. Sincerely yours, Florence Nightingale.

At home, the political event which most moved her was the death
of Lord Palmerston:—
(Miss Nightingale to Dr. Farr.) 34 South Street, Oct. 19 [1865] Ld.
Palmerston is a great loss. I speak for the country and myself. He was a
powerful protector to me—especially since Sidney Herbert's death. I never
asked him to do anything—you may be sure I did not ask him often—but
he did it—for the last nine years. He did not do himself justice. If the right
thing was to be done, he made a joke, but he did it. He will not leave his
impress on the age—but he did the country good service. Except L.
Napoleon, whose death might be the greatest good or the greatest evil, I
doubt whether there is any man's loss which will so affect Europe.… He
was at heart the most liberal man we had left. I have lost, in him, a
powerful friend. I hear spoken of as his successors—Clarendon, Russell,
Granville. Ld. Clarendon it is said the Queen wishes—and she has been
corresponding with him privately—perhaps by Ld. Palmerston's own
 desire. But I believe the real question is, under which (if any) of these,
your Mr. Gladstone will consent to remain in office and be Leader of the
Ho. of C. Not one of these men will manage the cabinet as Ld. Palmerston
did. But I daresay you have more trustworthy information than I have. I
would Ld. Palmerston had lived another Session. We should have got
something done at the Poor Law Board, which we shall not now.[65] Ld.
Russell is so queer-tempered. I quite dread his Premiership, if it comes.

III

Miss Nightingale's interest in the working classes led her in 1865

to draft a scheme which, in some aspects of it, forestalled ideas of a
later generation of social reformers. Mr. Gladstone had recently
passed an Act enabling a depositor's accumulations in the Post Office
Savings Bank to be invested in the purchase either of an Annuity or
an Insurance. It would be very advisable, she suggested, to add to
these methods of saving facilities for the purchase of small
freeholds. There was nothing that the working men more coveted
than the ownership of a house or a piece of land. An extension of
small ownership would satisfy a legitimate craving, increase the
motives to thrift, and raise the social position and independence of
the working classes. If the adoption of the scheme would necessitate
the enfranchisement of leaseholds, so much the better. Such were
Miss Nightingale's ideas, and under different forms and by different
methods they have occupied the attention of social reformers to this
day. She submitted her scheme to Mr. Villiers, President of the Poor
Law Board, who seems to have been somewhat favourable to it.
Then she tackled the Chancellor of the Exchequer, artfully
suggesting that her scheme was merely, on the one hand, a slight
development of his “most successful Savings Bank measures,” and,
on the other, an indirect means of meeting his earnest desire to
extend the suffrage. But Mr. Gladstone was not to be cajoled. “It
would not do,” he told her, “for Government to become land-
jobbers”—an opinion which has not been shared, it would seem, by
some of Mr. Gladstone's successors. He had further suggested that
the scheme should be submitted, in its legal aspects, to his friend
Mr. Roundell Palmer, and Mr. Palmer, after reading it, opined that the
law already gave adequate facilities for the purchase of freeholds by
working men and others. Miss Nightingale then took other legal
opinions with a view to meeting objections; but she presently gave
up this addition to her schemes. “It was certainly,” she said, “the
wildest of ideas for me to undertake it just now when I can scarcely
do what I have already undertaken.”

IV

Though Miss Nightingale saw little of her friends or relations at

this time, she constantly corresponded with them. There are many
letters which tell of her grief at the death of her cousin, Miss Hilary
Bonham Carter: “the golden bowl is broken,” she wrote to Madame
Mohl (Sept. 8, 1865), “and it was the very purest gold I have ever
known.” There are letters from many correspondents—Lady Augusta
Bruce, for instance, and Mrs. William Cowper—which show how
deeply they had been touched by Miss Nightingale's letters of
condolence. Her own griefs left room for sympathy with those of
others:—

(To Dr. Farr.) Hampstead, August 5 [1864].… I am sorry to hear of your

griefs. I do not find that mine close my heart to those of others—and I
should be more than anxious to hear of yours—you who have been our
faithful friend for so many years. I had heard of your father's death, but
not of any other loss. Sidney Herbert has been dead three years on the
2nd. And these three years have been nothing but a slow undermining of
all he has done (at the W.O.). This is the bitterest grief. The mere personal
craving after a beloved presence I feel as nothing. A few years at most,
 and that will be over. But the other is never over. For me, I look forward to
pursuing God's work soon in another of his worlds. I do not look forward
with any craving to seeing again those I have lost (in the very next world)
—sure that that will all come in His own good time—and sure of my
willingness to work in whichever of His worlds I am most wanted, with or
without those dear fellow-workers, as He pleases. But this does not at all
soothe the pain of seeing men wantonly deface the work here of some of
His best workers. But I shall bear your faith in mind—that good works
never really die. Alas! good Tulloch. But I think his work was done. Pray, if
you speak of him, remember—had it not been for him, where would our
two Army Sanitary enquiries have been?

Miss Nightingale's large circle of correspondents kept her in touch

with the literary, as well as with the political, world. She suffered
greatly from sleeplessness and read much at night. She seldom read
a book without finding something original or characteristic to say
about it. “Lately,” she wrote to M. Mohl (Jan. 24, 1865), “I have read
an English translation of the Rubáiyát of Omar Khayyám. The way it
interests me is theologically. Otherwise he seems a poor weak
mixture of Mahomet and a Mephistopheles. But the arguments which
he despises seem to me just the real arguments, the only
arguments, if only we believe in a Perfect God, for eternal existence.
Do tell me a little about this, and about the Sufis and Firdausi—as
regards their belief in a God, and whether the God was good or bad,
if any.” Omar was new to M. Mohl. Miss Nightingale lent him Fitz-
Gerald's version,[66] and M. Mohl read the original. “The tidings,” she
wrote (April 21), “that you may perhaps print Al Khayyám's quatrains
is diffusing joy among a (not large but) select circle, I having
communicated it in the ‘proper quarter’ (see how we are all tarred
with the same official stick). If you send me a copy, I shall
immediately become a personage of importance.” “I read some of
Madame Roland's Memoires,” she wrote to Madame Mohl (May 20,
1865): “but, do you know, I was so disappointed to find out that her
patriotism was inspired by a lover. Not that I care much about virtue:
I do think ‘virtue’ by itself a very second-rate virtue. But because I
did hope that here was one woman who cared for respublica as
alone, or as chief, among her cares.” “Do” (to Madame Mohl, Sept.
8, 1865), “read if you have not read Swinburne's Atalanta in
Calydon. Forgive it its being an imitation of a Greek play. That is its
worst fault. As you said of Macaulay's Lays, They are like an old man
in a pinafore; or as I should say of this, It is like a Puritan togged
out as a Priest going to say mass. But read it. The Atalanta herself,
though she is only a sort of Ginn and not a woman at all, has more
reality, more character, more individuality (to use a bad word) than
all the jeunes premières in all the men novelists I ever have read—
Walter Scott, Lytton Bulwer, and all of them. But then Atalanta is not
a sound incarnation of any ‘social or economic principle’—is she? So
men will say.”

On higher themes the correspondent to whom Miss Nightingale

wrote most fully from her heart was from this time forth Mr. Jowett.
Their acquaintance, at first confined to paper, had begun, as
described in an earlier chapter, with correspondence about her
Suggestions for Thought. The work had greatly interested him, and
from time to time he continued to write to her about it. He wished
her to do something with her “Suggestions,” but to rewrite them in a
more connected form and a gentler mood, and he sometimes gave
hints for an irony less bitter than hers. Her letters to him are no
longer in existence, except in the case of a few of which she
preserved copies; but it is clear from the tenor of the
correspondence on the other side that she was already (1862) giving
to him much of her intimate confidence. She had now met a new
friend who was capable of entering into her inmost and highest
thoughts, not indeed always with agreement, but always with a
sympathetic understanding. “As you have shown me so much
confidence,” he presently wrote, “I feel the strongest wish to help
you in any way that I can without intruding.” And again: “I cannot
but wish you (as sincerely as I ever desired anything) unabated
hope and trust and resolve to continue your work to the end, and
many rays of light to cheer the way.” A little later, drawing a bow at a
venture, Mr. Jowett wondered whether she was engaged about
Indian sanitary matters? He had “a reason for being interested about
them which is that I lost my two brothers in India.” Miss Nightingale,
as we have heard, was interested in nothing else so intently at this
time, and here was a fresh bond of sympathy. She asked whether,
knowing what he did of her religious views, he would come and
administer the Sacrament to her, as she was entirely unable to leave
her room. “I shall be very glad,” he wrote (Oct. 3), “to give you the
Sacrament. I am sure that many other clergymen would be equally
glad. Would you like Mr. and Mrs. Smith, or any of their family, to
join you?” The Sacrament was often thus administered, and Miss
Nightingale's most intimate friends—such as Mrs. Bracebridge—or
some of her family, generally partook of the rite with her. On one of
the earlier of these occasions, Mr. Jowett met her parents, and in
1862 paid the first of his visits, which afterwards became frequent,
to them in the country. He often figures in their letters as “that great
and good man,” or “that true saint, Mr. Jowett.” And from this date
also began his frequent visits—usually many times a year—to Miss
Nightingale herself; indeed he was seldom, if ever, in London without
spending an afternoon with her. If she had friends staying in her
house—such as M. and Madame Mohl—he would sometimes come in
to dine with them.

“Dear Miss Nightingale,” wrote Mr. Jowett (Oct. 28), “I shall always
regard the circumstance of having given you the Communion as a
solemn event in my life which is a call to devote myself to the
service of God and men (if He will give me the power to do so). Your
example will often come before me, especially if I have occasion to
continue my work under bodily suffering. There is something that I
want to say to you which I hardly know how to express.” And then
followed the first of what became a long series of spiritual
admonitions. Mr. Jowett had, it is clear, a very high opinion of Miss
Nightingale's genius, the most sincere admiration for her self-
devotion, and a deep affection for her. But he thought that she was
in some ways not using her life to the best advantage, and that her
state of physical and mental suffering was in some measure the
result of a too impetuous temper. In letter after letter, full of a
beautiful and delicate sympathy, he whispered into her ears counsels
of calm, of trust, of moderation. She seems to have kept him
informed of every move in her crusades, and he was constantly
afraid that she would fight too fiercely or even (in this case a quite
needless fear) come out into the open. “The gift of being invisible,”
he wrote (April 22, 1863), “is much to be desired by any one who
exercises a good influence over others. Though Deborah and Barak
work together, Sisera the Captain of the Host must not suspect that
he has been delivered into the hands of a woman.” “I hope” (March
1865) “that you won't leave your incognito. It would seriously injure
your influence if you were known to have influence. (Did you know
the Baron Stockmar whom Sir Robert Peel called one of the most
influential persons in Europe? Hardly any one in England excepting
Kings and Queens knew of his existence. That was a model for that
sort of life.) If you answer (anonymously, as I hope, if at all), may I
beg you to answer with facts only and without a trace of feeling?”
When he applauds some stroke, he urges her to find rest and
comfort in the victory. “All this,” he wrote (Feb. 26, 1865), “I firmly
believe would not have been accomplished but for your clearness of
sight and intensity of purpose. Is not this a thing to thank God
about? I was reading in Grote an account of an attempted Spartan
revolution in the times of Agesilaus. One of the great objects of the
Ephori was to keep the Spartan youth from getting under the
influence of a woman (name unknown) who was stirring the
rebellion. Do you not think that woman may have been you in some
former state of existence?” Miss Nightingale, perhaps in some
justification for her eagerness in action, opened her heart fully to
Mr. Jowett about her sense of loss in Sidney Herbert's death;
explaining her loneliness in work, and yet her overmastering desire
to complete, while strength was still granted to her, the “joint work”
of her friend and herself. “I have often felt,” he replied (Aug. 7,
1865), “what a wreck and ruin Lord Herbert's death must have been
to you. You had done so much for him and he had grown so rapidly
in himself and in public estimation that there seemed no limits to
what he might have effected. He might have been one of the most
popular and powerful Prime Ministers in this country—the man to
carry us through the social and ecclesiastical questions that are
springing up. And you would have had a great part in his work and
filled him with every noble and useful ambition. Do not suppose that
I don't feel and understand all this. (And you might have made me
Dean of Christ Church: the only preferment that I would like to have,
and I would have reformed the University and bullied the Canons.)
But it has pleased God that all this should not be, and it must please
us too, and we must carry on the struggle under greater difficulties,
with more of hard and painful labour and less of success, still never
flinching while life lasts.” Never flinching, but never fretting or
fuming: that was the burden of Mr. Jowett's exhortations. “I
sometimes think,” he had written (July 9, 1865), “that you ought
seriously to consider how your work may be carried on, not with less
energy, but in a calmer spirit. Think that the work of God neither
hastes nor rests, and that we should go about it in the spirit of order
which prevails in the world. I am not blaming the past (who would
blame you who devote your life to the good of others?). But I want
the peace of God to settle on the future. Perhaps you will feel that in
urging this I really can form no notion of your sufferings. Alas, dear
friend, I am afraid that this is true. Still I must beg you to keep your
mind above them. Is that motive vain of being made perfect through
suffering?” It is an idle speculation to wonder whether persons who
have done great things in the world would have done as much or
more or better if they had been other than they were. Calm is well;
but it is not always the spring of action. If Miss Nightingale had been
less eager and impetuous, she might, after her return from the
Crimea, have done nothing at all. But perhaps already, in moments
of weariness during the battle, and increasingly as the shadows
lengthened into the pensive evening of her days, she may have felt
that there was some truth in the soothing counsels of Mr. Jowett's
friendship.

That Miss Nightingale reciprocated his feelings of affectionate

esteem is shown very clearly by the way in which she received his
admonitions. She was not usually meek under even the gentlest
reproaches of her friends; but, so far as Mr. Jowett's letters tell the
story, she never resented anything he said; she expressed nothing
but gratitude. I do not suppose that she never retorted. He advised
her, as he advised everybody, to read Boswell. I gather from one of
his letters that she may have reminded him of Dr. Johnson's love of
a good hater, for Mr. Jowett promises to try and satisfy her a little
better in that respect in the future. And, as far as it was in him to do
so, he seems to have kept his word. “Hang the Hebdomadal
Council,” he wrote; or, of a certain meeting of another body, “I was
opposed by two fools and a knave.” There are passages about
“rascals” and “rogue Elephants” and “beasts,” which are almost as
downright as was Miss Nightingale herself in this sort. She returned
to the full the sympathy which he gave to her. She was solicitous
about his health. He promised to cut down his hours of reading, and
never to work any more after midnight. “I cannot resist such a
remonstrance as yours. I think that you would batter the gates of
heaven or hell. Seriously, I shall think of your letter as long as I live,
dear friend.” She asked to be kept informed of every move in the
academical disputes which concerned him, the judgment in the case
of Essays and Reviews, the dispute about the Greek Professorship,
and so forth. He told her even of stupidities at College meetings
—“not to be beaten,” he said of one, “even by your War Office.” “I
think you are the only person,” he wrote (1865), “who encourages
me about my work at Oxford. I cannot be too grateful for your
words.” “I am delighted,” he wrote again (Oct. 27, 1866), “to have a
friend who cares two straws whether I succeeded in a matter at
Oxford.” She, as is clear from his letters, wrote to him, not only
about her struggles and interests, but also about his; and he, on his
side, discussed all her problems. He wanted her to spend herself no
longer “on conflicts with Government offices,” but to devote her
mind to some literary work in which successful effect would depend
only on herself. In such work, moreover, he could perhaps help her.
She, on her side, would like to help him with a sermon, the
preparation of which was teasing him, and there is a long draft
amongst her papers of the heads of a discourse, suggested by her,
on the relation of religion to politics. “I sometimes use your hints,”
he had written earlier. “A pupil of mine has a passion for public life,
and having the means, is likely to get into Parliament. I said to him,
‘You are a fanatic, that cannot be helped, but you must try to be a
“rational fanatic.”’” Each of the friends thought very highly of the
powers and services of the other. “There is nothing you might not
accomplish,” he says to her. He turns off what she must have said of
him with playful deprecation: “About Elijah—you must mean the
Honble. Elijah Pogram. There is no other Elijah to whom I bear the
least resemblance.” And each valued the friendship as a means of
enabling them both to serve God more truly. “The spirit of the
twenty-third Psalm and the spirit of the ninetieth Psalm should be
united in our lives.”

Her friendship with Mr. Jowett was, I cannot doubt, Miss

Nightingale's greatest consolation in these strenuous years. She was
immersed in official drudgery, never forgetful, it is true, of the end in
the means, but sorely vexed and harassed by the difficulties and
disappointments of circumstance. Her friend's letters and
conversation raised her above the conflict into a purer and calmer
atmosphere. Not indeed that Mr. Jowett was a quietist; she would
little have respected him had he been so; but though in the world,
he was not of it; he was unsoiled by the dust of the great road. She
had, it is true, other and yet more unworldly friends—nuns in
convents and matrons or nurses in hospitals. With them, too, she
exchanged intimate confidences in spiritual matters; but their
standpoint was not hers, and the exchange could only be with
mental reservations on her part. To Mr. Jowett she was able to open
unreservedly her truest thoughts. And then, too, the dearest of her
other friends paid her an almost adoring worship, whilst some who
were estranged offered only unsympathetic criticism. It was from
Mr. Jowett alone that she heard the language of affectionate and
understanding remonstrance. She heard it gladly, because she knew
that it was sympathetic, and because she felt that her friend's
character was attuned to her own highest ideals.

Thirty years after the date at which we have now arrived (1866),
Miss Nightingale read through the hundreds of letters she had
received and kept from Mr. Jowett. She made copious extracts from
them in pencil, and sent several to his biographers. Many of his
letters to her were included in his Life, though the name of the
recipient was not disclosed. She was jealous in her life-time of the
privacy of her life. She rebuked Mr. Jowett once for accepting a copy
of her cousin's statuette of her. He explained that he had placed it
where it would not be observed. “I consider you,” he had already
written, “a sort of Royal personage, not to be gossiped about with
any one.” The letters to her, hitherto published, were selected to
throw light upon his views. In this Memoir, in which it has been
decided to give (if it may be) a truthful picture of her life and
character, I select rather those letters which show the influence of
his character upon hers. The following was noted by Miss
Nightingale as “one of the most beautiful, if not the most beautiful,
of the whole collection”:—

Askrigg, July [1864]. I am afraid that hard-working persons are very bad
correspondents, at least I know that I am, or I should have written to you
long ago, which I have always a pleasure in doing. But Plato, who is either
my greatest friend or my greatest enemy, and has finally swelled into
three large volumes (you will observe that I am proud of the size of my
baby), is to blame for preventing me. This place, at which I shall be
staying for about five weeks longer, is at the head of Wensleydale, high
among mountains in a most beautiful country,[102] and what, I think,
adds greatly to the charm of the country, very pleasing for the simplicity
and intelligence of the people. Among the enjoyments which I have here,
which notwithstanding Plato are really very great, I cannot help
remembering you at 115 Park Street. I wish you would venture to see
something more of the sights and sounds of nature. You will never
persuade me that your way of life is altogether the best for health any
more than I could persuade you into Mr. Gladstone's doctrine of the
salubrity of living over a churchyard.

As to the rest, I have no doubt that you could not be better than you
are. I don't wish to exaggerate (for you are the last person to whom I
should think of offering compliments), but I certainly believe that it has
been a great national good that you have taken up the whole question of
the sanitary condition of the soldier and not confined yourself to hospitals.
The difficulties and stupidities would have been as great in the case of the
hospitals, and the object really far inferior in importance. Besides you
could never have gained the influence over medical men with their
professional jealousies that you have had over the War Office and the
Indian Government. Also, if your life is spared a few years longer, a great
deal more may be done. There are many resources that are not yet
exhausted. Therefore never listen to the voice that tells you in a moment
of weariness or pain that you ought to have adhered to your old vocation.

I suppose there have been persons who have had so strong a sense of
the identity of their own action with the will of God as to exclude every
other feeling, who have never wished to live nor wished to die except as
they fulfil his will? Can we acquire this? I don't know. But such a sense of
things would no doubt give infinite rest and almost infinite power. Perhaps
quietists have been most successful in gaining this sort of feeling, but the
quietists are not the people who have passed all their lives rubbing and
fighting against the world. But I don't see why active life might not
become a sort of passive life too, passive in the hands of God and in the
fulfilment of the laws of nature. I sometimes fancy that there are
possibilities of human character much greater than have been realized,
mysteries, as they may be called, of character and manner and style
which remain to be called forth and explained. One great field for thought
on this subject is the manner in which character may grow and change
quite late in life.… [The rest of the letter is about the politics of the day.]
 The passages which I have printed in italics are those which Miss
Nightingale had specially marked. “Can we help one another,” he
wrote in the following year (March 5, 1865), “to make life a higher
and nobler sort of thing—more of a calm and peaceful and never-
ending service of God? Perhaps—a little.” The marked passages
show in what way Miss Nightingale found in Mr. Jowett's friendship a
source of comfort, and a fresh inspiration towards her own spiritual
ideals. In her meditations of later years, a greater “passivity in
action” was the state of perfection which she constantly sought to
attain.

Mr. Jowett, as will have been noted, sought to reassure her about
her concentration for the most part upon work for the Army and for
India. And indeed she was herself intensely devoted to it, nor was it
ever deposed from a principal place in her thoughts and interests.
Yet there were times, as shown in a letter already quoted (p. 82),
when she felt that this work, insistently though it appealed to her,
though it was bound up with some of her fondest memories, was all
the while, if not a kind of desertion, yet at best only a temporary
call. Her first “call from God” had been to service in another sort,
and she was anxious to make peace with “those first affections.” In
January 1864 she sent these instructions to Mrs. Bracebridge, who
directed that if Miss Nightingale should survive her they were to be
handed on to Mrs. Sutherland:—

You know that I always believed it to be God's will for me that I should
live and die in Hospitals. When this call He has made upon me for other
work stops, and I am no longer able to work, I should wish to be taken to
St. Thomas's Hospital and to be placed in a general ward (which is what I
should have desired had I come to my end as a Hospital matron). And I
 beg you to be so very good as to see that this my wish is accomplished,
whenever the time comes, if you will take the trouble as a true friend,
which you always have been, are, and will be. And this will make me die
in peace because I believe it to be God's will.

It was not so to be. But we shall find, on opening the next Part in
the story of Miss Nightingale's long life, that she was presently to
have time for helping forward the movement, which she had
promoted as a Reformer of Hospitals and as the Founder of Modern
Nursing, into a new and a wider field.

CHAPTER VI

NEW MASTERS
(1866)

Among new men, strange faces, other minds.

Tennyson.

The year 1866 was one of stirring events both at home and abroad.
It saw the downfall of the Whig Administration which, with a brief
interval (1858–59), had held office under different chiefs since
December 1852. In March Mr. Gladstone, now leader of the House of
Commons, introduced a Reform Bill, of which the fortunes were
uncertain owing to the dissent of the Adullamites under Mr. Lowe.
On April 27 the second reading was carried by a majority of five
only. On June 18 the Government was defeated in Committee on
Lord Dunkellin's amendment, and resigned. On the day before Lord
Russell's Government was defeated war was declared between
Austria and her allies on the one side, and Prussia and Italy on the
other. Prussia, armed with her new breech-loading gun, quickly
defeated Austria. The foundation of the future German Empire under
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