Getting Started with Angular: Create and Deploy Angular Applications 1st Edition Victor Hugo Garcia instant download
Getting Started with Angular: Create and Deploy Angular Applications 1st Edition Victor Hugo Garcia instant download
https://ebookmeta.com/product/getting-started-with-angular-
create-and-deploy-angular-applications-1st-edition-victor-hugo-
garcia/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/progressive-web-apps-with-angular-
create-responsive-fast-and-reliable-pwas-using-angular-1st-
edition-majid-hajian/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/getting-started-with-containers-in-
azure-deploy-manage-and-secure-containerized-applications-1st-
edition-shimon-ifrah/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/getting-started-with-containers-in-
azure-deploy-secure-cloud-applications-using-terraform-2nd-
edition-shimon-ifrah/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-letters-and-epigrams-of-sir-
john-harington-together-with-the-prayse-of-private-life-norman-
egbert-mcclure-editor/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/agile-data-warehousing-for-the-
enterprise-a-guide-for-solutions-architects-and-project-
leaders-1st-edition-ralph-hughes/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/good-governance-and-civil-society-
selected-issues-on-the-relations-between-state-economy-and-
society-1st-edition-adam-jarosz/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/as-empires-fell-1st-edition-ooi/
https://ebookmeta.com/product/re-markings-a-biannual-journal-of-
english-letters-nibir-k-ghosh-chief-editor/
Until Rex 1st Edition Shaw Hart
https://ebookmeta.com/product/until-rex-1st-edition-shaw-hart/
Getting Started with
Angular
Create and Deploy Angular
Applications
Introduction�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������xv
v
Table of Contents
String������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 25
Array�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26
Any���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 26
Template Strings������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27
Manipulating Strings������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 27
Functions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 30
Arrow Functions�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36
Destructuring Objects and Arrays����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40
Interfaces������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 44
Classes���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46
What Is a Class?�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47
Inheritance���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53
Abstract Classes�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 60
Classes and Interfaces���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61
Promises������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64
Decorators���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70
Summary������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 72
Questions and Answers�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73
Questions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73
Answers��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73
vi
Table of Contents
vii
Table of Contents
viii
Table of Contents
ix
Table of Contents
Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 367
x
About the Author
Victor Hugo Garcia has a Master’s degree in Computer
Science, and more than 12 years of experience as a full-stack
developer, using different frameworks such as Angular,
Laravel, Yii, Zend, Cake, and Vue. He has developed multiple
web and mobile applications for various organizations. He
has also developed various courses on web development for
Udemy. He loves teaching, reading, and writing technical
and fantasy books.
xi
About the Technical Reviewer
Sourabh Mishra is an entrepreneur, developer, speaker,
author, corporate trainer, and animator. He is a Microsoft
guy; he is very passionate about Microsoft technologies and
a true .NET warrior. Sourabh started his career when he was
just 15 years old. He’s loved computers from childhood. His
programming experience includes C/C++, ASP.NET, C#,
VB.NET, WCF, SQL Server, Entity Framework, MVC, Web
API, Azure, jQuery, Highcharts, and Angular. Sourabh has
been awarded a Most Valuable Professional (MVP) status. He has the zeal to learn new
technologies and shares his knowledge on several online community forums.
He is the author of Practical Highcharts with Angular by Apress, which talks about
how you can develop stunning and interactive dashboards using Highcharts with
Angular. He is the founder of “IECE Digital” and “Sourabh Mishra Notes,” an online
knowledge-sharing platform where one can learn new technologies very easily and
comfortably.
He can be reached via the following:
• YouTube: sourabhmishranotes
• Twitter: sourabh_mishra1
• Facebook: facebook.com/sourabhmishranotes
• Instagram: sourabhmishranotes
• Email: sourabh_mishra1@hotmail.com
xiii
Introduction
Web developers are in an all-time demand. Frontend developers, those in charge of
building the parts of the applications that interact directly with the end user, are a
crucial part of software companies, providing a navigation experience that is in no short
measure responsible for the success of a project.
Frontend developers use different programming languages, such as JavaScript,
HTML, and CSS. However, in the current state of affairs, they also need to get a firm
grasp of libraries and frameworks.
Angular is a very powerful, enterprise-grade framework that lets you build apps
of any size that are scalable and maintainable. It has a vibrant community and is
continually updated with new features to improve productivity.
This book aims to form you as a competent Angular developer who can easily work
in a company or as a freelancer, making the process enjoyable.
xv
Introduction
xvi
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Angular
Framework
The purpose of this chapter is to give a brief introduction of Angular and then
proceed with the setup of our development environment. There are a few mandatory
installations; the rest, although not required, are convenient. A good IDE is a
tremendous help, and having the right packages can significantly boost our productivity.
If you are reading this book, you have probably already heard about Angular. It is
even likely that you have followed some tutorials and even developed applications.
However, my goal is to start without making assumptions about the level from which
you start.
We will start from the basics, to build increasingly complex examples that allow you
to acquire the necessary skills to work with Angular in real projects.
About Angular
On its website https://angular.io/, Angular is defined as a platform for developing
web applications. This brief definition, however, hides the power of this framework,
which can be used to build web, mobile, and even desktop applications.
The name Angular was originally known as AngularJS. This was a framework that
reached a lot of popularity, with interesting features but with limitations. So, Angular
2 arrived. However, this name can lead to confusion, since in fact Angular 2 was not a
simple update, but a completely different framework. In fact, migrating an application
made with AngularJS to Angular 2 is a process that is not at all simple and that should be
considered with extreme care.
We quickly saw how Angular 2 became 3, 4, and so on. At the time of writing these
words, Angular is in version 15.
1
© Victor Hugo Garcia 2023
V. H. Garcia, Getting Started with Angular, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-9206-8_1
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
the things we did and the mental strength to make the decisions we
made.”
As one looks through the lists of these three groups of organizers,
one is astounded at the various kinds of work they did; their
versatility. Mabel Vernon for instance. Her activities form an integral
part of the Woman’s Party history. Mabel Vernon traveling ahead of
Sara Bard Field in her spectacular automobile trip across the country,
was more responsible than anybody, except Mrs. Field herself, for
the success of that trip. Mabel Vernon challenged the President in
the course of his speech at the laying of the corner-stone of the new
Headquarters of the American Federation of Labor in Washington.
Mabel Vernon was one of the women who dropped the banner in the
Senate when the President came to speak before them. Mabel
Vernon picketed and went to jail. Mabel Vernon seems to have
organized or spoken in every State in the Union.
Elsie Hill, Doris Stevens—you find them everywhere, luminous
spirits with a new modern adjunct of political-mindedness. Abby
Scott Baker was always on the wing.
One’s mind stops at the names of Vivian Pierce, Lucy Branham,
Mary Gertrude Fendall, Hazel Hunkins. How many and what varying
and difficult things they did! Vivian Pierce in addition to speaking
and organizing and picketing activities, edited the Suffragist, and
designed the charming tea-room at Headquarters. As for Lucy
Branham—she must have seemed a stormy petrel to all opposing
forces—she had so much the capacity of being everywhere at once.
When one comes to the last group, a sense—almost of awe—is
leavened by a decided sense of amusement. Julia Emory, Betty
Gram, Anita Pollitzer, Mary Dubrow, Catherine Flanagan are all little
girls. But in Suffrage work, they were active, insistent, and persistent
in inverse ratio to their size. In ratification, that legislature was
doomed on which any two of them descended.
What they accomplished! Once Alice Paul turned Anita Pollitzer
loose on the entire State of Wyoming and Anita Pollitzer brought
Wyoming into camp. It is impossible to do justice to all of them, to
any of them. But as an example of how they worked, I am quoting
from letters written by Anita Pollitzer describing various experiences
in her work of organization. I use Miss Pollitzer’s letters, not because
they are exceptional but because they are typical. Space will not
permit me to do equal justice to any of the others. But perhaps
some day all those marvelous narratives will be collected. Miss
Pollitzer writes me as follows:
Wyoming
“Campaign against the party in power”—late October, 1918—snow
on the ground and no friends in the State—traveled miles to get help
of most influential woman, found her lying on the floor of a church
with brass tacks and a hammer—She said she was “chairman of the
committee on laying carpets in the church,” and that was all she
could undertake.
Cheyenne wonderfully beautiful—plains—most exceptional place
for campaign purposes—forty minutes between street cars—snow
miles high and every woman demanding a separate visit. Influenza
epidemic so bad that it was considered immoral for six women to
meet in a parlor—only way was to campaign by dodgers and street
signs—Got permission from owner of building to put a forty-foot
purple, white, and gold sign, suspended it from the most prominent
building—Town literally gathered in groups to see it—I got up next
morning at seven and sign was down—I had “antagonized”—so I
went to call on the Mayor and we toured the town, and rehung the
sign on an even more important street, and I had double publicity,
the Mayor taking full responsibility for the sign even inquiring if it
would “run in the rain.”
Such fearful snow, could get no billboard men to put up my big
paper signs outside of the cities, and I wanted them on cross-
country roads. I met a woman delivering newspapers, explained our
campaign and my difficulties, and she offered us her eighteen-year-
old daughter and a box of stickers, and we tramped the automobile
roads and papered the tree trunks—Posters.
This is my first National Woman’s Party trip. Wyoming a real
adventure—South where I have always lived (Charleston, South
Carolina) so utterly unlike—When I went out to mail my thousands
of circular letters each night at two A.M. funny Filipino bell boys and
other kinds would escort me and carry the thousands of circular
letters to mail box. Local post-office really asked me to be “more
considerate.”
South Carolina
Getting Senator Pollock’s vote seemed largely a question of getting
the farmers of South Carolina. If Pollock (the Progressive) was to
beat Senator Smith (the Reactionary) he must please the farm
element.
So I journeyed out to Mayesville—arrived on hog-killing day—at
the house of Dabs—impressive person, leading farmer of South
Carolina. We ate all day, and sat around a glorious fire, and in the
afternoon Mr. Dabs wrote a letter that he gave me to take to town to
mail that helped more than we’ll ever know. In the letter Dabs spoke
for the farmers, urged Pollock to declare for the Suffrage
Amendment, and ended, “We farmers are doing little talking but a
lot of thinking.”
I always believed if Pollock voted, he would vote “Yes.” But Mrs.
William P. Vaughan of Greenville, our State Chairman, and I tramped
the State up and down, saying, “There’ll be no vote—unless Pollock
declares.”
Finally one night Senator Pollock’s secretary appeared at my hotel
in Columbia, and he said, “Don’t say again that Pollock is defeating
Suffrage by delay.” I said, “Well, then, get him to declare.” He said,
“I’m going to Washington, going tomorrow. Good night. We will have
a surprise for you within a week—within three days.” And at once,
after weeks and weeks of campaigning, Senator Pollock of South
Carolina broke the Conservative record of his State, declared “Yes,”
and voted “Yes,” on the freedom of American women.
When it was all over—his vote and our campaign to get him to
declare—I came back to Washington, had lunch with him at the
Capitol, and sat, while he told me of the numerous people in South
Carolina who had asked him to vote “Yes!” “You’ll never know the
sentiment that exists in South Carolina,” was all he said. But I felt we
knew.
Florida
Getting the South Florida Press Association at its annual meeting
to endorse the Federal Suffrage Amendment was marvelous fun—I
learned that Senator Trammell had gotten solid support from two
counties, and owed this support to a man named Goolsby—editor. So
I hired a car and made for Goolsby. He is a very powerful newspaper
man. We sat around a log fire, with the wife, a parrot, and a cat,
and finally he said he was going in two days to a meeting of the
South Florida Press Association, and that he was President. I said,
“I’m going too.” He said, “Well, there’s hope while there’s life—
they’re against you, but you can try.” I felt that we could do it, talked
it all over with him, and said that I would be down to put the
resolution in regardless of the results—but that I knew it could pass.
Two days seemed like years. At daybreak—five—I climbed in a
Ford and arrived at the Press Conference at ten. Goolsby was the
only one I knew. He introduced me to the Resolutions Committee. I
sat through speeches and speeches. At noon came a luncheon. The
Chairman of the Resolutions Committee took me to that. Then an
auto ride all through the orange groves—we got out and picked
them, talking Suffrage all the while. Only the Resolutions Committee
and I were in the car. The Chairman of the Committee finally said
out of a clear sky to the elderly gentleman at my left—a strong anti
—“I believe we ought to pass a resolution or something, don’t you,
thanking Miss Pollitzer for coming?”—all in joke. I said: “No, but you
ought to pass a resolution urging your own Florida Senators to stand
behind President Wilson. They’re not.” He said, “They should.” I said,
“Well, let’s pass it.” So in the car, speeding along, thanks to the
marvelously smooth roads and my luncheon friend—we wrote the
resolution. The old editor said, “What? Suffrage!” My young one
said, “Yes; Suffrage; standing back of President Wilson.” When we
got back, my old editor said: “Say, let’s make that strong—we’ve got
to go on record unmistakably for Wilson.” He worked—Goolsby
worked—of course the young one worked. I sat and ate oranges. It
was all done—in less than fifteen minutes. The Resolutions
Committee reported out a glorious resolution, calling on Senators
Trammell and Fletcher to support the Susan B. Anthony Amendment,
and it passed unanimously. The Resolution read: “Be it resolved that
we stand with President Wilson in his advocacy of Woman Suffrage,
and we urge our Representatives in Congress to vote for the
enfranchisement of women!!!”
The most exciting adventure of my life was “holding up the Florida
legislature” till midnight so Governor Catts could send a resolution in
asking Trammell and Fletcher (Senators) to vote for Suffrage. I saw
Senator Trammell in Washington, and he said he had not decided
how he would vote on the Amendment. That his vote would
represent “the people”—I asked him if in our government a State
legislature didn’t represent “the will of the people.” He said, “Yes,
but I don’t intend to instruct my legislature.” I said: “No, but maybe
your legislature will instruct you.” I came home and told Miss Paul,
who said, “Will you go down to Florida tonight?” and Bertha Arnold
and I went. Helen Hunt, a capable young Jacksonville lawyer, joined
us, and the campaign began.
It was absolutely essential to get Governor Catts to send in the
Resolution, as messages from the Governor only took a majority—
others a two-third vote, but we didn’t want this too soon. When we
had our votes all there in the Senate, the leader, anti, moved that no
new business not already in by noon, could come up at all—the
legislature barring everything, to save themselves from Suffrage.
This was fearful, as the House was most difficult, and we had
planned to attack the Senate first. At four o’clock the last afternoon
of the special session, called simply to discuss prohibition, we flew to
the Governor’s office. Helen Hunt, a senator, a member of the
House, and I got Governor Catts to say he’d send a message at
once. 4.30 came—5.30 came—no message. In terror, I flew down.
The Governor’s office was locked—I got one of the House to move a
night session—we lobbied for that, it carried. The Night Session
began at eight—Governor Catts still nowhere to be found. Finally,
after phoning his home every five minutes it seemed—I called at ten
and they said, “Governor Catts is in bed.”—I said we had to have
him. The person who answered the phone said nothing could be
done. His secretary had the office keys; he was ill at home; his
stenographer had the desk keys; she was at a movie. These
obstacles to be overcome, and Governor Catts to be rushed to the
Capitol. I flew back to our night session at the Capitol. I sent in a
little slip-written message to Mr. Stokes, saying: “Trust us—you said
you’d help—keep this session going—filibuster—do anything—don’t
let them adjourn.” I stood in the door and saw him nod “All right,”
and flew.
Bertha Arnold in a taxi secured the outer key from the secretary—
after arousing secretary and encountering a storm.
Helen Hunt in another taxi called for Governor Catts, waited till he
got up from bed and dressed, and brought him and his daughter,
Ruth, to the Capitol. I meanwhile stopped at a Western Union Office
and got a messenger boy. He said, “What am I to take?” I said,
“Me!” He knew the way, and together we ran through the streets of
Tallahassee at midnight, covered every movie, and had the
stenographer paged—brought her and her escort to the Capitol—
produced the desk keys—got the resolution. Never was any sound
more marvelous than Governor Catts’ thud when he walked up those
Capitol steps at midnight—instantly he rushed it up—the door of the
House opened—there stood my man Stokes, talking and hoarse. He
had kept them there. The secretary announced, “Message from the
Governor,” and our resolution was read!
The vote was closer than close—didn’t pass, but they had to stay
till the next day at two—we stayed too, and in the morning—of the
last day—we got a majority petition from the Florida legislature
which showed Trammell and Fletcher that Florida wanted their
Suffrage votes.
When I heard that Senator Trammell was arriving in Lakeland, I
wired Miss Paul I would stay—Such a hectic and great day. I saw him
with four antis in the hotel lobby. He looked dumbfounded, shook
hands, discussed the climate, and acted as though I were touristing
because Florida was beautiful—but he knew.
Then I went out of his life—but sent others in—all day I got out
little delegations to him—the State Senator from that district—his
minister—president of the Bank—leading Labor man—his editor. Mr.
Trammell’s one day in Lakeland was a Woman’s Party event. I asked
Mr. Smailes—a strong Labor man—boyhood friend of Trammell’s, to
see him. That night they all came to me at the hotel and each
reported his achievement with Park Trammell.
Smailes said: “I looked at him and said, ‘Park—it’s funny you can’t
see it and those you were brought up with all can,’ and Park looked
at me, and he said, ‘Well, there’s one thing worrying me a little. I
don’t want women to get more than their share of electors.’ I just
looked at him, and I said: ‘Park, you know Mrs. Smailes don’t want
more than her share, but she ain’t got her share yet; that’s what
she’s asking for.’”
I said, “Mr. Smailes, what do you think that Senator Trammell will
do?” He said, “I don’t know. I’ve known him since we were babies,
but he’s a Senator now.”
Helen Hunt met Trammell in Jacksonville when he arrived—on his
“one day” to Lakeland. He said, “Where is she?” (meaning me). “Is
she still in the State?” (Miss Younger thinks this funny because it
shows how scared they are of the Woman’s Party—even one of us.)
Virginia
I think our hotel experiences are so funny.
We had a terrible time getting any one to consider taking action
on Suffrage ratification at the Special Session. Virginia legislature
called just for good roads—I went to Roanoke to see floor-leader
Willis (strongest Suffragist in the House) and he announced he was
scheduled himself to introduce a bill saying that nothing but good
roads would come up. After a morning’s work with Willis, he decided
he would bring up Suffrage provided Senator Trinkle agreed. He
promised to see Trinkle the next morning, so I decided I’d better see
Trinkle that night. Fortunately a train was leaving in ten minutes. I
arrived at Wytheville at nine p.m. It was black. Senator Trinkle was
on the platform. I picked him out because he was the biggest man
obviously and I asked where Senator Trinkle lived and he said, “I am
Senator Trinkle.” When my interview was at an end and it was fixed,
he said that the last train out had left, and that I should go to the
hotel, and say to the owner that he said to give me the best room.
To my great consternation, the hotel proprietor escorted me into a
room the size of a young stable, which contained six beds,
explaining, “This is our best room. I’ll call it a single room for
tonight.” Never can I describe the creaks of the empty five beds all
night long. It doesn’t sound funny, but it was—I and six beds, some
of them double, and a box of Uneeda crackers and Hershey’s milk
chocolate.
The way we got the University of Virginia mass-meeting was
amusing. I taught art at the University of Virginia Summer School.
We had just staged a big pageant at the University. Director Maphis
was grateful and said he’d do anything I wanted. That afternoon,
Senator Martin arrived in Charlottesville, his home, and so I went to
see Mr. Maphis to tell him I wanted Cabell Hall, the real University of
Virginia Hall, and he said, “Yes.” I phoned Miss Paul and she sent
Lucy Branham—we advertised with huge sheets on the front of each
of the eight street cars, in Charlottesville and hand-made slides at
movies and posters that my Art classes all were given to do as a
“problem.”
The Hall was full and the wonderful old Jeffersonian University
held its first Federal Suffrage Mass Meeting and passed resolutions
urging Senator Martin to vote for the Amendment. Lucy Branham
and I drove to his home the next morning, presented him with the
resolutions, and described the meeting of his own constituents to
him.
If the Republicans had the vision to see that it was a wise Party policy to
secure the credit for the passage of the Amendment in the House, and the
Democrats believed it an unwise Party policy to be responsible for its defeat—
the same argument must hold for the vote in the Senate, for while more than
two-thirds of the Republicans had already promised their votes, only half the
Democrats are at present pledged in the Senate.
I looked round for the thirty members who last night were opposed to
Suffrage. I wonder what changed them over night.
Your action without even hearing us was worse than a betrayal of us who
are opposed to Suffrage. It was an admission that Party pledges are meant to
be broken.
“We should get Senator Phelan now,” said Miss Paul. “He opposed Federal
Suffrage because the President did. Now that the President has come out for
it, Senator Phelan should do so. Send for him.”
I sent in my card and he came at once, very neat in a cut-away coat, his
eyes smiling above his trimmed sandy beard. “Of course I’ll vote for the
Amendment,” he said, as though he had never thought of anything else. He
was plainly glad to have an excuse for changing his position.
“That leaves ten to get,” said Miss Paul. “Let’s go and see Senator
McCumber.” The Senator from North Dakota is sandy and Scotch and
cautious, and, like many other Senators, thinks it would be weak and
vacillating to change his opinion.
“I voted against it in 1914. I cannot vote for it in 1918,” he said. “I cannot
change my principles.”
“But you can change your mind?”
“No, I could not do that.”
“Then you might change your vote,” said I, urging progress. He, too, saw
progress, but was wary of it. Looking cautiously around the room and back of
us, he said slowly, “If the legislature of my State should ask me to vote for it,
I would feel obliged to do so.”
That same night Beulah Amidon telegraphed to North Dakota,—her own
State—to the Chairman of the Republican Party and the Non-Partisan League
that controls the Legislature; to her father, Judge Amidon, and to others. The
Legislature immediately passed a resolution calling on Senator McCumber to
vote for our Amendment. Miss Amidon went to see him at once, with the
news.
“But I haven’t seen how the resolution is worded yet,” said Senator
McCumber cannily.
When the resolution arrived some one else went to see him.
“I want to look it over carefully,” he said. When he had looked it over
carefully, he admitted, “I will vote for the Amendment. But to show loyalty
both to constituents and principle,” he added hastily, “I will speak against it,
and vote for it.”
“That leaves nine to get,” said Miss Paul, counting Senator McCumber off on
her little finger and turning to a list of other legislatures in session. The
difficulty was that the legislatures in session did not fit the Senators whose
votes we must get. Mildred Glines, our Rhode Island chairman, was at our
Headquarters, and Senator Gerry of Rhode Island was at the Capitol, and not
for our Amendment. So Mildred Glines set out at once for Rhode Island,
where she had a resolution presented and passed, and returned with it to
Senator Gerry.
Then I went to see his colleague, Senator Colt. A scholarly-looking man, he
sat at his desk deep in some volume of ancient lore. Arguing with himself
while I sat listening, he stated the case for Suffrage and Senator Gerry. “But
on the other hand,” he said—and then stated the other side.
“Yes,” he concluded deliberately, but with a twinkle in his eye, “Peter will
vote for it.”
“That leaves eight to get,” said Miss Paul, very thoughtfully. “Have you seen
Senator King lately?”
Though Senator King is not unpleasant to talk with, if one does not broach
subjects controversial, persons who appealed to his reason had succeeded
only in ruffling his manners. He smiled blandly and, leaning back in his chair,
began what he believed to be a perfect case. “I’ve always been opposed to
national Suffrage. I said so in my campaign, and the people elected me.”
We must appeal to his constituents. But how? His Legislature was not in
session. Alice Henkle went post-haste to Utah, and at once newspapers began
to publish editorials; all sorts of organizations, civic, patriotic, religious,
educational, social, began to pass resolutions. Letters poured in upon Senator
King. But always Miss Henkle wrote us, “They tell me everywhere that it’s no
use; that Senator King is so ‘hard-shelled’ that I might as well stop.”
“Go to the Capitol and see,” said Miss Alice Paul.
I had just entered the revolving door when Senator Sheppard, hurrying
past, stopped to say, “Do you know King is coming around! I think we may
get his vote.”
So Miss Paul wired Alice Henkle that night: “Redouble efforts. They are
having good effect.” Four weeks later, three Senators told me that Senator
King had said in the cloak room, “I’m as much opposed to Federal Suffrage as
ever, but I think I’ll vote for it. My constituents want me to.”
“That leaves six to get,” said Miss Paul, “counting Senator Culberson too.”
For while we had been busy in Washington, Doris Stevens and Clara Wolfe
had been busy in Texas on the trail of Senator Culberson.
The national committees of both political parties had taken a stand for
Federal Suffrage in February. Also, Colonel Roosevelt and other Republican
leaders were writing to Senators whose names we furnished, urging their
support.
“Now,” said Senator Curtis, smiling, “I think we’ll get Harding and
Sutherland. They both want to vote for it, but their States are against it. I’ll
go see them again. Keep the backfires burning in their States.”
Senator Curtis has the dark hair and skin of Indian ancestry, and perhaps
his Indian blood has given him his quick sense of a situation and his
knowledge of men. Without quite knowing how it happened—it may have
been his interest in listening or his wisdom in advising—he had become the
guiding friend, the storm-center of our work on the Republican side of the
Senate.
“Colonel Roosevelt has written to Senator Sutherland too,” I thought
hopefully, while I sat waiting for him in the marble room. He came out, and
said almost at once, “I’ve just had a letter from Colonel Roosevelt asking me
to vote for your Amendment!”
“Have you?” said I.
“Yes. But I wish he had told me how I can do it, when the overwhelming
sentiment of my State is against it.” I spoke of something else, but that night
I reported this remark to Doris Stevens and Abby Scott Baker. Both of them
immediately wrote to Colonel Roosevelt. Later, I again saw Senator
Sutherland. He had evidently forgotten our former conversation.
“I’ve had a letter from Colonel Roosevelt about your Amendment,” he said.
“It’s the second time he has written to me about it. He wants me to come to
Oyster Bay so he can give me reasons for voting for it.”
“I should think it would be awfully interesting to go,” I encouraged gently.
And soon we checked off Senator Sutherland’s name on our lists, and said,
“Five more to get.”
“Do you think we can get Borah?” I asked Senator Curtis. “He’s one of the
fathers of the Amendment. He introduced it in 1910.”
“He says he did that by request.”
“It doesn’t say so in the Record. Doesn’t a man always say so when it is
so?”
“That is usual,” said Senator Curtis, stroking his mustache and not meeting
my eyes, and I knew he said only half of what he thought.
“I think I’ll go and see him at once.”
Senator Borah is a most approachable person, but when you have
approached, you cannot be sure you have reached. You see him sitting at his
desk, a large unferocious, bulldog type of man, simple in manner. You talk
with him, and you think he is with you through and through.... But you never
quite know.... Sometimes you wonder if he knows.
In April, Senator Gallinger told Miss Paul that the Republicans counted four
more votes for Suffrage—Kellogg, Harding, Page, and Borah. “We understand
Borah will vote for the Amendment if it will not pass otherwise. But he will not
vote for it if it will pass without him. But if his vote will carry it, he will vote
for it.”
Thus far we had come on our journey toward the eleven, when Senator
Andreus Aristides Jones of New Mexico, Chairman of the Woman Suffrage
Committee, rose in the Senate and announced that on May 10 he would move
to take up the Suffrage resolution. There was great rejoicing. We thought that
now the Administration would get the needed votes.
Mr. President, we, women of the West, are growing very restless indeed
waiting for the long-delayed passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment.
Won’t you help to secure this recognition of citizens? The women of New
Mexico and many other States have no redress save through the Federal
Amendment. They are eagerly waiting for action on this measure in the
Senate. Will you help us?
Every day this little group went to the White House and sat,
waiting. They made a picturesque detail in the exceedingly
picturesque war flood surging through the White House, wearing
bands printed with the words, munition workers on their arm and
their identification badges. They knitted all the time. At first, one of
the secretaries explained to them, “You are very foolish. You may
have to wait for weeks. Even Lord Reading had to come back four
times before he saw the President!”
Later, an under-secretary said: “You are becoming a nuisance.
Other people have more consideration than to keep coming back;
but you persist and persist.”
“Even Lord Reading had to come back four times before he saw
the President,” quoted one of the munition girls.
They waited two weeks, but in the end they had to go back to
work. They wrote a letter to the Senate, however, which was read
there.
May 10 approached. I resume Miss Younger’s narrative:
When the proper time arrived next day, Senator Andreus Aristides Jones
arose in his place. The galleries were packed. Our forces were all present
except the three missing votes. There was Senator Smith of Michigan, who
had come from California; Senator Smith of Arizona, who had left a sick
relative to be present for the vote; and there were others who had come from
far and wide. Senator Jones in the hush of a great moment, rose and
announced that he would not call up the Amendment that day.
Our opponents looked at him and, grinning, taunted: “Haven’t you got the
votes?” “We want to vote today.” “We’re ready now.”
Finally the women filed out of the galleries and went home, and the Senate
resumed its usual business.
Senator Jones does not act on mad impulse. No one could imagine that
placid, unhurried man buckling on his armor and brandishing his sword to
lead his forces a second time up a blind alley only to lead them back again.
Senator Jones was a strong Administration man and would not act without
approval.
Moreover, he was a sincere Suffragist. In fact, he was a Father of the
Amendment. So we kept at work, aiding and abetting all its Fathers. For the
disabilities of fathers are manifest when you compare them with mothers. A
father is so casual, especially when his child is an Amendment to the
Constitution.
“Nagging!” said Senator Lenroot viciously, when I asked him to speak to
Senator Borah. “If you women would only stop nagging!” And making a
savage face at me, he hurried down the hall.
I stood still. It was but the second time we had spoken to him since he had
come to the Senate. I wondered if he thought we liked “nagging”; if we liked
going to the Capitol day after day, tramping on marble floors, waiting in ante-
rooms—sometimes rebuffed, sometimes snarled at. I wondered if he thought
we could do it for anything but a great cause—for the thousands of women
toiling in the factories, for the thousands struggling under burdens at home.
And then I bit my lips to keep back the tears, and putting aside such
uncomfortable things as feelings, and putting forward such solacing things as
a lace jabot and a smile, I sent for another Senator.
Senator Martin, of silvery white hair and determined manner would not sit
down and talk Suffrage, nor would he stand up and talk Suffrage. The only
way to discuss Suffrage with Senator Martin was to run beside him down the
hall.
“The good women of Virginia do not want Suffrage,” he said, breaking
almost into a trot, with eyes on his goal, which was an elevator.
“But if you were convinced that the good women of Virginia do want it?”
you replied, breaking almost into a run, with your eyes on him.
“It’s only the professional agitators I hear from,” he answered.
It is interesting to talk Suffrage with Senator Martin, and very good
exercise. But it was still more interesting to watch a deputation of good
Virginia women talking to him.
“Every one knows where I stand, and yet the ladies waylay me all about the
halls,” he complained. Yet when we had spoken before the Platform
Committee of the Democratic Convention in St. Louis, he told me: “I said to
those men, ‘There isn’t an equal number of you that could make as good
speeches as those women made.’” So he was not to be considered as
hopeless, though the path to his salvation was a strenuous one.
I have read your message with the deepest interest, and I welcome the
opportunity to say that I agree, without reservation, that the full and sincere
democratic reconstruction of the world, for which we are striving, and which
we are determined to bring about at any cost, will not have been completely
or adequately attained until women are admitted to the Suffrage. And that
only by this action can the nations of the world realize for the benefit of
future generations the full ideal force of opinion, or the full humane forces of
action.
The services of women during this supreme crisis of the world’s history
have been of the most signal usefulness and distinction. The war could not
have been fought without them or its sacrifices endured. It is high time that
some part of our debt of gratitude to them should be acknowledged and paid,
and the only acknowledgment they ask is their admission to the Suffrage. Can
we justly refuse it?
As for America, it is my earnest hope that the Senate of the United States
will give unmistakable answer to this question by passing the Suffrage
Amendment to our Federal Constitution before the end of this session.
Cordially and sincerely yours,
Woodrow Wilson.