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Soil Science Management Sixth Edition Edward J. Plaster PDF Download

The document is about the sixth edition of 'Soil Science and Management' by Edward J. Plaster, which focuses on soil and water resources, their importance, and sustainable management practices. It includes various chapters covering topics such as soil properties, classification, fertility, and conservation, with an enhanced emphasis on horticultural soil use. The document also provides links to download the textbook and other related resources.

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50% found this document useful (2 votes)
1K views44 pages

Soil Science Management Sixth Edition Edward J. Plaster PDF Download

The document is about the sixth edition of 'Soil Science and Management' by Edward J. Plaster, which focuses on soil and water resources, their importance, and sustainable management practices. It includes various chapters covering topics such as soil properties, classification, fertility, and conservation, with an enhanced emphasis on horticultural soil use. The document also provides links to download the textbook and other related resources.

Uploaded by

torchimantul
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
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Soil Science Management Sixth Edition Edward J. Plaster
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Edward J. Plaster
ISBN(s): 9780840024329, 0840024320
Edition: Sixth Edition
File Details: PDF, 65.19 MB
Year: 2013
Language: english
Soil Science
& Man age m e nt

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Sixth
Edition

Soil Science
& M anage m e nt

Edward J. Plaster

Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
This is an electronic version of the print textbook. Due to electronic rights restrictions, some third party content may be suppressed. Editorial
review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. The publisher reserves the right to
remove content from this title at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it. For valuable information on pricing, previous
editions, changes to current editions, and alternate formats, please visit www.cengage.com/highered to search by
ISBN#, author, title, or keyword for materials in your areas of interest.

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Soil Science and Management, 6th Ed. © 2014, 2009, 2003, 1997, 1991 Delmar, Cengage Learning
Edward J. Plaster, M.Ed. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright herein
Vice President, Careers & Computing: may be reproduced, transmitted, stored, or used in any form or by any means
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Delmar
Cover Image credits: Soil Erosion Mitigation: 5 Maxwell Drive
© Gary Whitton /www.shutterstock.com (upper Clifton Park, NY 12065-2919
right); Drainage Ditch: © Antoni Halim/www USA
.shutterstock.com (bottom right); mountain
background: Courtesy USDA.gov. Photo by Jack
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Notice to the Reader
Publisher does not warrant or guarantee any of the products described herein or perform any independent
analysis in connection with any of the product information contained herein. Publisher does not assume,
and expressly disclaims, any obligation to obtain and include information other than that provided to it by
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or reliance upon, this material.

Printed in the United States of America


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 17 16 15 14 13

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Contents

Prefacexi

Chapter 1 | The Importance of Soil 1

Soil Is a Life-Supporting Layer of Material 3


Soil Is a Medium for Plant Growth 6
Soil: A Three-Phase System 8
Agricultural Uses of Soil 10
Nonagricultural Uses of Soil 14
Land Use in the United States 16
Soil Quality 17
Soil and Nature 19
Soil and Climate 20

Chapter 2 | Soil Origin and Development 25

The Soil Body 26


Rocks and Minerals 29
Parent Material 32
Climate35
Organisms36
Topography39
Time40
Humans41
The Soil Profile 41

Chapter 3 | Soil Classification and Survey 47

Soil Classification 47
Soil Survey 54
Land Capability Classes 60

Chapter 4 | Physical Properties of Soil 67

Soil Texture 67
Soil Density and Permeability 76 v

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
vi Contents

Soil Structure 79
Soil Consistence 83
Soil Tilth 84
Soil Pans 92
Soil Temperature 92
Soil Color 97

Chapter 5 | Life in the Soil 103

The Soil Food Chain and Carbon Cycle 104


Microorganisms108
Distribution and Functions of Microorganisms 111
Managing Soil Organisms 121
Soil Animals 126

Chapter 6 | Organic Matter 135

The Nature of Organic Matter 135


Functions of Organic Matter 141
Maintaining Soil Organic Matter 143
Nitrogen Immobilization 148
Organic Soils 150
Soil Organic Matter and global Climate 154

Chapter 7 | Soil Water 157

How Plants Use Water 157


Forces on Soil Water 159
Types of Soil Water 164
Water Retention and Movement 165
How Roots Gather Water 171
Measuring Soil Water 175
Where Does Water Go? 178

Chapter 8 | Water Conservation 182

The Hydrologic Cycle 183


Water Resources in the United States 184

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Contents vii

Capturing Water in Soil 187


Reducing Consumptive Use 190
Using Reclaimed Water 193
Water Quality 193

Chapter 9 | Drainage and Irrigation 198

The Importance of Drainage 198


Wetlands and Wet Soils 200
Artificial Drainage 203
Irrigation Systems 208
Using Irrigation 215
Water Quality 219
Natural Moisture Regimes 221

Chapter 10 | Soil Fertility 224

Plant Nutrients 224


Sources of Elements in Soil 227
Soil Minerals 229
Soil Colloids 229
Cation Exchange 234
Nutrient Uptake 240

Chapter 11 | Soil pH and Salinity 246

Soil pH247
Development of Soil pH248
Effects of pH on Plants 252
Liming Soil 256
Acidifying Soil 266
Soil Salinity 269

Chapter 12 | Plant Nutrition 280

Nitrogen280
Phosphorus287
Potassium291
Secondary Nutrients 293
Metallic Trace Elements 298

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
vviii
iii Contents

Anionic Trace Elements 301


Beneficial Elements 303

Chapter 13 | Soil Sampling and Testing 306

Why Test Soils? 306


Soil Testing 308
Grower Testing 318
Tissue Testing 319

Chapter 14 | Fertilizers 322

Forms of Fertilizer 322


Fertilizer Materials 326
Mixed Fertilizers 334
Selecting Fertilizer 337
applying fertilizer 338
Fertilizer Effects on Soils 343

Chapter 15 | Organic Amendments 347

Animal Manure 348


Biosolids356
Compost357
Fertilizer and the Environment 359

Chapter 16 | Tillage and Cropping Systems 367

Uses of Tillage 367


Conventional Tillage 370
Conservation Tillage 373
Differences Between Conventional and Conservation Tillage 376
Cropping Systems 377
Dryland Farming 380
Sustainable Agriculture 382

Chapter 17 | Horticultural Uses of Soil 386

Vegetable Culture 386


Fruit Culture 389

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Contents ix

Nursery Field Culture 390


Container Growing 391
Landscaping397

Chapter 18 | Soil Conservation 407

Consequences of Erosion 408


Water Erosion 411
Wind Erosion 431
Erosion and Climate Change 436

Chapter 19 | Urban Soil 439

Characteristics of Urban Soils 440


Modified and Structured Soils 446
Urban Erosion and Runoff 447

Chapter 20 | Government Agencies and Programs 458

USDA Agencies 459


USDA Conservation Programs 460
State and Local Efforts 462

Appendix 1 Some Basic Science 464


Appendix 2 Soil Orders of the United States 473
Appendix 3 Soil Horizon Symbol Suffixes 475
Appendix 4 Land Evaluation 477
Appendix 5 Preferred Soil Characteristics for
Selected Trees 485
Glossary489
Index509

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
PREFACE

Conceptual Approach
This sixth edition of Soil Science and Management continues the primary
objectives of earlier editions, with the following four main purposes: (1) to
acquaint the reader with the soil and water resources of the United States to
enable a full appreciation of the importance of these resources; (2) to pres-
ent soil science theory tied to the practice of those who use soil, mainly
for growing plants; (3) to stress the sustainable management of soil and
water resources by devoting detail to such subjects as soil and water conser-
vation, conservation tillage, nutrient management, Best Management Prac-
tices, and sustainable agriculture; and (4) to relate soils to natural ecosystems.

New to the Sixth Edition


The major change to the sixth edition is an enhanced focus on horticul-
tural soil use, particularly landscape horticulture. This change results from
reviewer comments. Recognizing that many of the readers of this text do
attend horticulture and landscaping programs, and that the majority of
Americans live in cities and experience urban horticulture, I decided to fol-
low the reviewer’s request. Examples include coverage of landscape irriga-
tion and drainage practices, expansion of greenhouse fertilization practices,
and many others. Several mentions have also been made to LEED certifica-
tion, a system for certifying “green” building construction that influences the
landscape trade. It is hoped that the alterations will clarify the applicability
of soil science to horticulture and engage student interest.
Since I did not wish this sixth edition to achieve doorstop weight, some
coverage of agronomic practices has been condensed to make room for the
new material. I feel this was achieved by deleting unnecessary details rather
than weakening coverage of important ones.
Other, smaller changes are scattered liberally throughout the text. This in-
cludes updating various bits of data, expanding coverage of soil biology and
geology, and providing more information on soils in the natural world. Also,
since the effects of climate change have become even more pronounced,
a bit more is added to that topic.
A more detailed chapter-by-chapter summary of changes follows:
Chapter 1: The section on soil uses was reworked to put greater emphasis
on horticulture and landscape soil use, including an introduction to LEED
certification, a third-party certification program for energy- and resource-
efficient construction relevant to landscapers and landscape architects. It is
also referred to elsewhere in the text. The section also introduces urban agri-
culture as a soil use, a topic of growing interest for many. xi

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
xii Preface

Chapter 1 includes a lot of data on land use and other details; most of these have
been updated. Other smaller alterations appear throughout the chapter, including a
bit more about Best Management Practices (BMPs) and soil’s relationship to climate.
An image of a rain garden was added to illustrate a BMP and an image of a staked
palm to illustrate the concept of anchorage; to make room, the figure of the earth’s
cross section was dropped. There were minor changes in the review questions and
enrichment activities.
Chapter 2: Chapter 2 now features an expanded discussion of rocks and minerals
and their weathering, including an illustrative sidebar about weathering of Mount
Rushmore. The accompanying drawing demonstrating the rock types was replaced
by photos of actual rocks. Also new is a drawing of slope effects on soil. There are
also several new review questions.
Chapter 3: There are no major changes. A sidebar was added about Histosols and
climate, and a paragraph warning about some problems with published soil surveys.
Some data on lands of the United States are updated, and some review and enrich-
ment activities have been modified.
Chapter 4: Chapter 4 now exhibits more examples of soil physical properties re-
lated to horticultural soil use, including a sidebar about protecting soil from com-
paction around trees and a new photograph of what the soil in a yard looks like
during building construction—such an indignity for soil to suffer. The section on soil
temperature has been expanded because it is so important in horticulture. For
example, frost heaving of plants and preventing it has been added. Also included
in this section is the effect of fire on soil temperatures in natural ecosystems with
an accompanying new figure; I felt it was timely given the great increase in wildfire
incidence climate change is imposing on nature.
Numerous other smaller additions appear in this edition. The chapter calls out impor-
tant simple practices for managing physical conditions of the soil, referring to them as
axioms or cardinal rules, like “avoid bare soil.” The intent is to focus student attention
on certain simple, almost universal sustainable practices. There are several new review
questions, including a couple applying soil science to the landscape industry.
Chapter 5: I reworked the coverage of the soil food web,expanding it and aligning
it more with classical ecological knowledge of trophic levels. A well-known United
States Department of Agriculture (USDA) graphic of the soil food web has been
added to illustrate the principles, and the student is invited to refer back to it as a
context for the rest of the chapter.
This edition puts more emphasis on the rhizosphere, even including material on
rhizosphere effects on natural plant communities. That discussion continues with
the effects on soil biology from the invasion of natural ecosystems by exotic plants
like buckthorn. Numerous other smaller changes are also scattered throughout the
chapter, like the introduction of intercropping as a practice to increase biological
diversity in a garden or field. A couple of new enrichment activities are also added,
as well a couple of new figures.
Chapter 6: There are no major changes in this chapter. A sidebar was added of
some interest to those who work with plants in containers concerning the water-
holding capacity of their growing media. I have expanded the concept of allelopathy,
adding examples from landscaping and nature. The value of permanent vegetative
cover for improving soil organic matter content is stressed a bit more, as well as its
use in permaculture.

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
Preface xiii

There are a couple of new images and little additions scattered throughout the
chapter, especially of matters related to horticulture. One reviewer asked for a photo
of an organic soil profile to augment the drawing I have, and I was lucky to find a
photo of peat harvesting in Ireland that shows a profile.
Chapter 7: The main change to this chapter is the addition of material on elevation
contours on the land and how they affect overland water flow. I added this partly
because it is very important information for a diligent landscape designer, but also
because it helps understand the soil conservation practices presented in Chapter 18.
There are also several new review questions.
Chapter 8: In the past, this chapter has been pretty focused on water conservation
in agricultural settings. In this edition, I have added some new basic material on
water conservation in urban settings. To make room, the coverage of conservation in
agricultural areas is slightly less detailed.
There is some updating of data used in the chapter and a couple of new images
as well.
Chapter 9: In this edition, Chapter 9 expands coverage of drainage and irrigation
in landscape settings. The new material certainly cannot substitute for classes dedi-
cated to those subjects, and anyone wanting to design and install landscape irriga-
tion needs to take a class on the subject. The same for stormwater management. This
new material should help prepare for such classes.
To make room for this new material, I condensed the material on agricultural irriga-
tion, which probably has been more detailed than needed in a basic text. Other bits
were also edited out to avoid chapter size growing larger. This also meant losing a
few figures and adding a few new ones.
I also expanded the discussion on controlled drainage, with a new drawing.
Chapter 10: This edition of Chapter 10 has relatively few changes. A photomicro-
graph of kaolinite clay particles has been added to assist students in visualizing clay
structure.
Chapter 11: The biggest alteration is the treatment of soil acidification. This topic
has been expanded to accommodate those who need to acidify soils—often land-
scapers and gardeners who want to grow acid-loving plants. Soil acidification is a
less well-developed practice than liming.
As in many chapters of this edition, there are additional examples of the chapter
topic applied to horticulture and natural ecosystems; for example, effects of acid rain
on some forests, seaside salt issues, or natural plant communities that grow on salted
soil. To make room, I slightly condensed material on salted and sodic soils. I hope
this does not inconvenience some readers too much.
There are several new review questions, all using horticultural examples.
Chapter 12: Numerous smaller additions have been made to this chapter. The sub-
ject of nitrogen leakage into the environment has been introduced in greater detail,
and will be developed more in later chapters. This topic also introduces the dramatic
nature of the discovery of the Haber–Bosch process. More detail is added about
phosphorus, and iron and manganese toxicities are discussed in more depth—these
are common problems in some horticulture applications. Many of the changes relate
to horticulture.

Copyright 2013 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part.
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liquors consumed in his county, and had not succeeded. However, it
is a matter of his personal knowledge that many good estates have
been squandered through drinking, and much time, labor, and
health, and many lives destroyed in the same way. He recognizes
that many concurring circumstances come to the aid of spirituous
liquors in working fatal results; still the general abuse of drink is
declared to be one of the heaviest and most threatening evils under
which the country groans.
The taverns of the day on all public occasions,[25] and frequently
in the ordinary course of their business, were filled with gambling,
carousing, drinking crowds. The extent to which the great occasions
of state were seized upon as opportunities for open and shameless
drinking had become a scandal. The custom of granting a certain
allowance of rum per day to laborers was honored in at least some
sections of the country.[26] Accidental deaths due to drunkenness,
and cases of suicide and insanity traceable to the same cause, were
frequently reported.[27] All classes of society, young and old, rich and
poor, men and women, fell victims to the great scourge. The colleges
were not immune. At Yale, wine and liquors were kept in the rooms
of many of the students and intemperance was one of the
commonest of student faults.[28] Clergymen, though generally
restraining themselves from gross indulgence, were accustomed to
feel that the spirit of conviviality and the discussion of the affairs of
church and state went hand in hand;[29] and now and then the
bounds of propriety were overstepped.
Other unfavorable aspects of the situation may be found in the
habits of card-playing and gambling which everywhere prevailed,
and in the frequent allusions to instances of social vice and
illegitimacy with which the pages of the diary of such a careful
observer as the Reverend William Bentley were laden.[30]
The opinion that the social life of the period was desperately
unsound was accepted without question by many a so-called
interpreter of the times. The observations which President Timothy
Dwight, of Yale, made in his Century Sermon[31] expressed the views
of many minds. Dating “the first considerable change in the religious
character of the people of this country” with the beginning of the
French and Indian War,[32] he continued:

The officers and soldiers of the British armies, then


employed in this country, although probably as little
corrupted as those of most armies, were yet loose
patterns of opinion and conduct, and were unhappily
copied by considerable numbers of our own countrymen,
united with them in military life. These, on their return,
spread the infection through those around them. Looser
habits of thinking began then to be adopted, and were
followed, as they always are, by looser conduct. The
American war increased these evils. Peace had not, at
the commencement of this war, restored the purity of life
which existed before the preceding war. To the
depravation still remaining was added a long train of
immoral doctrines and practices, which spread into every
corner of the country. The profanation of the Sabbath,
before unusual, profaneness of language, drunkenness,
gambling, and lewdness were exceedingly increased;
and, what is less commonly remarked, but is perhaps not
less mischievous than any of them, a light, vain method
of thinking concerning sacred things and a cold,
contemptuous indifference toward every moral and
religious subject.[33]

But this sweeping judgment of Yale’s president, together with the


specific explanation of the situation which he offered, are to be
checked up by other and less pessimistic considerations. That there
was much pertaining to the customs and manners of the times to be
deplored, is not to be denied. On the other hand, that society in New
England, as the eighteenth century drew toward its close, was
actually lapsing from soundness and virtue to the extent that its
fundamental views and habits were being altered, is far from clear.
Observers who spoke to the contrary listened chiefly to the murmurs
of the shallows and were unresponsive to the deeps.
The fact is, new ideals and new forces were working upward in
the common life of the age. The new sense of freedom which the
War of Independence ushered in, the steadily growing prosperity of
the people, the development of social intimacies as the population of
the country increased, the intrusion and growing influence of foreign
ideas and customs, the steadily diminishing domination of the clergy
—these all tended to inaugurate a new order which clashed more or
less violently with the old. The memories of the old Puritan régime
were still sufficiently vivid to make every lapse from liberty into
license appear ominous in the extreme.
A general relaxing of social customs expressed itself in manifold
ways over all those areas where actual stagnation had not come to
pass; but this loosening was by no means characterized by deep-
seated coarseness or general immorality.[34] The people had begun
to claim for themselves some relaxation, and hence to amuse and
satisfy themselves in the light of their enlarged conceptions of the
freedom and privileges of life. On the whole, their enjoyments and
amusements were such as characterize a state of healthy-
mindedness at a time of marked transition.
In the main, the condition of the people was deplorable for what
they lacked in the way of incitements to pleasurable and helpful
social and cultural employments rather than because of what they
possessed.[35] When it is recalled how considerable was the dearth
of material for mental occupation; how undeveloped, for example,
were music and painting;[36] how the newspapers and magazines of
the day supplied little or nothing of a constructive or inspiring
character; how science was almost totally undeveloped,[37] libraries
few in number and destitute of stimulating material, the colleges for
the most part mooning the years away over insipid and useless
abstractions and dogmatic formulations, the wonder is that the
rebound against Puritanism, in this period of intense political
excitement and the growing secularization of thought, was not
tenfold more violent and subversive than it was.[38]
The impression communicated by this view is heightened when it
is recalled that the struggle for political independence not only had
affected profoundly the status of the people of New England with
respect to both their internal and their external relations; it had also
made substantial and significant modifications in the very
constitution of society itself. When the reorganization of affairs after
the Revolutionary struggle was over, it became increasingly apparent
that the control of the forces and institutions of society in New
England was in the hands of new leaders and arbiters. The
aristocracy of unquestioned conservatism which had all society under
its thumb before the Revolution, had been swept away generally in
the flood of that epochal event. Up from the small towns and
villages of the country to the great centers, to Boston particularly,
came a small army, made up largely of squires and gentry,[39] to
establish a new but less secure sovereignty, to assume control of the
social and political forces of the day, and, more or less unaware of
the precise significance of the turn of events, to measure its strength
against those new forces of democracy which in New England, as no
place else in the nation, were to find themselves compelled to fight a
long and stubborn battle to secure their emancipation.
Assuming without question the direction of affairs, this new
aristocracy, after the fashion of the old leaders who were gone,
addressed itself to the task of social, political, and religious control.
[40]Manifestly the situation was big with possibilities with respect to
the effect to be produced upon the thought and habits of the
people. There they dwelt in their spacious houses,[41] these modern
aristocrats and autocrats of fashion and custom, by no means rolling
in luxury and idleness, yet claiming and enjoying a degree of
relaxation and social pleasure vastly more lavish than that accorded
to their plebeian neighbors, occupying themselves with their parties,
their weddings and dances,[42] their refinements of dress[43] and
behavior, but with little or no disposition to abandon themselves to
scandalous conduct.
The constant challenge of the political necessities of the times, it
may be urged, was altogether too compelling to admit of any such
looseness. Still, one cannot scan the newspapers of the period, or
read the story of the social commerce of the times as it pieces itself
together out of the private records and correspondence of the day,
or listen even to the pulpit’s copious flood of denunciations,[44]
without a feeling of mingled admiration and astonishment that in an
age everywhere characterized by upheaval and ferment there was
really as little of shameless and wanton conduct in New England as
the records of the period reveal. It cannot but be viewed as a
notable tribute to the essential soundness and nobility of that type of
moral and religious culture which Puritanism had supplied from the
first that the New England character should be able to pass through
a period of profound social readjustment, of the discarding of old
value judgments and the adoption of new, such as came near the
close of the eighteenth century, and this without serious loss of
moral power and prestige. Manifestly, whatever hollowness and
insincerity Puritanism may have developed in other lands and times,
it did not so cramp and fetter the human spirit in New England as to
render it incapable of self-guidance when the old restraints and
limitations were no more.[45]
Now that its controlling spirit of gravity and provincialism was
being replaced by a general temper of comparative light-heartedness
and open-mindedness, of unaffected enjoyment of the good things
of life, of the acceptance of standards far more natural than those of
the earlier day, the transition was accomplished with a relative
absence of accompanying instances of moral lapse and disaster
nothing less than remarkable. A considerable amount of the
boisterousness and heat of the day over which clerical Jeremiahs
and others of like conservative leanings ceased not to pour out their
complaints,[46] is explicable on the ground of the growing habit of
the mass of the people to exercise the rights of citizenship through
direct participation in the affairs of the day. For far more significant
than any evidence of moral blindness and perversity on the part of
the people in general is the fact that a great, crowding, hungry
democracy was knocking at the gates of the old aristocratic régime
and insistently urging the consideration of its rights.

2. OMINOUS DISCONTENT WITH THE STANDING ORDER

The general impression of a revolt against morality and religion in


New England near the close of the eighteenth century was deepened
by the bitterness of spirit which marked the last stages of the long
struggle waged by dissenters to cut the bond between church and
state.[47] The Congregational Church was one of the fundamental
institutions of New England, and from the first the sword of the
magistrate had been invoked to enforce conformity to its worship
and polity. Strange enough seem the terms “Establishment” and
“Standing Order”[48] in the history of a people whose forefathers
came to America in quest of religious freedom. The freedom sought,
however, was to be construed as loyalty to a new order rather than
as the embodiment of tolerance. Thus it happened that for two
whole centuries the battle on behalf of the rights of dissent had to
be waged in New England.[49] To have this struggle construed by the
aggrieved representatives of the Establishment as the crowning
expression of what they had come to regard as the deep-seated and
widespread irreligion of the age, was not the least of the bitter
taunts which dissenters had to bear.

(a) Massachusetts

In Massachusetts the eighteenth century dawned with some faint


promise of a kindlier day. The Charter of 1691 granted full liberty of
conscience to all Christians except Roman Catholics.[50] The practical
effects of this apparently sweeping reform were largely nullified,
however, when in the following year the General Court made it
obligatory for each town to have a minister for whose support all its
inhabitants should be taxed.[51] With the removal of all bonds upon
conscience and of all religious restrictions upon the right of suffrage
on the one hand, but with the principle of enforced support of the
institutions of religion on the other, the hallowed union of church
and state in Massachusetts obviously stood in no immediate danger.
The slight modifications speedily made in the law of 1692 did not
touch the principle of taxation in the interests of religious worship.
[52]

A measure of relief came to the Episcopalians in 1727,[53] and to


the Quakers and Baptists in 1728,[54] in the form of exemption laws.
In the case of the Baptists the exemption granted was not absolute,
but only for a limited period of years. With the expiration of this
period the struggle for relief of necessity had to be renewed.[55] The
rights of dissent had begun to receive some recognition, but the
limitations embodied in the foregoing legislation bore convincing
testimony of a grudging temper of mind which would yield no
ground without strong pressure.
The spirit of excitement and controversy which characterized the
revival of religion of the third and fourth decades of the eighteenth
century (i. e., the Great Awakening) led to new complications and
difficulties. Stirred by the revival, itinerant preachers, some of them
of little learning and of less tact, invaded parishes of their clerical
brethren without their consent, and presumed to censure the
ministers and congregations that had not yielded to the emotional
impulses of the revival.[56] A clash of parties followed, producing
new antipathies and cleavages. Many who were in sympathy with
the revival withdrew from orthodox congregations to organize new
churches, nominally Baptist, with a view to obtaining exemption
from the obligation to support the state church. To meet this evasion
in 1752 the General Court of Massachusetts passed an act which
provided

That no person for the future shall be so esteemed an


A(n)nabaptist as to have his poll or polls and estate
exempted from paying a proportionable part of the taxes
that shall be raised in the town or place where he or they
belong, but such whose names shall be contained in the
lists taken by the assessors, as in said act provided, or
such as shall produce a certificate, under the hands of
the minister and of two principal members of such
church, setting forth that they conscientiously believe
such person or persons to be of their perswasion, and
that he or they usually and frequently attend the publick
worship in such church on Lord’s days.[57]

A further provision of the act denied to Baptist ministers and their


parishioners the right of furnishing the required certificates unless
three other Baptist churches previously should have certified that the
persons granting the certificates were regarded as members of that
body.[58] To make the situation more galling, if that were possible,
certificates so obtained had to be lodged annually with the town
clerk before the time to pay the rates arrived.
From every point of view this legislation was objectionable to the
Baptists. Their protest was instant and vigorous.[59] It was decided
to send one of their number as agent to England, to carry their case
before the government of the mother country.[60] A sharp
remonstrance, so plain in its language that its signers came very
near being taken into custody, was drawn up and presented to the
General Court at Boston.[61] But great as was the sense of injustice
under which the Baptists smarted, the operations of the act appear
to have been most severe in the case of those who had drawn off
from the orthodox churches on account of the disturbances created
by the Great Awakening. The position of these Separatists[62] was
peculiarly vulnerable. Baptist leaders found themselves embarrassed
when called upon to certify to the Baptist affiliations of the
Separatists; such a distasteful judgment of the motives and scruples
of others was to be avoided wherever possible.[63] On the other
hand, if the Separatists sought to set up churches and establish
ministers of their own, they were confronted by the fact that a
second Congregational church could not be formed in a parish
without legislative permission, and the orthodox party usually
showed itself capable of forestalling all such sanction on the part of
the state. It was left, therefore, to the Separatists either for
conscience’ sake to bear the double burden of taxation,[64] or to
seek a permanent religious home in one of the recognized dissenting
bodies.[65]
Five years later, when the exemption law of 1752 expired and
with it the exemption laws that previously had been passed for the
relief of the Quakers, a new law was enacted governing both sects.
[66] Henceforth a Baptist who desired exemption must have his name
upon a list to be presented annually to the assessor and signed by
the minister and three principal members of the Baptist congregation
to which the applicant belonged, with the accompanying certification
that the applicant was recognized as a conscientious and faithful
Baptist. Quakers were placed under the same regulations. For
thirteen years this law was in operation, with manifold instances of
distress resulting, particularly in the case of Baptists.[67] Through
difficulty in obtaining the certificates, goods were seized, expensive
and otherwise irritating court trials were held, and not a few victims,
either because of poverty or on account of conscientious scruples,
found their way to prison. In some instances, despite the fact that
the certificates were duly obtained and presented, they were waved
aside and the payment of the tax required or the process of distraint
invoked.[68] It is little wonder that the feeling in the minds and
hearts of New England Baptists that there was a spirit of iniquity
back of the oppressive measures of the Standing Order, came to
have all the significance of a settled conviction.[69]
Further modifications in the exemption laws, made in 1770, were
so slight, leaving as they did the certificate principle practically
untouched,[70] that Baptist opposition was aroused even more
deeply and the determination struck deeper root to push the battle
for religious freedom to a decision. The times also were propitious.
The near approach of the Revolutionary struggle focused attention
upon the subject of tyranny and caused acts of oppression, whether
civil or ecclesiastical in character, to stand out in a new relief before
the eye of the public. That dissenters were quick to see the bearing
of political events will appear from the following pithy comments in
the address which the Committee of Grievances[71] drew up late in
1774 and presented to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts:

It seems that the two main rights which all America are
contending for at this time, are,—Not to be taxed where
they are not represented, and—To have their causes tried
by unbiased judges. And the Baptist churches in this
province as heartily unite with their countrymen in this
cause, as any denomination in the land; and are as ready
to exert all their abilities to defend it. Yet only because
they have thought it to be their duty to claim an equal
title to these rights with their neighbors, they have
repeatedly been accused of evil attempts against the
general welfare of the colony; therefore, we have
thought it expedient to lay a brief statement of the case
before this assembly…. Great complaints have been made
about a tax which the British parliament laid upon paper;
but you require a paper tax of us annually. That which
has made the greatest noise, is the tax of three pence a
pound upon tea; but your law of last June laid a tax of
the same sum every year upon the Baptists in each
parish, as they would expect to defend themselves
against a greater one…. All America is alarmed at the tea
tax; though, if they please, they can avoid it by not
buying tea; but we have no such liberty. We must either
pay the little tax, or else your people appear even in this
time of extremity determined to lay the great one upon
us. But these lines are to let you know, that we are
determined not to pay either of them; not only upon your
principle of not being taxed where we are not
represented, but also because we dare not render
homage to any earthly power, which I and many of my
brethren are fully convinced belongs only to God. We can
not give the certificates you require, without implicitly
allowing to men that authority which we believe in our
conscience belongs only to God. Here, therefore, we
claim charter rights, liberty of conscience.[72]
As the event proved, the Revolutionary period brought little
legislative relief to dissenters in Massachusetts. Wherever the
distractions of the war did not interrupt the ordinary course of
ecclesiastical affairs, the state church continued to assert its time-
honored prerogatives. The new constitution of the commonwealth
which was adopted in 1780 gave conclusive proof that the Standing
Order still had the situation well in hand. That instrument contained
a bill of rights which reaffirmed the authority of the legislature to
authorize and require the various towns and parishes “to make
suitable provision, at their own expense, for the institution of the
public worship of God”;[73] affirmed also that the legislature had
authority to enjoin attendance upon public worship; that towns and
parishes were to have the right to elect their ministers and make
contracts with them for their support; and that moneys, in the form
of rates paid by the people in the support of public worship, were to
be applied according to the preference of the rate-payer, “provided,
there be any [minister] on whose instructions he attends”; otherwise
the minister selected by the town or parish was to receive the
benefit of the tax.[74] There is no difficulty in discerning here the
outlines of the old ideal of a state church. The day of deliverance for
dissent was not yet.[75]
What did take place during the Revolutionary period to promote
the cause of religious freedom and to hasten the day of its triumph
was the publication of various pamphlets and treatises devoted to
the cause of toleration or championing the closely allied cause of
democracy in church and state.[76] Several of these[77] were from
the pen of the indomitable Isaac Backus, whose unwearied advocacy
of the rights of the individual conscience was exceeded by none. The
likeness of the struggle which dissenters were making for freedom of
conscience to that which the colonists were making for civil liberty
was a favorite notion of this doughty penman; and such an
argument presented when the imaginations of his countrymen were
stirred by the political situation, could not fail of its appeal. Three
years before the war broke out, in his Appeal to the Public for
Religious Liberty, Backus had drawn for the benefit of the public a
sharp distinction between the spheres of ecclesiastical and civil
governments. The former was armed only with light and truth, and
was commissioned to “pull down the strongholds of iniquity,” to
gather into Christ’s church those who were willing to be governed by
His teachings, and to exclude those who would not be so governed;
while the latter “is armed with the sword to guard the peace and to
punish those who violate the same.”[78] In his Government and
Liberty Described, and Ecclesiastical Tyranny Exposed, published in
1778, he attacked the notion of men “assuming a power to govern
religion, instead of being governed by it,” and asserted that the
essence of true religion is a voluntary obedience to God.[79] Here
was strong meat for a people for whom the word freedom was
rapidly coming to have an enlarged signification.
The most convincing exposition of the democratic tendencies of
the age came from another quarter, and in a sense belonged to the
past. Spurred by the fact that at the beginning of the century a
resolute effort had been made, both in Massachusetts and
Connecticut, to obtain more compact and rigid ecclesiastical control,
[80] the Reverend John Wise, of Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1710 had

issued a satirical tract entitled, The Churches’ Quarrel Espoused, and


later, in 1717, a more serious production entitled, A Vindication of
the Government of the New England Churches. In 1772 a new
edition of these tracts, published by subscription, came from the
Boston press.[81] The enduring quality of the task Wise had
performed is shown by the fact that, while these two slight volumes
had been conceived as a protest against the encroachments of
ecclesiastical tyranny in the first two decades of the century, they
now, a half-century later, served equally well to voice the deep
passions and impulses of a people who for the moment were
engrossed in the concerns of civil government.[82] Wise rejected the
ideals of monarchy and aristocracy for the church, and took his
stand upon the proposition that democracy alone stands the test of
reason and revelation.[83] Of all systems, democracy alone cherishes
the precious interests of man’s original liberty and equality. It alone
serves effectually to restrain the disposition to prey and embezzle,
and to keep the administration of government firmly fixed upon the
main point, “the peculiar good and benefit of the whole.” “It is as
plain as daylight, there are no species of government like a
democracy to attain this end.”[84]
Such literary assaults upon the usurpations of government, upon
the violation of individual rights, and upon obstructions erected in
the path of democracy, were frontal. As has been said, they were
also happily timed. The oppressed would have to content themselves
a little longer with a type of toleration which seemed but the shadow
of genuine freedom; but the broad dissemination of such principles
as those proclaimed by Backus and Wise had had the effect of
altering appreciably the spirit of the times.
The close of the struggle for political freedom gave early proof
that the cause of religious toleration had passed into a new stage.
Dissent had grown in numbers and influence.[85] Distant voices, too,
were being heard. Virginia’s noble example in adopting the Act
Establishing Religious Freedom had given a practical demonstration
of the complete severance of church and state. The impression
created by this determination of the issue of religious freedom on
the broadest possible basis had been profound throughout the
country. When the Constitution of the United States was before the
people of Massachusetts for ratification, in the fall and winter of
1787–88, they found in it a single provision concerning religion.
Article VI provided: “No religious test shall ever be required as a
qualification to any office or public trust in the United States.” So far
had the eyes of dissenters in Massachusetts been opened to dangers
lurking in legislative measures that a large proportion of the Baptist
delegates in the state constitutional convention voted against the
adoption of the instrument.[86] Besides, their hearts were set on
some broad and yet specific guarantee of religious freedom under
which their liberties would be safe. The First Amendment to the
Constitution, which Congress proposed in 1789, seemed to fulfil their
desire. It provided that “Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.”
With the adoption of this law by the majority of the states, the
principle of full liberty of mind, conscience, and worship, had been
written finally into the law of the land.
Yet this pronouncement of the national government could not
bring to a full end the long struggle which had been waged. Only the
sphere of the federal government was involved, and individual states
were still free to deal with the institutions of religion and the rights
of individuals as they might feel disposed, as long as the national
welfare was not involved.[87] What actually happened in
Massachusetts is well expressed by Isaac Backus: “The amendment
about liberty of conscience is kept out of sight.”[88] The goods of
Baptists continued to be levied upon to meet the ministerial tax.[89]
Dissensions continued to arise in parishes over the settlement and
support of ministers, dissenting minorities usually contesting the
right of the majority to saddle upon them clergymen for whose
ministrations they had no desire.[90] The annoyances and disabilities
that dissenters and disaffected members of the Establishment
suffered were clearly not so numerous nor so severe as they had
been in the past;[91] none the less they were able to keep alive the
impression that nothing but a spirit of bigotry and obdurate tyranny
could explain the prolonged attitude and policy of the Standing
Order.[92]

(b) Connecticut

Before directing attention to the effect which this weakening of


the forces of ecclesiastical domination had upon the minds of the
leaders of the Establishment, it will be necessary to review briefly
the course which affairs took in Connecticut.[93]
Despite the fact that the founding of Connecticut had directly
resulted from the ecclesiasticism of Massachusetts, the forces of
ecclesiastical tyranny proved to be more strongly entrenched in
Connecticut than in the parent state.[94] This was due in part to the
homogeneity of the population,[95] but more largely to the degree of
oversight of the religious life of the people, unusual even for Puritan
New England, which the General Court of Connecticut exercised from
the first.[96] In this connection it is to be observed that the impulses
that lay back of the oppression of dissenters in Connecticut were not
the same as those that shaped the situation in Massachusetts. The
founders of Connecticut were out of sympathy with the theocratic
ideal that prevailed in the mother colony; they frowned upon the
harsh measures of repression which the authorities of Massachusetts
adopted.[97] They held before them the ideal of a state wherein the
maintenance of religion and the exercise of individual freedom
should not be incompatible.
Yet as the event proved, the hand of religious tyranny fell heavily
upon their posterity.[98] This happened, not because they were
disposed to exercise harsher repressive measures than their fathers
in curbing dissent, but because, in their extraordinary devotion to
the churches of their own order, in their extreme care and
watchfulness to strengthen them and to safeguard the whole range
of their interests, they came into open conflict with the interests of
dissenting bodies.[99] As early as 1669 the Congregational church
was formally adopted as the state church.[100] From that day forward
an intimate and intense paternalism characterized the attitude of the
civil government toward the Establishment. Its most serious and
permanent, as well as its lighter and occasional concerns, all were
provided for with equal constancy. Contingencies of every
description were either prudently anticipated or, arising suddenly,
received the immediate and painstaking attention of the magistrates.
[101]

The following list, though far from complete, will serve to


illustrate this point. Without the consent of the General Court,
churches could not be organized,[102] nor bonds be severed between
pastors and their flocks.[103] The formation of new parishes and the
fixing of their limits,[104] the calling of new ministers,[105] the
determination of the time at which arrearages in ministers’ salaries
must be paid fully,[106] the fixing of the location of new houses of
worship,[107] the disposition of cases of discipline appealed from the
decisions of local church courts,[108] the settlement of the question
as to who were to be permitted to receive the Lord’s Supper,[109] the
proffer of counsel concerning the behavior offended members were
expected to manifest toward pastors for whom they entertained no
affection nor respect[110]—these all were regarded as part of the
proper business of the General Court.
The dangers inherent in such a system are not difficult to divine.
The churches themselves upon which such paternal legislative care
was imposed generally found their affairs taken out of their hands.
Civil authority disciplined them and their members, and made
independent ecclesiastical rule little more than a fiction. Again, the
committal of the political government to a particular type of religious
polity and worship aroused antagonisms in the minds of men who
hated the palest shadow of the principle that the religion of a prince
or government must be the religion of the people. However tolerant
toward non-conformity such a state may show itself to be—and none
will deny that Connecticut rose to comparatively high levels of justice
in this regard[111]—the favoritism of government puts dissent at a
disadvantage; and when narrow and intolerant men are at the helm
of state, disadvantage passes rapidly into positive deprivation and
injury. Once more, so close an alliance between politics and religion
as the Standing Order in Connecticut represented, invites similar
combinations on the part of men, some of whom have political and
some religious objects to serve, and who, therefore, in the presence
of a common foe gladly make common cause. All of which we shall
see illustrated later.
Another general aspect of the situation in Connecticut concerns
the development of synodical government within the Congregational
church. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, out of a sense of
the decay of religion in New England, as evidenced by the loosening
of discipline and the weakening of ministerial influence,[112] the
clergy of Massachusetts attempted to buttress church government
and ministerial authority through the “Proposals of 1705.” These
provided for the grouping of ministers in Associations which were to
function in the following ways: pastors were to adopt their advice in
all difficult cases; ministerial candidates were to be examined and
licensed by them; pastorless, or “bereaved” churches were to be
urged to apply to them for candidates; they were also to exercise a
general oversight of religion, and to inquire into charges made
against the character, conduct, or faith of any of their members. The
“Proposals” also made provision for Standing Councils to be made up
of delegates from these Ministerial Associations and lay members of
the churches. These Standing Councils were “to consult, advise, and
determine all affairs that shall be proper matter for the consideration
of an ecclesiastical council within their respective limits.” Their
judgments were to be accepted as final and obedience was to be
enforced on penalty of forfeiting church-fellowship.[113] This bold
step in the direction of bringing the churches of Massachusetts
under more rigorous ecclesiastical control was not destined to
succeed. Liberalizing elements stirred up powerful opposition, the
legislature failed to give to the “Proposals” its support, and the
movement fell through.[114]
A very different situation developed in Connecticut. The yearning
for the strengthening of church government in the interests of a
general improvement of religion was if anything stronger in that
commonwealth; and a propitious hour for the inauguration of such a
movement came when, in 1707, the most influential minister of the
colony, Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London, was raised to the
governor’s chair. The following May the General Court issued the call
for the famous Saybrook Synod.[115] Ministers and messengers of
the churches were to assemble in their respective county towns, “on
the last Monday in June next … to consider and agree upon those
methods and rules for the management of ecclesiastical discipline
which by them shall be judged agreeable and conformable to the
word of God.”[116] By these county councils ministers and delegates
were to be chosen to meet at Saybrook, at the commencement of
the “infant college” (i. e., Yale), there “to compare the results of the
ministers of the several counties, and out of them and from them to
draw a form of ecclesiastical discipline which by two or more persons
delegated by them shall be offered to this Court … to be considered
of and confirmed by them.”[117]
The directions of the General Court were complied with. The
doctrinal results of the Saybrook Synod are no part of our concern;
but this is not so with regard to its ecclesiastical formulations. The
principles contained in the “Proposals of 1705” were accepted and
worked out in more complete detail. Churches were to be grouped in
Consociations, one or more in each county as the churches might
determine. Cases of discipline too difficult of management in local
congregations were to be heard and determined by these
Consociations. Refusal to answer to the summons of a Consociation,
or to submit to its decision, incurred excommunication, whether a
church or a pastor might be the guilty party. All matters relating to
the installation, ordination, and dismissal of ministers were to be
submitted by the churches to these Consociations. In like manner
the ministers of the various counties were to be grouped together in
Associations to consult concerning the affairs of the church, provide
ministerial licensure, examine complaints, and make
recommendations to the legislature concerning the settlement of
pastors with “bereaved” churches.[118]
The result of the deliberations of the Saybrook Synod was laid
duly before the sessions of the General Court, in October, 1708, and
formally adopted by that body in the following terms:

This Assembly do declare their great approbation of such


a happy agreement, and do ordain that all the churches
within this government that are or shall be thus united in
doctrine, worship, and discipline, be, and for the future
shall be owned and acknowledged established by law.
Provided always, that nothing herein shall be intended
and construed to hinder or prevent any society or church
that is or shall be allowed by the laws of this
government, who soberly differ or dissent from the
united churches hereby established, from exercising
worship and discipline in their own way, according to
their consciences.[119]

This reëstablishment of the Congregational church in Connecticut


determined the course of events, as far as the religious interests of
the commonwealth were concerned, for a hundred years to come.
By this it is not meant that the ecclesiastical system which was thus
worked out and imposed upon the churches of the colony continued
to operate in full force for that period; the Saybrook Platform was
abrogated in 1784. But the Congregational church in Connecticut, by
the act of 1708, “attained the height of its security and power,”[120]
and, as one of the chief consequences of the act, ministerial
domination was accorded a recognition and support, the tradition of
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