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which an old monk had dug out of the ruins of a church on
Cozumel Island. 'The connecting of the "Cozumel Cross" with
the ruined church on the island completely invalidates the
strongest proof offered at this day that the cross was ever
recognized by the Indians as a symbol of worship.' Yucatan, vol.
ii., pp. 377-8. Rather a hasty assertion when made in the face of
so many old authorities.
[XI-24] This seems to confirm the idea that it was worshiped,
yet Constantio regards it as a representation of the birth of the
sun in the winter solstice, and holds the ruin to which the cross
belongs to be a sun temple. Malte-Brun, Précis de la Géog.,
tom. vi., pp. 464-5; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 498;
Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. i., pp. 345-8. Squier, who denies that
the Tonacaquahuitl was intended to represent a cross, thinks
that the Palenque cross merely represents one of these trees
with the branches placed crosswise. Palacio, Carta, pp. 120-1.
Jones, Hist. Anc. Amer., p. 149, et seq., who identifies almost
every feature of Central American worship with the Phœnician,
asserts that the Palenque cross proves the Tyrian origin of the
aborigines.
[XI-25] Cogolludo says, however: 'Solian ayunar dos, y tres
dias, sin comer cosa alguna.' Hist. Yuc., p. 194.
[XI-26] These mutilations were at times very severe. 'Otras
vezes hazian un suzio y penoso sacrificio añudandose los que lo
hazian en el templo, donde puestas en rengla, se hazian sendos
aguzeros en los miembros viriles al soslayo por el lado, y hechos
passavan toda la mas cantidad de hilo que podian, quedando
assi todos asidos.' Landa, Relacion, pp. 162-3. This author
thinks that the practice of slitting the prepuce gave rise to the
idea that circumcision existed in Yucatan.
[XI-27] Landa, Relacion, pp. 164-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp.
193-4; Medel, in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii.,
p. 43; vol. ii., pp. 704-5, of this work. 'For want of children they
sacrifice dogges.' Peter Martyr, dec. iv., lib. vi. 'El numero de la
gente sacrificada era mucho: y esta costumbre fue introduzida
en Yucatan, por los Mexicanos.' 'Flechauan algunas vezes al
sacrificado ... desollauanlos, vestiase el sacerdote el pellejo, y
baylauo, y enterrauan el cuerpo en el patio del templo.' Herrera,
Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x., cap. iii., iv. Tradition relates that in a
cave near Uxmal existed a well like that of Chichen, guarded by
an old woman, the builder of the dwarf palace in that city, who
sold the water for infants, and these she cast before the snake
at her side. Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., p. 425.
[XI-28] Landa, Relacion, p. 165; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., pp. 25,
180; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 62.
[XI-29] Relacion, p. 154; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. x.,
cap. iv. For description of baptismal rites, see vol. ii., pp. 682-4,
of this work.
[XI-30] 'Que se deriva de un verbo kinyah, que significa "sortear
ó echar suertes."' Lizana, in Landa, Relacion, p. 362.
[XI-31] 'Longues robes noires.' Morelet, Voyage, tom. i., p. 168.
[XI-32] Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 198; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 6; Ternaux-Compans, in Nouvelles
Annales des Voy., 1843, tom. xcvii., pp. 39-41. Temples are
described in vol. ii., pp. 791-3, of this work.
[XI-33] 'Célèbres dans toutes les traditions d'origine toltèque,
comme les pères du soleil et de la magie.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 120.
[XI-34] 'Hun-Ahpu-Vuch un Tireur de Sarbacane au Sarigue et
Hun-Ahpu-Utïu un Tireur de Sarbacane au Chacal.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. cxviii., cxix., pp. 2-5. They are also
referred to as conjurers. Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 54.
Ximenez spells the latter name Hun-ahpu-uhú, and states that
they are held as oracles. Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 4, 156-8, 82. Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv., refers to these beings
as having been adored under the name of grandfather and
grandmother before the deluge, but later on a woman appeared
who taught them to call the gods by other names. This woman,
Brasseur de Bourbourg holds to be the traditional and
celebrated queen Atit, from whom Atitlan volcano obtained its
name, and from whom the princely families of Guatemala have
descended. The natives still recall her name, but as that of a
phantom. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 74-5. He further finds
considerable similarity between her and Aditi of the Veda. In his
solution of the Antilles cataclysm he identifies Xmucane as the
South American part of the continent and Xpiyacoc as North
America. Quatre Lettres, pp. 223-4, 235-8. Garcia, Origen de los
Ind., pp. 329-30, calls these first beings Xchmel and Xtmana,
and gives them three sons, who create all things. In the
younger of these we recognize the two legitimate sons of
Hunhun Ahpu, who will be described later on as the patrons of
the fine arts.
[XI-35] To be afflicted with buboes implied the possession of
many women and consequently wealth and grandeur. Hist. Ind.
Guat., p. 157; see this vol. p. 60; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol
Vuh, p. 3.
[XI-36] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 315, does not
understand why Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., p. 125, translates
heaven and Xibalba as heaven and hell, but as both terms
doubtless refer to provinces, or towns, it is better to retain the
figurative name. Xibalba is, besides, derived from the same
source as the Insomuch 'demon' of the Yucatecs. Brasseur
translates: 'Chaque sept (jours) il montait au ciel et en sept
(jours) il faisait le chemin pour descendre à Xibalba;' while
Ximenez with more apparent correctness renders: 'Siete dias se
subia al cielo y siete dias se iba al infierno.' In Quatre Lettres, p.
228, the Abbé explains Xibalba as hell. See also vol. ii., pp. 715-
7, of this work.
[XI-37] Popol Vuh, p. cxvii.-cxx., 7, 9; see this vol., pp. 48-54.
The occurrence of the number 4 in mythical and historical
accounts of Mexico and Central America is very frequent.
[XI-38] 'Parait venir des Antilles, où il désignait la tempête et le
grondement de l'orage.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p.
8.
[XI-39] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 496.
[XI-40] Garcilaso says: 'C'est encore l'idée du Tonnerre, de
l'Eclair et de la Foudre, contenus dans un seul Hurakan, le
centre, le cœur du ciel, la tempête, le vent, le souffle.'
Comentarios Reales, lib. ii., cap. xxiii., lib. iii., cap. xxi., lib. iii.;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. ccxxxv., 9; Id., Hist. Nat.
Civ., tom. i., p. 51.
[XI-41] 'Ximenez dit qu'il signifie Pluie, Averse: mais il confond
ici le nom du dieu avec le signe. Toh, ... est rendu par le mot
paga, paie, pagar, payer. Mais le MS. Cakehiquel ... dit que les
Quichés reçurent celui de Tohohil, qui signifie grondement,
bruit,' etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 214. He seems
identical with the Maya Hunpictok.
[XI-42] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 553,
tom. i., p. 128.
[XI-43] Brinton, Myths, pp. 156-7, who holds Hurakan to be the
Tlaloc, connects Tohil with Quetzalcoatl—ideas taken most likely
from Brasseur de Bourbourg—states that he was represented by
a flint. This must refer to his traditional transformation into a
stone, for the Abbé declares that no description of his idol is
given by the chroniclers. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 552. Now,
although the Abbé declares Tohil to be the same as
Quetzalcoatl, in the Popol Vuh, p. 214, and other places, he
acknowledges that the tradition positively identifies him with
Hurakan, and confirms this by explaining on p. cclxvii., that
Tohil, sometimes in himself, sometimes in connection with the
two other members of the trinity, combines the attributes of
thunder, flash, and thunderbolt; further, he gives a prayer by the
Tohil priests in which this god is addressed as Hurakan. Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 553. Gucumatz, the acknowledged
representative of Quetzalcoatl, is, besides, shown to be distinct
from Tohil. Every point, therefore, tradition, name, attributes,
connect Tohil and Hurakan, and identify them with Tlaloc.
[XI-44] Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 552-3.
[XI-45] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cclxvii., 235; Id.,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 554. The turning into stone 'veut dire
que les trois principaux volcans s'éteignirent ou cessèrent de
lancer leurs feux.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 331.
[XI-46] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 497,
75; Id., Popol Vuh, p. cclxii.; see note 7.
[XI-47] Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 521; Juarros' Hist. Guat.,
p. 384.
[XI-48] 'Hunhun-Ahpu signifie Chaque Tireur de Sarbacane;
Vukub-Hun-Ahpu, Sept un Tireur de Sarbacane.' Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. cxxxv. Their chief name, Ahpu,
'désigne la puissance volcanique.' Id., Quatre Lettres, p. 225.
[XI-49] Hun Ahpu, a sarbacan shooter. 'Xbalenque, de balam,
tigre, jaguar; le que final est un signe pluriel, et le x qui
précède, prononcez sh (anglais), est alternativement un
diminutif ou un signe féminin.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol
Vuh, p. cxxxv. Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 146-7, 156,
remarks the similarity of these personages to the God, son, and
virgin of the Christians.
[XI-50] 'Hun-Batz, Un Singe (ou un Fileur); Hun-Chouen, un qui
se blanchit, ou s'embellit.' They seem to correspond to the
Mexican Ozomatli and Piltzintecutli. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Popol Vuh, pp. cxxxv., 69, 117. The ba in Hun-Batz refers to
something underground, or deep down, and Hun-Chouen '"Une
Souris cachée" ou "un lac en sentinelle."' Both names indicate
the disordered condition and movement of a region (the
Antilles). Id., Quatre Lettres, pp. 227-9.
[XI-51] 'Les deux frères, s'étant embrassés, s'élancent dans les
flammes.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. i., p. 137.
[XI-52] Vukub Cakix, 'seven aras,' a type of the sun, although
declared in one place to have usurped the solar attribute, seems
to have been worshiped as the sun; his two sons, Zipacna and
Cabrakan, represent respectively the creator of the earth and
the earthquake, which confirms their father's high position.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 31-9, cciv., ccliii.
[XI-53] The allegorical account of these events is related on pp.
31 to 192 of Popol Vuh, and Brasseur's remarks are given on
pages cxxxiv. to cxl. Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 164, states that Hun
Ahpu discovered the use of cacao and cotton, which is but
another indication of the introduction of culture. According to
Las Casas, Xbalanque descends into hell, Xibalba, where he
captures Satan and his chief men, and when the devil implores
the hero not to bring him to the light, he kicks him back with
the curse that all things rotten and abhorrent may cling to him.
When he returns, his people do not receive him with due honor,
and he accordingly leaves for other parts. Hist. Apologética,
MS., cap. cxxiv.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 53-4.
[XI-54] Quatre Lettres, pp. 225-53; see this vol. 261-4.
[XI-55] On one occasion the people 'égorgèrent chacun un de
leurs fils, dont ils mirent les cadavres dans les fondations.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 561-4.
[XI-56] Indianer von Istlávacan, pp. 11-3. The natives believed
that they would have to share all the sufferings and emotions of
their naguals. Gage's New Survey, p. 334; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv., also refers to naguals, and states that
the Honduras protégé made his compact with it in the
mountains by offerings and blood-letting.
[XI-57] Espinosa, Chrón. Apost., pp. 344-5; Remesal, Hist.
Chyapa, p. 726; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, pp. 151-3.
[XI-58] 'Tenian por sus Dioses à los Venados.' Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, p. 43.
[XI-59] Hist. Yuc., pp. 699, 489-93, 509; Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, pp. 100-2, 182, 500-2; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p.
32; McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 318.
[XI-60] 'Cha-malcan serait donc Flèche ou Dard frotté d'ocre
jaune,' etc. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 248-9.
[XI-61] Id., Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 173.
[XI-62] Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 475. In their want
of idols they contrasted strongly with their neighbors.
Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 74; Morelet, Voyage, tom. ii., p.
79.
[XI-63] 'C'est à eux qu'elles offraient presque tous leurs
sacrifices.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p.
556; Palacio, Carta, pp. 66-70.
[XI-64] 'L'époque que les événements paraissent assigner à
cette légende coïncide avec la période de la grande émigration
toltèque et la fondation des divers royaumes guatémaliens.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 81; Id., Popol
Vuh, p. cxxviii. Near the village of Coatan was a small lake
which they regarded as oracular, into which none dared to peer
least he should be smitten with dumbness and death. Palacio,
Carta, p. 50.
[XI-65] 'Aujourd'hui de Gracias.... Il y a encore aujourd'hui un
village du même nom, paroisse à 12 l. de Comayagua.' Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 106.
[XI-66] 'Aunque otros dicen, que eran sus Hermanos.'
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 336.
[XI-67] Carta, pp. 82-4. As an instance of the respect
entertained for the idols, Las Casas relates that on the
Spaniards once profaning them with their touch, the natives
brought censers with which they incensed them, and then
carried them back to their altar with great respect, shedding
their blood upon the road traversed by the idols. Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. clxxx.; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom.
i., 326; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. iv.
[XI-68] See vol. ii. of this work, pp. 719-20.
[XI-69] Roman, Republica de los Indios, in Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Guat., pp. 176-81; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom.
ii., pp. 564-566; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxix.;
Juarros, Hist. Guat., p. 196.
[XI-70] The ancient Quichés 'recueillirent leur sang avec des
éponges,' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p. 259.
[XI-71] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 559-
63; Las Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. clxxvii.; vol. ii. of this
work, pp. 688.
[XI-72] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, pp. 226-7; Las
Casas, Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv., clxxvii.; Juarros' Hist.
Guat., p. 225; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 54;
Palacio, Carta, p. 66; Squier, in Id., pp. 116-7; Cortés, Cartas,
pp. 417-8; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 699; Villagutierre, Hist.
Conq. Itza, pp. 392, 502; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 268; Waldeck,
Voy. Pitt., p. 40; see also, this vol. pp. 688-9, 706-10, 735;
Stephens' Cent. Amer., vol. ii., pp. 184-5. Ximenez, Hist. Ind.
Guat., p. 210, states, that in case of a severe illness, a father
would not hesitate to sacrifice his son to obtain relief. The very
fact of such a tale passing current, shows how little human life
was valued.
[XI-73] 'Ils n'avaient pour toute nourriture que des fruits.' MS.,
Quiché de Chichicastenango, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist.
Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 552-553, 496-7; Las Casas, Hist.
Apologética, MS., cap. cxxxiii.
[XI-74] Ternaux-Compans renders it tuti, Recueil de Doc., p. 29,
while Squier gives it as tecti. Palacio, Carta, p. 62. But as an
Aztec word, it ought to be written teoti.
[XI-75] Palacio, Carta, pp. 62-6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib.
viii., cap. x.; Ximenez, Hist. Ind. Guat., pp. 200-1; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 105, 555-6; Salazar y
Olarte, Hist. Conq. Mex., pp. 315-6.
[XI-76] Hist. Conq. Itza, p. 61; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol
Vuh, pp. cxviii., cclxvi.; Scherzer, Indianer von Istlávacan, p. 10.
[XI-77] Gomara says with regard to this: 'Religion de Nicaragua
que casi es la mesma Mexicana.' Hist. Ind., fol. 63.
[XI-78] The similarity of the name of tamachaz and tamagast,
names given to angels and priests, is striking. The ending tat
might also be regarded as a contraction of the Aztec tatli, father.
Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 164-5.
[XI-79] Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 163.
[XI-80] 'Ich bringe es in Verbindung mit dem Stammworte
ciahua oder ciyahua befeuchten, bewässern.' Ib. It is to be
noticed that the Aztec h frequently changes into g, in these
countries.
[XI-81] Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, pp. 435-8, 503;
Squier's Nicaragua, (Ed. 1856), vol. ii., pp. 349-60; Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 112; this author identifies
Tamagostat and Cipaltona with the solar deities Oxomoc and
Cipactonal of the Toltecs, but places them in rather an inferior
position.
[XI-82] Oxomogo is also introduced, which tends to throw doubt
on Brasseur's identification of Jamagostad with this personage.
[XI-83] 'Ehecatl oder verkürzt Ecatl ... ist die Berichtigung für
Oviedo's Hecat.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 163; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., tom. iv., pp. 40-5, 52.
[XI-84] In Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii., tom. iii., p. 40, they
are written Homey-Atelïte and Homey-Ateciguat, but the above
spelling corresponds better with other similar Aztec names in
Nicaragua. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 46.
[XI-85] 'Von quiahui oder quiyahui regnen: mit teotl Gott
verbunden.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 167.
[XI-86] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 46.
[XI-87] Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113.
The latter seems to be the same as the Mexican Teotochtli,
'rabbit god.'
[XI-88] 'Y esso tenemos por el dios de los venados.' Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 55.
[XI-89] All probably derived from tlamacazqui, priest. Brasseur
de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 112-4. This author,
following Oviedo, Hist. Nic., spells the names somewhat
differently. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, pp. 165-8; Oviedo, Hist.
Gen., tom. iv., pp. 48, 52, 101.
[XI-90] These remarks appear inconsistent with the statement
that the spirit only of men ascended to heaven. Id., pp. 41-2.
[XI-91] 'Téobat vient probablement de Téohuatl, être divin.'
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113.
[XI-92] 'En toda la plaça, ni en el templo donde están, entran
allí hombre ni muger en tanto que allí están, sino solamente los
muchachos pequeños que les llevan é dan de comer.' Oviedo,
Hist. Gen., tom. iv., p. 47.
[XI-93] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. i., p. 330.
[XI-94] Peter Martyr describes this edifice as follows: 'Within the
viewe of their Temples there are diuers Bases or Pillers like the
Pulpittes ... which Bases consist of eight steppes or stayres in
some places twelue, and in another fifteene.' Dec. vi., lib. vi.
[XI-95] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53, 56, 93-4, 98,
101; Peter Martyr, dec. vi., lib. vii.; Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 265-
6; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec., iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.; vol. ii., pp. 708-
10, 715, of this work.
[XI-96] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 55-6; Herrera, Hist.
Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii., lib. v., cap. xii.; Gomara, Hist.
Ind., fol. 256.
[XI-97] Brasseur de Bourbourg says: 'Tamagoz, c'est encore une
autre corruption du mot tlamacazqui.' Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p.
114.
[XI-98] Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp. 46-7, 53; Andagoya, in
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 414; vol. ii., p. 728, of this
work. Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 265, states that the priests were
all married, while Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iv., cap. vii.,
asserts the contrary. The latter view seems more correct when
we consider that women were not permitted to enter the
temples, and that the high priest and devotees were obliged to
leave their wives when they passed into the sanctuary. It is
even probable that there was no distinct priesthood, since the
temples had no revenues, and the temple service was
performed in part at least by volunteers; to this must be added
the fact, that although the confessor might not be connected
with the temple, yet he ordered penance for its benefit. It must
be considered, however, that without regular ministers it would
have been difficult to keep up the routine of feasts and
ceremonies, write the books of records, teach the children, and
maintain discipline.
[XI-99] Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 57; Oviedo, Hist. Gen.,
tom. iv., pp. 101, 107. 'Sous le nom de "Texoxé" on désignait les
naguals, les génies mauvais de toute espèce, ainsi que les
sorciers.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., p. 113.
[XI-100] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 63.
[XI-101] At Cape Honduras they consisted of long, narrow
houses, raised above the ground, containing idols with heads of
animals. Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. viii., cap. v.
[XI-102] Id., and dec. iv., lib. i., cap. vi.; see vol. i., p. 740, of
this work.
[XI-103] 'Es ist dafür das Wort God aus dem Englischen
aufgenommen.' Mosquitoland, Bericht, p. 142.
[XI-104] Bard's Waikna, p. 243. 'Devils, the chief of whom they
call the Woolsaw, or evil principle, witchcraft.' Strangeways'
Mosquito Shore, p. 331. Young writes Oulasser. Narrative, p. 72.
[XI-105] Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., p. 254.
[XI-106] A shape which assigns the story a comparatively recent
date, unless a deer was originally meant.
[XI-107] Bell, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 253-4;
Young's Narrative, p. 79.
[XI-108] Froebel's Cent. Amer., p. 137; see also vol. i., pp. 740-
1, of this work.
[XI-109] Hist. Ind., fol. 255.
[XI-110] Id., fol. 89; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 20, 125.
[XI-111] Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x.; Irving's Columbus, vol.
iii., pp. 173-4; Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 421.
[XI-112] Andagoya, in Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p.
401; Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. i., cap. xi., dec. ii., lib. iii.,
cap. v.
[XI-113] Hist. Apologética, MS., cap. cxxiv., ccxlii.; Torquemada,
Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 63.
[XI-114] Dec. iii., lib. iv., dec. ii., lib. iii.
[XI-115] A name applied in Cueba to all who excelled in an art.
Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., pp. 126-7.
[XI-116] 'Las manos no se las vian.' Andagoya, in Navarrete,
Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 400.
[XI-117] For further account of sorcerers, see vol. i., pp. 779-80.
Gomara writes: 'Tauira, que es el Diablo.' Hist. Ind., fol. 255;
Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. ii., lib. ii., cap. x., lib. iii., cap. v., dec.
iv., lib. i., cap. x.
[XI-118] Peter Martyr, dec. vii., lib. x.
[XI-119] Ancient Fragments, introduction, p. 34. M. Pictet says
of the primitive Celtic religion: "From a primitive duality,
constituting the fundamental forces of the universe, there arises
a double progression of cosmical powers, which, after having
crossed each other by a mutual transition, at last proceed to
blend in One Supreme Unity, as in their essential principles."
Says Sir William Jones: "We must not be surprised at finding, on
a close examination, that the characters of all the Pagan deities,
male and female, melt into each other, and at last into one or
two, for it seems a well-founded opinion that the whole crowd
of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome and modern Váránes,
mean only the Powers of Nature, and principally those of the
Sun, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of
fanciful names." On the Gods of Greece, Italy, and India, p. 273.
[XI-120] 'This suggestion was first publicly made in a
communication read,' says Squier, Serpent Symbol, p. 49,
'before the American Ethnological Society, by a distinguished
member of that body; from which the following passages are
extracted. After noticing several facts tending to show the
former existence of Phallic worship in America, the author of the
paper proceeds as follows:—"We come now to Central America.
Upon a perusal of the first journey of our fellow-members,
Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood, into Guatemala and the
central territories of the Continent, I was forcibly struck with the
monolithic idols of Copan. We knew nothing before, save of
Mexican, Palenque, and Uxmal remains; and those of Copan
appeared to me to be unlike them all, and probably of an older
date. My reading furnishes me with but one parallel to those
singular monolithic sculptures, and that was seen in Ceylon, in
1796, by Captain Colin McKenzie, and described in the 6th
volume of the Asiatic Researches. As the description is short, I
transcribe it: 'The figure is cut out of stone in relievo; but the
whole is sunk in a hollow, scooped out, so that it is defended
from injury on the sides. It may be about fourteen feet high, the
countenance wild, a full round visage, the eyes large, the nose
round and long; it has no beard; nor the usual distinguishing
marks of the Gentoo casts. He holds up both his hands, with the
forefingers and thumbs bent; the head-dress is high, and seems
ornamented with jewels; on the little finger of the left hand is a
ring; on the arms bracelets; a belt high about the waist; the
lower dress or drapery fixed with a girdle much lower than the
Gentoo dress, from which something like tassels depend; a
collar and ornaments on the neck and shoulders; and rings
seem to hang low from the ears. No appearance of any arms or
weapons.' This was the nearest approximation I could make to
the Copan idols; for idols I took them to be, from the fact that
an altar was invariably placed before them. From a close
inspection of Mr. Catherwood's drawings, I found that though no
single figure presented all the foregoing characteristics, yet in
the various figures I could find every particular enumerated in
the Ceylon sculpture. It then occurred to me that one of the
most usual symbols of the Phallus was an erect stone, often in
its rough state, sometimes sculptured, and that no other object
of heathen worship was so often shadowed forth by a single
stone placed on end, as the Phallus. That the worship of the
Priapus, [Lingam] existed in Ceylon, has long since been
satisfactorily established; and hence I was led to suspect that
these monuments at Copan, might be vestiges of a similar
idolatry. A further inspection confirmed my suspicions; for, as I
supposed, I found sculptured on the American ruins the organs
of generation, and on the back of one of the emblems relative
to uterine existence, parturition, etc. I should, however, have
wanted entire confidence in the correctness of my suspicions,
had the matter rested here. On the return of Messrs. Stephens
and Catherwood from their second expedition, every doubt of
the existence of Phallic worship, especially in Yucatan, was
removed."
[XI-121] Quatre Lettres, pp. 290, 301; Squier's Serpent Symbol,
pp. 47-50.
[XI-122] Leon y Gama, Dos Piedras, part i., p. 40.
[XI-123] In Pánuco and other provinces 'adorano il membro che
portano gli huomini fra le gambe, & lo tengono nella meschita,
& posto similmente sopra la piazza insieme con le imagini de
rilieuo di tutti modi di piacere che possono essere fra l'huomo &
la donna, & gli hanno di ritratto con le gambe di alzate in diuersi
modi.' Relatione fatta per un Gentil'huomo del Signor Fernando
Cortése, in Ramusio, Navigationi, tom. iii., fol. 307.
[XI-124] 'Hallaron entre vnos arboles vn idolillo de oro y muchos
de barro, dos hombres de palo, caualgando vno sobre otro, a
fuer Sodoma, y otro de tierra cozida con ambas manos a lo
suyo, que lo tenia retajado, como son casi todos los Indios de
Yucatan.' Gomara, Hist. Ind., fol. 58.
[XI-125] See vol. ii., pp. 336-7, concerning this festival.
[XI-126] 'Un idolo de piedra redondo,' which may mean a
'cylindrical stone,' as the translator of Palacio's Carta has
rendered it.
[XI-127] Palacio, Carta, p. 84.
[XI-128] Concerning the cross in America, see this vol. p. 468.
[XI-129] I refer to the left hand figure in the cut on p. 348, vol.
iv., of this work. For examples of the amulets mentioned, see
illustrations in Payne Knight's Worship of Priapus.
[XI-130] See vol. i., of this work, p. 93; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom.
iv., p. 48; See vol. ii., of this work, pp. 719-20.
[XI-131] Boturini, Idea, p. 13; see also this volume, pp. 243-4.
[XI-132] See vol. i., of this work, pp. 200, 414, 566-6; vol. ii., p.
676, and account of Yucatec feasts in chap. xxii. In citing these
brutish orgies I do not presume, or wish to assert, that they
were in any way connected with phallus worship, or indeed, that
there was anything of a religious nature in them. Still, as they
certainly were indulged in during, or immediately after the great
religious festivals, and as we know how the phallic cult
degenerated from its original purity into just such bestiality in
Greece and Rome, I have thought it well to mention them.
There is much truth in the following remarks on this point, by
Mr. Brinton, though with his statement that the proofs of a
recognition of the fecundating principle in Nature by the
Americans are 'altogether wanting,' I cannot agree. He says:
'There is no ground whatever to invest these debauches with
any recondite meaning. They are simply indications of the
thorough and utter immorality which prevailed throughout the
race. And a still more disgusting proof of it is seen in the
frequent appearance among diverse tribes of men dressed as
women and yielding themselves to indescribable vices. There
was at first nothing of a religious nature in such exhibitions.
Lascivious priests chose at times to invest them with some such
meaning.... The pretended phallic worship of the Natchez and of
Culhuacan, cited by the Abbé Brasseur, rests on no good
authority, and if true, is like that of the Huastecs of Panuco,
nothing but an unrestrained and boundless profligacy which it
were an absurdity to call a religion. That which Mr. Stephens
attempts to show existed once in Yucatan, rests entirely by his
own statement on a fancied resemblance of no value whatever,
and the arguments of Lafitau to the same effect are quite
insufficient. There is a decided indecency in the remains of
ancient American art, especially in Peru, (Meyen) and great
lubricity in many ceremonies, but the proof is altogether
wanting to bind these with the recognition of fecundating
principle throughout nature, or, indeed, to suppose for them any
other origin than the promptings of an impure fancy. I even
doubt whether they often referred to fire as the deity of sexual
love. By a flight of fancy inspired by a study of oriental
mythology, the worship of the reciprocal principle in America
has been connected with that of the sun and moon, as the
primitive pair from whose fecund union all creatures proceeded.
It is sufficient to say if such a myth exists among the Indians—
which is questionable—it justifies no such deduction; that the
moon is often mentioned in their languages merely as the "night
sun;" and that in such important stocks as the Iroquois,
Athapascas, Cherokees, and Tupis, the sun is said to be a
feminine noun; while the myths represent them more frequently
as brother and sister than as man and wife; nor did at least the
northern tribes regard the sun as the cause of fecundity in
nature at all, but solely as giving light and warmth.' Myths, pp.
149-50; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp. 416-17.
[XI-133] For a full account of this feast see vol. ii., of this work,
pp. 329-30.
[XII-1] 'The preconceived opinions,' says Brinton, 'that saw in
the meteorological myths of the Indian a conflict between the
Spirit of Good and the Spirit of Evil, have with like unconscious
error falsified his doctrine of a future life, and almost without an
exception drawn it more or less in the likeness of a Christian
heaven, hell, and purgatory.... Nowhere was any well-defined
doctrine that moral turpitude was judged and punished in the
next world. No contrast is discoverable between a place of
torments and a realm of joy; at the worst, but a negative
castigation awaited the liar, the coward, or the niggard.' Myths,
p. 242.
[XII-2] Prehistoric Times, p. 139.
[XII-3] See vol. ii., pp. 618, 623.
[XII-4] Myths, p. 257.
[XII-5] See p. 59, this volume.
[XII-6] Oviedo, Hist. Nic., in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série ii.,
tom. iii. p. 36; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 74; Id.,
Ortsnamen, p. 159; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Gram. Quiché, p.
196; Brinton's Myths, p. 49-52, 235.
[XII-7] Vol. ii., pp. 606, 799, of this work.
[XII-8] Prim. Cult., vol. ii., p. 22.
[XII-9] Dall's Alaska, pp. 145, 422.
[XII-10] Barrett-Lennard says, however: 'Those that die a
natural death are condemned to dwell for ages among the
branches of tall trees.' Trav., p. 54. 'Careciese de algunas ideas
religiosas, y viviese persuadido de la total aniquilacion del
hombre con la muerte.' Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. cxviii. It is
doubtful whether the latter class is composed of the spirits of
men, or merely of marine animals. See this vol., p. 148.
[XII-11] The Tinnehs do not regard these as the spirits of men.
Dall's Alaska, p. 88.
[XII-12] Kotzebue's New Voy., vol. ii., p. 54. 'They have a
confused notion of immortality.' Id., p. 58. The Koniagas also
used to kill a slave on the grave of wealthy men. Dall's Alaska,
p. 403.
[XII-13] Dall's Alaska, pp. 422-3; Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp.
63-5.
[XII-14] The Chepewyans also held this theory, though they
believed in a heaven of bliss and a state of punishment.
Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.
[XII-15] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 409-10; Baer, Stat. u.
Ethno., pp. 107-8, 111; Harmon's Jour., pp. 299-300; Wilkes'
Nar., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. iv., p. 482.
[XII-16] Whymper's Alaska, p. 345; Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxxviii.;
Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 318. 'Nach dem Tode
wurde nach ihren (Koniagas) Begriffen jeder Mensch ein Teufel;
bisweilen zeigte er sich den Verwandten, und das hatte Glück zu
bedeuten.' Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 122; Macfie's Vanc. Isl.,
pp. 457-8.
[XII-17] Vol. i., pp. 126-7, of this work; Dunn's Oregon, p. 83;
Silliman's Jour., vol. xvi., p. 147; Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii.,
p. 67; Richardson's Pol. Reg., p. 322. The Eskimos had no idea
of 'future reward and punishment.' Dall's Alaska, p. 145.
[XII-18] D'Orbigny's Voy., p. 50.
[XII-19] Mackenzie's Voy., p. cxix.; Dunn's Oregon, p. 104.
[XII-20] Dunn's Oregon, pp. 272-3.
[XII-21] Ross' Adven., p. 288; Cox's Adven., vol. ii., p. 158.
[XII-22] Parker's Explor. Tour, pp. 235, 246-7; Wilkes' Nar., in U.
S. Ex. Ex., vol. v., p. 124; Dunn's Oregon, p. 120. The Salish and
Pend d'Oreilles believed that the brave went to the sun, while
the bad remained near earth to trouble the living, or ceased to
exist. Lord's Nat., vol. ii., pp. 239-40. But this is contradicted by
other accounts.
[XII-23] Macfie's description leaves a doubt whether the
keewuck and keewuckkow are names for the same heaven, or
separate. Vanc. Isl., p. 457.
[XII-24] Poole's Q. Char. Isl., p. 320.
[XII-25] Cox's Adven., vol. i., p. 252; Dunn, Oregon, p. 318,
says, 'beavers are a fallen race of Indians.'
[XII-26] Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. vi., p. 619; vol. i., p. 248, of
this work.
[XII-27] The sorcerer is stated by one native to have brought
the soul on a small stick and thrown it back into the head of its
body. Sproat's Scenes, p. 214. 'The natives often imagine that a
bad spirit, which loves to vex and torment, takes the place of
the truant soul during its absence.' Id., pp. 173-4; Hutchings'
Cal. Mag., vol. v., p. 225.
[XII-28] Mayne's B. C., p. 181; Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, p. 136;
Meares' Voy., p. 270; Macfie's Vanc. Isl., p. 457; Sproat's
Scenes, pp. 212-3.
[XII-29] Stevens, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1854, p. 212; Brinton's
Myths, pp. 233-4; see note 2.
[XII-30] Johnston, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iv., p. 225.
[XII-31] Hutchings' Cal. Mag., vol. iii., pp. 438-9; Macfie's Vanc.
Isl., p. 448.
[XII-32] Powers' Pomo, MS.
[XII-33] Ib.; Gibbs, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 140.
[XII-34] Powers' Pomo, MS.; Miller's Life amongst the Modocs,
pp. 241, 249.
[XII-35] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. viii., pp. 430-1.
[XII-36] Id., Pomo, MS.; this vol., p. 177.
[XII-37] Meacham, Religion of Indians.
[XII-38] Powers' Pomo, MS.
[XII-39] Vol. i., pp. 439-40, this work; Browne's L. Cal., p. 188.
[XII-40] Meyer, Nach dem Sacramento, pp. 228-9; Schoolcraft's
Arch., vol. v., pp. 215-6.
[XII-41] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 307; Marmier, Notice, in
Bryant, Voy. en Cal., p. 238; Fages, in Nouvelles Annales des
Voy., 1844, tom. ci., pp. 335-6; Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., pp. 379-
80.
[XII-42] Boscana, in Robinson's Life in Cal., pp. 316-24.
[XII-43] 'Ives legte dem Gebirge den Namen: "Berg der Todten"
bei.' Möllhausen, Reisen in die Felsengeb., tom. i., pp. 357-8. 'All
cowardly Indians (and bravery was the good with them) were
tormented with hardships and failures, sickness and defeats.
This hill, or hades, they never dared visit.' Stratton's Capt.
Oatman Girls, p. 233; Dodt, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1870, p. 129;
Whipple, Ewbank, and Turner's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol.
iii., p. 43.
[XII-44] Estupec, the soul or heart, may be connected with eep,
breath. Walker's Pimas, MS. In Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p.
461, occurs the term angel, but the Pima chiefs whom I have
questioned state that the term angel was not known to them.
[XII-45] Walker's Pimas, MS.
[XII-46] Pers. Nar., vol. ii., p. 222; Cremony's Apaches, pp. 104-
5. 'Cuando muere vá á vivir su corazon por el mar hácia el
poniente: que algunos despues que mueren viven como
tecolotes, y últimamente dijeron que ellos no saben bien estas
cosas.' Garcés, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., série ii., tom. i., p.
239.
[XII-47] Day, in Hesperian, vol. iii., p. 482.
[XII-48] Henry, in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., p. 209.
[XII-49] Ten Broeck, in Id., vol. iv., p. 86.
[XII-50] Id., p. 78; Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 402;
Whipple's Rept., in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 59.
[XII-51] Beadle, in Crofutt's Western World, Aug., 1872, p. 27;
Bristol, in Ind. Aff. Rept., 1867, p. 358; Eaton, in Schoolcraft's
Arch., vol. iii., p. 218; Davis' El Gringo, p. 418.
[XII-52] Marcy's Army Life, p. 57; Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. v., pp.
54, 685. Food is left at the grave for a certain time; this would
indicate that the soul proper, or its second form, remains with
the body for a while. Id., pp. 78-9.
[XII-53] Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 387; Clavigero, Storia della
Cal., tom. i., pp. 136-7, 139.
[XII-54] Alger's Future Life, p. 208. 'Lo llevan á enterrar sentado
y con sus mejores vestidos, poniendo á su lado competente
porcion de sus ordinarios, alimentos.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. de
Jesus, tom. ii., p. 218.
[XII-55] Hist. de los Triumphos, p. 18.
[XII-56] Apostólicos Afanes, pp. 22-4.
[XII-57] This legend is taken from a MS kindly presented to me
by Mr. Stephen Powers, and is a corrected version of the legend
entitled 'Hilpmecone and Olégance' contributed by the same
gentleman to the Overland Monthly, January, 1874. pp. 30-1.
[XII-58] 'El que tenia rodela horadada de saetas no podia mirar
al sol.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 265. This may
perhaps mean that the humbler warrior, whose inferior shield
was more likely to be pierced, could not look upon the majestic
face of the sun, just as he had been interdicted from regarding
the face of his king.
[XII-59] 'When the midwife speaks to a woman who has died in
childbed, she refers to the noble manner in which she has used
the sword and shield, a figure of speech which is probably
intended to represent the high estimation in which they held
her.' Id., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189.
[XII-60] 'Descendian acá á la tierra.' Ib. But it is just as likely
that they used the weaving implements supplied to them at the
grave, as those of the living. Brasseur de Bourbourg says that
the inhabitants of this region had day when the inhabitants of
the earth slept; but since the women resumed their work after
the setting of the sun, it is more likely that they always had light
up there, and that they never slept. Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p.
497.
[XII-61] The humming-bird, the emblem and attribute of the
war-god, offered on the grave in the month of Quecholli,
probably referred to this transformation. Sahagun, Hist. Gen.,
tom. i., lib. ii., p. 164, lib. iv., pp. 264-5, tom. ii., lib. vi., pp. 188-
9, lib. ix., p. 358; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 530.
'Nachher werden sie theils in Wolken verwandelt, theils in
Kolibris.' Müller, Amerikanische Urreligionen, p. 661. The
transformation into clouds seems to refer to the Tlascaltecs.
[XII-62] Tlalocan is the name given by some old writers to the
country between Chiapas and Oajaca. Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 496; Brinton's Myths, pp. 88-9. It
may also be the place referred to under the names of
Tamoancha, Xuchitlycacan. Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-
Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 127.
[XII-63] Vol. ii., p. 336, this work.
[XII-64] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Torquemada, Monarq.
Ind., tom. ii., pp. 82, 529. The remarks of the above authors
with reference to those who die of diseases may, however, refer
to sufferers from ordinary afflictions, who were from all doomed
to Mictlan. In Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 169-71, all who die of
diseases and a violent death are consigned to Mictlan. Brinton's
Myths, pp. 246-7; Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6. Chevalier, Mex.
Ancien et Mod., p. 91, who regards the sun as heaven, and
Mictlan as hell, considers this an intermediate and incomplete
paradise. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 264; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5.
[XII-65] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-1, tom. ii.,
lib. vi., p. 176; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 529;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. iii., p. 571;
Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., pp. 329, 331.
[XII-66] Id., p. 329. 'Le plus commun est Chiucnauh-Mictlan, les
Neuf séjours des Morts.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ.,
tom. iii., p. 495; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97; Sahagun, Hist.
Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.
[XII-67] This seems also to be the idea of Gomara, Conq. Mex.,
fol. 308-9, although he makes the heavens distinct from one
another, and includes the Sun House and Tlalocan in the list.
[XII-68] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. ii., p. 166, lib. iii., p.
263.
[XII-69] Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 522. The fact that offerings
and prayers were kept up for four days by the mourners,
confirms this statement. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p.
263, tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 189. 'Until souls had arrived at the
destined place at the expiration of these four years, they had to
encounter much hardship, cold, and toil.' Explanation of the
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
vi., p. 96.
[XII-70] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 193; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 331. 'When the
sun sets, it goes to give light to the dead.' Explanation of the
Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
vi., p. 128.
[XII-71] Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 6. Tlalxicco may be
considered as hell proper, and distinct from Mictlan, and may
have been ruled over by Tzontemoc who must then be regarded
as distinct from Mictlantecutli. Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol.
vi., p. 219.
[XII-72] Mictlampaehecatl, the north-wind, is said to come from
hell. Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 253, 256-7;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 81.
[XII-73] Explanation of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's
Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., pp. 218-9.
[XII-74] 'Despues de pasados cuatro años, el difunto se salía y
se iba á los nueve infiernos ... en este lugar del infierno que se
llamaba Chicunamictla, se acababan y fenecian los difuntos.'
Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263; see also note 8. At
the end of four years the souls came to a place where they
enjoyed a certain degree of repose. Explanation of the Codex
Vaticanus, in Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 218.
[XII-75] This vol., p. 59; see also, pp. 296-402.
[XII-76] See note 12. Four was the most sacred number among
the Mexicans as well as the other nations of America, and is
derived from the adoration of the cardinal points. Brinton's
Myths, p. 67. The Central Americans believed that the soul
arrived at its destination in four days after death.
[XII-77] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 263.
[XII-78] 'Pour qu'il ne fût pas entraîné en traversant le Styx
indien.' Biart, Terre Tempérée, p. 280; Gomara, Conq. Mex., fol.
309. 'Los perros de pelo blanco y negro, no podian nadar y
pasar el rio, porque dizque decia el perro de pelo negro: "yo me
labé" y el perro de pelo blanco decia: "yo me he manchado de
color prieto, y por eso no puedo pasaros" solamente el perro de
pelo vermejo podia pasar.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii.,
p. 263.
[XII-79] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., pp. 260-4;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., pp. 528-30; Clavigero,
Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., pp. 5-6; vol. ii., pp. 603-19, of
this work.
[XII-80] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcix., pp. 192-3.
[XII-81] 'Tenian por cierto, que en el infierno habian de padecer
diversas penas conforme á la calidad de los delitos.' Mendieta,
Hist. Ecles., p. 83. 'Entónces todos serán castigados conforme á
sus obras.' Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vii., pp. 36-7;
Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 80. 'Ils étaient plongés
dans une obscurité profonde, livrés à leurs remords.' Chevalier,
Mex. Ancien et Mod., p. 91.
[XII-82] 'Padecen por los pecados de sus padres.' Sahagun,
Hist. Gen., tom. ii., lib. vi., p. 36. Their prayers and penances,
says Acosta, were merely on account of corporal inflictions, for
they certainly feared no punishment in the world to come, but
expected that all would rest there. Hist. de las Ynd., p. 383. 'In
the destiny they assigned to the wicked, we discern similar
traces of refinement; since the absence of all physical torture
forms a striking contrast to the schemes of suffering so
ingeniously devised by the fancies of the most enlightened
nations. In all this, so contrary to the natural suggestions of the
ferocious Aztec, we see the evidences of a higher civilization,
inherited from their predecessors in the land.' Prescott's Mex.,
vol. i., pp. 62-3.
[XII-83] Sahagun, Hist. Gen., tom. i., lib. iii., p. 267, et seq.
[XII-84] The reader who thinks upon the subject at all, cannot
help being struck by the remarkable resemblance in some
points between these future abodes of the Mexicans and those
of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The trembling soul has to
pass over the same dreadful river, ferried by a brute Charon. In
Hades as in Mictlan, the condition of the dead was a shadowy
sort of apparent life, in which, mere ghosts of their former
selves, they continued dreamily to perform the labors and carry
on the occupations to which they had been accustomed on
earth. In Greece as in Mexico, the shades of the dead were
occasionally permitted to visit their friends on earth, summoned
by a sacrifice and religious rites. Neither Elysium nor the
glorious Sun House was the reward of the purely good so much
as of the favorites of the gods. Such points of resemblance as
these are, however, unnoticed by those who theorize concerning
the origin of the Americans; they go farther for analogies, and
perhaps fare worse.
[XII-85] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5;
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 97.
[XII-86] Alger's Future Life, pp. 475-6.
[XII-87] Herrera, Hist. Gen., dec. iv., lib. ix., cap. vii.
[XII-88] Myths, p. 258; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh, p.
175.
[XII-89] Hist. Tlax., in Nouvelles Annales des Voy., 1843, tom.
xcviii., p. 192; Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., tom. ii., p. 64.
[XII-90] Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., p. 81. 'Tlacatecolotl,
demonio o diablo.' Molina, Diccionario.
[XII-91] Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 109.
[XII-92] 'The inhabitants suppose kinges (who, while they liued,
gouerned amisse) to haue a temporary aboade there being
companions with diuels amonge those flames, where they may
purge the foule spots of their wickednesse.' Peter Martyr, dec.
v., lib. ii.
[XII-93] Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 4:
Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., p. 96.
[XII-94] Hist. Gen., dec. iii., lib. iii., cap. x.; Carbajal Espinosa,
Hist. Mex., tom. i., p. 292; vol. ii., pp. 620-2, of this work.
[XII-95] Burgoa, Geog. Descrip., tom. ii., fol. 230-1, tom. i., fol.
159-61; Clavigero, Storia Ant. del Messico, tom. ii., p. 5;
Explanation of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, in
Kingsborough's Mex. Antiq., vol. vi., p. 96; Id., Codex Vaticanus,
p. 218; vol. ii., pp. 622-3, of this work.
[XII-96] 'Le Yaxché, qui signifie arbre vert, est probablement le
même que le tonacaste ou tonacazquahuitl, arbre au tronc
puissant et élevé, au feuillage immense, mais menu et serré,
dont la beauté et l'extrême fraîcheur lui ont fait donner le nom
d'arbre de la vie.' Brasseur de Bourbourg, in Landa, Relacion, p.
200.
[XII-97] An evident corruption of Mictlan.
[XII-98] 'Dezian se lo (el difunto) avia llevado el diablo porque
del pensavan les venian los males todos y especial la muerte.'
Landa, Relacion, p. 196, 198-202; Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc., p. 192;
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 62-3;
Carrillo, in Mex. Soc. Geog., Boletin, 2da época, tom. iii., pp.
265-6.
[XII-99] Brinton's Myths, p. 246; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol
Vuh, pp. lxxix.-lxxx., cxxviii.-cxxx; vol. ii., p. 799, of this work.
[XII-100] Palacio, Carta, pp. 76-8.
[XII-101] Dollfus and Mont-Serrat, Voy. Géologique, p. 12.
[XII-102] Yolia or yulia derived from yoli, to live is distinct from
heart, yollotli. Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 159. Yet the heart
was evidently considered as the seat of the soul, for some
Indians stated that 'el coraçon va arriba,' while others explained
that by this was meant the breath. Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv.,
pp. 44-5.
[XII-103] Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 415.
[XII-104] Corresponding to the Aztec Mictlantecutli. It is not
quite clear whether all agreed upon total annihilation in this
place.
[XII-105] 'Han de resuçitar ó tornar á casa de sus padres, é sus
padres los conoserán é criarán.' Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iv., pp.
41, 42-9; Brinton's Myths, pp. 145, 235; Brasseur de Bourbourg,
Hist. Nat. Civ., tom. ii., pp. 113-4.
[XII-106] Bell adds that this ferriage money was provided lest
the child 'should die young.' Offerings are also placed upon the
grave. Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xxxii., pp. 254-5.
[XII-107] 'They suppose that men do naturally liue and die as
other beastes do.' Peter Martyr, dec. iii., lib. iv.
[XII-108] 'Aquel humo iba donde estaba el ánima de aquel
defunto ... en el cielo, y que en el humo iba allá.' Andagoya, in
Navarrete, Col. de Viages, tom. iii., p. 402; Herrera, Hist. Gen.,
dec. i., lib. vii., cap. xvi., dec. ii., lib. iii., cap. v.; Gomara, Hist.
Ind., fol. 255; Oviedo, Hist. Gen., tom. iii., p. 142.
[XII-109] Dec. vii., lib. x.
[XII-110] "It is possible," concludes Mr Powers, "that this legend
has dim reference to that great ancient cataclysm, or overflow
of lava from the north, which has been demonstrated by
Professor le Conte, in a paper read before the Californian
Academy of Science."
[XII-111] This myth, Mr Powers thinks, has been belittled or
corrupted from the ancient myth of the zodiac, and, in his
opinion, argues for the Americans a civilized, or at least semi-
civilized, Asiatic origin—a very far-fetched conclusion I should
say.
[II'-1] See vol. i., p. 42 et seq. of this work.
[II'-2] 'Ces deux langues ... sont absolument la même que celle
des Vogules, habitants de la Tartarie, et la même que celle des
Lapons.' Monglave, in Antiq. Mex., tom. i., div. i., p. 65. 'Les
Esquimaux d'Amérique et les Tchoutchis de l'extrémité nord de
l'Asie orientale ... il est aisé de reconnaître qu'ils appartiennent à
une même famille.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 330. 'The whole
arctic shore of North America is possessed by the Esquimaux
and Greenlanders, who speak an original tongue called Karalit.'
McCulloh's Researches in Amer., p. 36. 'The Arctic region is
mainly covered by dialects of a single language—the Eskimo.'
Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 384. 'Der Amerikanische
Sprachtypus, die Eskimo-Sprache, reicht hinüber nach Asien.'
Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 711. 'Alle Eskimos
sprechen im Wesentlichen dieselbe Sprache.' Baer, Stat. u.
Ethno., p. 280. 'The language of the Western Esquimaux so
nearly resembles that of the tribes to the eastward.' Beechey's
Voyage, vol. ii., p. 311; Sauer's Billings' Ex., p. 245; Kotzebue's
Voyage, vol. iii., p. 314; Franklin's Nar., vol. i., p. 30; Dease and
Simpson, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. viii., p. 222; Seemann's
Voy. Herald, vol. ii., p. 68. But Vater does not believe that the
language extends across to Asia. 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss
der Eskimo-Sprache, aber nicht diese selbst über die zwischen
Asien and Amerika liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Mithridates, tom.
iii., pt iii., pp. 458, 426.
[II'-3] Veniaminoff, Ueber die Sprachen des russ. Amer., in
Erman, Archiv., tom. vii., No. 1, p. 126 et seq.
[II'-4] Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr.,
tom. i., p. 359 et seq.
[II'-5] 'Alle diese Völkerschaften reden eine Sprache and
gehören zu einem und demselben Stamme, der sich auch weiter
nördlich längs der Küste ... ausdehnt.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p.
122.
[II'-6] Kotzebue's Voyage, vol. ii., p. 175.
[II'-7] Of the similarity between the Kadiak and Alaska idiom,
Langsdorff says: 'In a great degree the clothing and language of
the Alaskans, are the same as those of the people of Kodiak.'
Voy., vol. ii., p. 236. Seemann's Voy. Herald, vol. ii., pp. 68-69.
[II'-8] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., p. 364 et seq.; Veniaminoff, in
Erman, Archiv, tom. iii., No. i., pp. 142-43; Beechey's Voyage,
vol. ii., p. 366; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 458 et seq.;
notes on the Chugatsh dialect at Prince William Sound in Cook's
Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., pp. 374-6, and Portlock's Voy., pp. 254-5.
[II'-9] 'Er konnte die Sprache dieser Insulaner nicht ...
verstehen.' Neue Nachrichten, p. 105.
[II'-10] Cook's Voy. to Pac., vol. ii., p. 522.
[II'-11] Dall's Alaska, pp. 377-8.
[II'-12] 'Dass sich wohl ein Einfluss der Eskimo-Sprache aber
nicht diese selbst über die zwischen Asien and Amerika
liegenden Inseln erstreckt.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii.,
458.
[II'-13] 'Der Bewohner von Unalaschka kann den von Kadjack
gar nicht verstehen.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., pp. 123-289.
[II'-14] 'Dass ... sich das aleutische Idiom ... als ein eigner, von
dem grossen eskimoischen ganz verschiedener Sprachtypus
erweist.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 702 et seq.
Veniaminoff's examples are as follows: active, he took; medium,
he took me; passive, he was born. In Erman, Archiv, tom. iii.,
No. 1, pp. 136-8; Veniaminoff, Sapiski ob Ostrovach
Oonalashkinskacho Otjela, tom. ii., pp. 264-71.
[II'-15] Dall's Alaska, p. 386; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii.,
pp. 459-460.
[II'-16] 'Von St Eliasberge bis hinunter zum Columbia-Strome.'
Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 9.
[II'-17] 'Sie erstrecken sich von Iakutat südlich bis zu den
Charlotten-Inseln.' Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 219.
[II'-18] 'Von Ltu bis Stachin, und hat fast nur einen Dialect.'
Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.
[II'-19] Bryant's Jour., in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p.
302. The Tungass language 'as Mr. Tolmie conjectured, is nearly
the same as that spoken at Sitga.' Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc.,
Jour., vol. xi., p. 218.
[II'-21] Marchand, Voyage, tom. ii., pp. 109-110.
[II'-22] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 238. 'Their language is
harsh and unpleasant to the ear.' Portlock's Voy., p. 293. 'It
appears barbarous, uncouth, and difficult to pronounce.' Dixon's
Voy., p. 172. 'La dificil pronunciacion de sus vozes ... pues las
forman de la garganta con un movimiento de la lengua contra el
paladar.' Bodega y Quadra, Nav., MS., pp. 46-47.
[II'-23] 'Von der ganzen Liste bleibt allein The, Stein als
ähnlich.' Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 386.
'Zwischen ihnen und der mexicanischen in Wörtern und
Grammatik keine Verwandtschaft existirt ... gänzlich vom Mex.
verschieden sind.' Buschmann, Ortsnamen, p. 69. 'Je n'ai trouvé
aucune ressemblance entre les mots de cette langue et celle
des ... Mexicains.' La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., p. 240.
[II'-24] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp. 212-13;
Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., p. 16.
[II'-25] Buschmann, Pima u. Koloschen Sprache, p. 388.
[II'-26] La Pérouse, Voy., tom. ii., pp. 238-9.
[II'-27] Veniaminoff, Sapiski ob Ostrovach Oonalashkinskacho
Otjela, tom. iii., pp. 149-51. No translation is given.
[II'-28] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 225.
[II'-29] 'Dimensionen, in welchen er ein ungeheures Gebiet im
Innern des nördlichen Continents einnimmt, nahe an das
Eismeer reicht, und queer das nordamerikanische Festland
durchzieht: indem er im Osten die Hudsonsbai, im Südwesten in
abgestossenen Stämmen am Umpqua-Flusse das stille Meer
berührt.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 323. 'This great
family includes a large number of North American tribes,
extending, from near the mouth of the Mackenzie, south to the
borders of Mexico.' Dall's Alaska, p. 428. 'There are outlyers of
the stock as far as the southern parts of Oregon. More than
this, there are Athabascans in California, New Mexico and
Sonora.' Latham's Comp. Phil., vol. viii., p. 393. 'Dass er in
seinem Hauptgürtel von der nördlichen Hudsonsbai aus fast die
ganze Breite des Continents durchläuft; und dass er in
abgesonderten, in die Ferne geschleuderten Gliedern, gen
Süden nicht allein unter dem 46ten (Tlatskanai und Kwalhioqua)
und 43ten Grade nördlicher Breite (Umpqua) das stille Meer
berührt, sondern auch tief im Innern in den Navajos den 36ten
Grad trifft ... während er im Norden und Nordwesten den 65ten
Grad und beinahe die Gestade des Polarmeers erreicht.'
Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 313. See also vol. i.,
pp. 114, 143-9.
[II'-30] Gibbs, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 303.
[II'-31] 'The Sarsees who are but few in number, appear from
their language, to come on the contrary from the North-
Westward, and are of the same people as the Rocky-Mountain
Indians ... who are a tribe of the Chepewyans.' Mackenzie's
Voyages, pp. lxxi-lxxii.
[II'-32] Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 252; Gallatin, in
Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 19. The Sarsi, Sussees
'speak a dialect of the Chippewyan (Athapascan), allied to the
Tahkali.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 219.
[II'-33] 'They speak a copious language, which is very difficult
to be attained.' Mackenzie's Voyages, p. 114. 'As a language it is
exceedingly meagre and imperfect.' Richardson's Jour., vol. ii.,
pp. 3, 28.
[II'-34] Richardson's Jour., vol. ii., pp. 3, 7; Franklin's Nar., vol.
ii., p. 76. 'Hare Indians, who also speak a dialect of the
Chipewyan language.' Id., p. 83. Rocky Mountain Indians differ
but little from the Strongbow, Beaver, etc. Id., p. 85; Latham's
Comp. Phil., vol. viii., pp. 388, 391; Id., vol. iii., p. 393; Cox's
Adven., p. 323.
[II'-35] Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., pp. 215-
16, 269.
[II'-36] Richardson's Jour., pp. 377-413; Latham's Native Races,
pp. 293-4; Jones, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 320; Hardisty,
in Id., p. 311.
[II'-37] 'They speak a language distinct from the Chipewyan,'
Franklin's Nar., vol. ii., p. 83. 'The similarity of language
amongst all the tribes (Athabascans) that have been
enumerated under this head (the Loucheux excepted) is fully
established. It does not appear to have any distinct affinities
with any other than that of the Kinai.' Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq.
Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'The language of the latter
(Loucheux) is entirely different from that of the other known
tribes who possess the vast region to the northward of a line
drawn from Churchill, on Hudson's Bay, across the Rocky
Mountains, to New Caledonia.' Simpson's Nar., p. 157. 'The
Degothees or Loucheux, called Quarrellers by the English, speak
a different language.' Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 542.
[II'-38] Hardisty, in Smithsonian Rept., 1866, p. 311.
[II'-39] Richardson's Jour., vol. i., pp. 400-1; Hooper's Tuski, p.
270.
[II'-40] Holmberg, Ethno. Skiz., pp. 6-7; Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p.
97; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., p. 228; Dall's Alaska, p.
430; Latham's Nat. Races, p. 292.
[II'-41] Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223;
Krusentern, Woerter-Sammlung, p. xi.
[II'-42] 'So nennen die Seeküstenbewohner Ulukag Mjuten
Inkiliken, und diese letzten nennen sich selbst entweder nach
dem Dorfe, oder im allgemeinen Ttynai-Chotana.' Sagoskin,
Tagebuch, in Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., p. 321.
[II'-43] Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i., p. 128.
[II'-44] 'Ihre Sprache ist zwar von der der Koloschen
verschieden, stammt aber von derselben Wurzel ab.' Baer, Stat.
u. Ethno., p. 97.
[II'-45] Dall's Alaska, p. 430.
[II'-46] 'Ich bleibe dabei stehn sie für eine athapaskische
Sprache zu erklären.' Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p.
687. 'Two tribes are found, on the Pacific Ocean, whose kindred
languages, though exhibiting some affinities both with that of
the Western Eskimaux and with that of the Athapascas, we
shall, for the present, consider as forming a distinct family. They
are the Kinai, in or near Cook's Inlet or River, and the
Ugaljachmutzi (Ougalachmioutzy) of Prince William's Sound.'
Gallatin, in Amer. Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 14.
[II'-47] 'Dieses Volk gehört gleich den Ugalenzen zu einem und
demselben Stamme mit den Koloschen.... Auch in der Sprache
giebt es mehrere Wörter, die auf eine gemeinschaftliche Wurzel
hindeuten.' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 99.
[II'-48] 'Gehört zu demselben Stamme wie die Galzanen oder
Koltschanen, Atnaer und Koloschen. Dieses bezeugt nicht nur
die noch vorhandene Aehnlichkeit einiger Wörter in den
Sprachen dieser Völker (eine Aehnlichkeit, welche freilich in der
Sprache der Koloschen kaum noch merkbar und fast gänzlich
verschwunden ist).' Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 103.
[II'-49] 'Die Kinai, Kenai oder Kenaizen wurden bisher schon als
ein Hauptvolk und ihre Sprache als eine hauptsächliche des
russischen Nordamerika's betrachtet. Sie umziehen in ihren
Wohnungen an jener Küste die grosse Kinai-Bucht oder den
sogenannten Cooks-Fluss. Ihr Idiom galt bisher als eine
selbstständige und ursprüngliche Sprache, Trägerinn mehrerer
anderer. Nach meinen Entdeckungen ist es ein Glied des
grossen athapaskischen Sprachstammes, und seine Verwandten
im russischen Nordwesten sind andere Glieder desselben.'
Buschmann, Athapask. Sprachstamm, p. 223.
[II'-50] 'Die Kenai-Sprache ist, wegen der Menge ihrer
Gurgellaute, von allen Idiomen des russischen Amerika's am
schwierigsten auszusprechen. Selbst die Nachbarn der Kenajer,
deren Sprachen schon ein sehr geschmeidiges Organ erfordern,
sind nicht im Stande, Wörter des Kenajischen rein
wiederzugeben.' Veniaminoff, in Erman, Archiv, tom. vii., No. i.,
p. 128.
[II'-51] Baer, Stat. u. Ethno., p. 119.
[II'-52] 'Sie sprechen eine Sprache, die ganz verschieden ist von
der an der Seeküste gebräuchlichen Sprache der Aleuten von
Kadjack; der Dialect der Inkaliten ist ein Gemisch aus den
Sprachen der Kenayer, Unalaschken und Atnaer ... auch die
Anwigmüten und Magimüten sind Inkaliten.' Baer, Stat. u.
Ethno., pp. 120-1.
[II'-53] 'Der zwei Stämme des Volkes Ttynai, hauptsächlich der
Inkiliken und der Inkaliten-jug-elnut.' Sagoskin, Tagebuch, in
Russ. Geog. Gesell., Denkschr., tom. i., p. 352; Whymper's
Alaska, p. 175.
[II'-54] 'Die näher wohnenden gehören zu demselben Stamme
wie die Atnaer und Kenayer und können sich mit ihnen, obgleich
sie einen anderen Dialect sprechen, verständigen.' Baer, Stat. u.
Ethno., p. 101.
[II'-55] Domenech's Deserts, vol. ii., p. 62; Mackenzie's
Voyages, p. 284. 'Their language is very similar to that of the
Chipewyans, and has a great affinity to the tongues spoken by
the Beaver Indians and the Sicaunes. Between all the different
villages of the Carriers, there prevails a difference of dialect, to
such an extent, that they often give different names to the most
common utensils.' Harmon's Jour., pp. 285-6, 379, 193, 196;
Ludewig's Ab. Lang., p. 178. 'Les Indiens de la côte ou de la
Nouvelle Calédonie, les Tokalis, les Chargeurs (Carriers), les
Schouchouaps, les Atnas, appartiennent tous à la nation des
Chipeouaïans.' Mofras, Explor., tom. ii., p. 337; Gallatin, in Amer.
Antiq. Soc., Transact., vol. ii., p. 20. 'A branch of the great
Chippewyan (Athapascan) stock.' Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex.
Ex., vol. vi., p. 202.
[II'-56] Hale's Ethnog., in U. S. Ex. Ex., vol. vi., p. 533.
[II'-57] Scouler, in Lond. Geog. Soc., Jour., vol. xi., p. 225;
Hines' Voy., p. 117.
[II'-58] Powers, in Overland Monthly, vol. ix., pp. 157-8; Gibbs,
in Schoolcraft's Arch., vol. iii., p. 422; Turner, in Pac. R. R.
Rept., vol. iii., pp. 87-5. 'Ich habe später die Hoopah Sprache
wirklich für eine athapaskische angenommen.' Buschmann,
Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 576.
[II'-59] Bartlett's Pers. Nar., vol. i., p. 325. 'Desde el Real de
Chiguagua, cruzando al Poniente, hasta el rio Gila, y subiendo al
Norte, hasta el Moqui, y Nuevo México, y Provincias de Texas y
Quahuila; y revolviendo al Sur remata en el sobredicho Real.'
Arricivita, Crónica Seráfica, p. 338; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii.,
pt iii., p. 177; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., pp. 212-3; 'Extend
from the black mountains in New México to the frontiers of
Cogquilla.' Pike's Explor. Trav., (Phil. 1810,) appendix, p. 10;
Turner, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. iii., p. 83; Malte-Brun, Précis de
la Géog., tom. vi., p. 446; Pope, in Pac. R. R. Rept., vol. ii., p.
13; Buschmann, Spuren der Aztek. Spr., p. 298; Ludewig's Ab.
Lang., p. 8. 'Se extienden en el vasto espacio de dicho
continente, que comprenden los grados 30 á 38 de latitud
Norte, y 264 á 277 de longitud de Tenerife.' Cordero, in Orozco
y Berra, Geografía, p. 369; Villa-Señor y Sanchez, Theatro, tom.
ii., pp. 393, et seq. 'Tota hæc regio, quam Novam Mexicanam
vocant, ab omnibus pene lateribus ambitur ab Apachibus.' Laet,
Novus Orbis, p. 316; Venegas, Noticia de la Cal., tom. ii., 553;
Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 40.
[II'-60] Orozco y Berra, Geografía, p. 369. 'La nacion apache es
una misma aunque con las denominaciones de Gileños,
Carlanes, Chilpaines, Xicarillas, Faraones, Mescaleros, Natales,
Lipanes, etc. varia poco en su idioma,' Doc. Hist. Mex., série iv.,
tom. iii., p. 10. 'Los Apaches se dividen en cinco parcialidades
como son: Tontos ó Coyoteros, Chiricahues, Gileños, Faraones,
Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, Xicarillas y otras.' Barreiro,
Ojeada, appendix, p. 7. Browne mentions the Gila Apaches, and
as belonging to them Mimbrenas, Chiricahuas, Sierra Blancas,
Pinal llanos, Coyoteros, Cominos, Tontos, and Mogallones.'
Apache Country, p. 290; Vater, Mithridates, tom. iii., pt iii., pp.
177-8; Mühlenpfordt, Mejico, tom. i., p. 211. 'The Apache; from
which branch the Navajos, Apaches, Coyoteros, Mescaleros,
Moquis, Yabipias, Maricopas, Chiricaquis, Chemeguabas,
Yumayas (the last two tribes of the Moqui), and the Nijoras, a
small tribe on the Gila.' Ruxton's Adven. Mex., p. 194; Ind. Aff.
Rept., 1857, p. 298; 1858, pp. 205-6; 1854, p. 180; 1861, p.
122; 1862, p. 238; 1863, p. 108; 1864, p. 156; 1865, p. 506;
1869, p. 234; Humboldt, Essai Pol., tom. i., p. 289. 'Los apaches
se dividen en nueve parcialidades ó tribus.' Pimentel, Cuadro,
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