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Lesson 6: Introducing JavaScript
TRUE/FALSE
1. JavaScript is undoubtedly the most widely used technology on the World Wide Web.
4. In JavaScript, the opening curly brace ( { ) indicates the beginning of a statement block, and the
closing brace ( } ) marks the end of that block.
5. If you make the mistake of entering HTML tags within a JavaScript code block, your browser will still
display them without error.
6. It would be easier to enter the code that can display simple static text messages in a browser using
HTML than to use the JavaScript document.write() method to display the same text messages.
7. If using the else keyword in a JavaScript if statement, the else keyword appears immediately after the
statement block of the if clause and is accompanied by a statement block of its own.
8. HTML tags do not conform to the rules of JavaScript syntax; therefore, the JavaScript interpreter
cannot process them.
9. Once the condition has been evaluated, either the if statement block or the else statement block will be
executed, or both.
10. Strictly speaking, the rules of JavaScript syntax require a semicolon at the end of each line.
MODIFIED TRUE/FALSE
1. It is easy for a Web browser to detect whether a particular Web page contains embedded JavaScript
code. The person who creates the document should use the <string> tag to mark the beginning of a
JavaScript section. ____________________
ANS: F
script
<script>
2. Method names are always followed by a parameter list, even though the list is sometimes empty.
____________________
3. The syntax of the conditional statement in JavaScript is very important. The statement begins with the
keyword if, and then a condition is specified within a pair of parentheses. ____________________
4. A JavaScript condition will always consist of two statements separated by a relational operator.
____________________
ANS: F, tokens
5. If the result of the condition is true, the else block will run. ____________________
ANS: F, if
MULTIPLE CHOICE
1. JavaScript is sometimes referred to as a programming language, but it is more accurate to call it a ____
language.
a. scripting c. sequence
b. helper d. process
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 142
3. When working with a compiler, the ____ controls the conversion process of turning human-readable
code into a machine-readable form.
a. browser c. source program
b. programmer d. target program
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 142
4. With JavaScript, the browser will convert the script into its equivalent machine-readable form called
____ code.
a. primary c. binary
b. secondary d. sequential
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 142
5. The primary purpose of JavaScript is to generate text that will be inserted into the standard ____ text
stream.
a. HTTP c. FTP
b. HTML d. TCP/IP
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 142
6. The syntax of the parameter list consists of an opening parenthesis, ____ or more parameter items, and
a closing parenthesis.
a. zero c. two
b. one d. three
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 143
7. The JavaScript method ____ simply inserts a string of characters into the standard HTML text stream.
a. document.write() c. document.stream()
b. document.text() d. document.window()
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 144
8. When working with JavaScript, always place the ____ directly below the keyword to which it belongs.
a. opening brace c. property name
b. closing brace d. method name
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 145
9. When working with JavaScript, always ____ contained within the statement block.
a. highlight comments c. italicize the HTML
b. capitalize tags d. indent the statements
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 145
10. When working with JavaScript, always place the closing brace so that it is ____ with its corresponding
opening brace.
a. horizontally aligned c. centered
b. vertically aligned d. right justified
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 145
13. The JavaScript if statement supports an optional ____ clause, which defines the action to take if the
specified condition is not true.
a. when c. yet
b. else d. then
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 148
14. The purpose of the ____ method is to allow a JavaScript program to display a special dialog box that
will notify the user that an unexpected event has occurred or that some kind of user input is required.
a. notice() c. alert()
b. message() d. warning()
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 152
15. ____ is considered to be the JavaScript default object, which means it is not necessary to use its name
explicitly.
a. Script c. Name
b. Value d. Window
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 152
16. JavaScript objects contain ____ that programmers can access to obtain information about the object.
a. properties c. lists
b. methods d. syntax strings
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 151
17. The bar at the bottom of the browser window that displays messages is called the ____ line.
a. status c. alert
b. help d. command
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 156
18. In 1978, two employees of Bell Laboratories, Brian Kernighan and Dennis Ritchie, published a book
titled The C Programming Language, and started the tradition to display the phrase ____.
a. “Hello, World!” c. “Hello, Friend!”
b. “Hello, USA!” d. “Hello Out There!”
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 159
FIGURE 6-1
19. Referring to Figure 6-1, the table shows ____ operators.
a. process c. absolute
b. relational d. standard
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 148
20. Referring to Figure 6-1 above, the operators shown in the chart are often part of a JavaScript ____.
a. method c. parameter list
b. property d. condition
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 148
Case 6-1
Kate is new at her company, and has found some existing JavaScript that she would like to use on the
company’s Web site.
21. In the JavaScript below, Kate realizes that the first line “if (<blank>)” is called the ____.
if (<blank>)
{
input 1;
input 2;
input 3;
}
a. link c. clause
b. condition d. operator
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 147 TOP: Critical Thinking
22. In the JavaScript below, Kate discovers that the lines labeled “input 1; input 2; and input 3;” are called
the ____.
if (<blank>)
{
input 1;
input 2;
input 3;
}
a. variables c. constants
b. statements d. operators
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 147 TOP: Critical Thinking
Case 6-2
Daniel is writing JavaScript code to see if the person visiting his Web site is using Microsoft Internet
Explorer.
23. The condition being evaluated in this JavaScript code fragment from Daniel’s site is:
In this case, you are utilizing the appName ____ of the navigator object to determine the application
name of the current Web browser.
a. method c. object
b. application d. property
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 151 TOP: Critical Thinking
24. In the context of this case, and the code written below,
the term navigator can be used interchangeably with the term ____.
a. browser c. appName
b. Microsoft Internet Explorer d. Name
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 151 | 152 TOP: Critical Thinking
COMPLETION
1. In the context of HTML and JavaScript, a(n) ____________________ is nothing more than a sequence
of one or more characters.
ANS: string
ANS: objects
3. A(n) ____________________ is a user-defined name for a memory location whose value can change
over time.
ANS: variable
4. A token can either be a variable name (such as x or count) or a literal ____________________ (such
as 10 or “hello”).
ANS: constant
PTS: 1 REF: 148
ANS: window
MATCHING
Identify the letter of the choice that best matches the phrase or definition.
a. Methods
b. Parameter list
c. Conditional statement
d. Interpretation
e. Syntax
1. Gives programmers the ability to evaluate a specific condition and then perform different actions
depending on the results of that evaluation
2. Provides the method with the information it needs to perform its function correctly
3. JavaScript programmers call upon the services of one or more of these specialized functions that are
within objects
4. Specific rules of grammar in the Javascript language
5. The line-by-line conversion process of scripts that occurs automatically at run time
ESSAY
1. Explain the history of Java and JavaScript. Which came first? How are they related to each other?
Would you rather have worked on the development of Java or the development of JavaScript? Why?
ANS:
Java was created first by Sun Microsystems, Inc. Sun released its cross-platform programming
language to the general public in 1995, and it has grown in popularity at an unprecedented rate ever
since.
But Sun was not the only company looking for ways to enhance the capabilities of standard HTML.
Netscape Communications Corporation was also busy working on technologies to give Web
developers a way to embed user-programmable scripts into static HTML documents. They knew that
they needed to incorporate a well-defined syntax into their design. Netscape employees observed how
popular the Java language was becoming, so they licensed the Java name from Sun and used the Java
syntax in their own scripting language. The result of Netscape’s efforts became known as JavaScript,
and it has also enjoyed a great deal of success in the Internet software development sector.
WHERE WERE
A second column were seen advancing from the
THE opposite direction—Chiclana. This was supposed to be
SPANIARDS? Villatte’s division, who had not been engaged during
the action, having remained near the Almanza creek,
in front of General Zayas. But they turned out to be the sick,
marched out from the hospitals of Chiclana, who thus succeeded as
a ruse in covering the retreat of the vanquished Victor.
Although at this critical juncture every British soldier felt
confident that a strong body of six hundred Spanish cavalry, fired by
the example of the gallant Germans, would ride forward against the
reeling columns of the retiring enemy, yet they never appeared.
Abandoning their calling as soldiers they remained behind, mouthing
the pebbles of the beach and thus preparing with oratorical effect to
extol as their own those heroic deeds in which they bore no part and
from which they studiously kept aloof.
Notwithstanding the arrival of Beguines, General Graham
evidently saw the difficulty and danger of making an advanced
movement. The enemy, though beaten and having suffered severe
loss, still retired with a stronger force in the field than the British
numbered before the battle commenced. Villatte’s division were
fresh, and could easily have joined Victor. Our army was crippled,
half its numbers being put hors de combat; and the survivors had
been for twenty-four hours under arms, sixteen of which had been
passed in marching, and chiefly during the previous night. After
having gained so brilliant a victory, and defeated the enemy at all
points, the British general fully expected that La Peña, awaking from
his torpor, would take advantage of Victor’s overthrow and lay the
drowsy Spaniards on the track of his discomfited and retiring
columns; but he was mistaken—such was never La Peña’s intention.
At the time when Colonel Browne took up his position on the hill, the
principal part of the Spanish artillery were moved along the beach
road and halted about midway between the two points whence the
enemy could move on to attack, the one by the western point of
Barossa, the other by the eastern side of Bermeja. On this position
they halted, but with their drivers mounted, ready to start at a
moment’s notice for that point, whence the enemy advanced not.
Thus, when Victor was perceived advancing against Colonel Browne,
the great guns flew along the beach road, nor stopped until Bermeja
was left far in their rear. Later, when the British troops were exposed
to the hottest fire, perilously situated, their rear left open to attack
by the early flight of the Spaniards from the hill, yet La Peña gave no
aid, although, had he moved forward by the eastern side of Bermeja
and come on the plain in that direction towards Chiclana, he would
have got in rear of Marshal Victor, when the whole French army
must have been destroyed or taken. But neither the roaring of
cannon, his duty towards his allies, the pride of his profession, nor
the independence of his country was sufficient stimulant to rouse
him forward into action: La Peña was determined not to move. Yet
when subsequently cashiered for his disgraceful conduct, he had the
unparalleled impudence to declare that it was a great hardship to be
dismissed the Service after he had gained so brilliant a victory with
the allied army. And soon after the battle General Cruz-Murgeon
unblushingly asserted in the public prints at Cadiz that he took both
prisoners and guns during the action. Colonel Ponsonby, who
undertook to refute this unfounded statement, asked me (all the
other guns captured being accounted for) whether any Spaniards
even seemingly assisted or were in sight when the gun, which he
said he saw me in the act of charging, was captured. I replied that
there was not a Spaniard in the field at the time, and that with the
exception of himself and Colonel McDonald, the Adjutant-General,
who rode past at the time, no individual of any corps was in sight of
the flank battalion when the gun was taken, not even the Guards,
who, though immediately on our right, were shut out by the
intervening inequalities of the ground. But with respect to his taking
four guns, General Cruz-Murgeon was partly right, the term “taking”
only being erroneous. After the action was over, the Spanish general
found his own guns on the same spot where he had abandoned
them in the morning, silent and cold, though they should have been
loudly pouring forth their hottest fire against Rousseau’s division
when they were advancing against Colonel Browne’s position. This I
said that I was ready to prove, having seen the guns after the
Spaniards had fled. This statement being made public, the
controversy ceased, and Cruz-Murgeon shrank from the paper
warfare as disreputably as he had fled from the field.
Until late in the evening the British general maintained his
position on the hill, when, seeing no prospect of a forward
movement on the part of the Spaniards, he, as soon as it was dark,
to prevent his movement being discovered by the enemy, retired
down to Santi Petri point, and passed over the bridge of boats into
the Isla de Leon.
CHAPTER XVIII.
T
hus terminated the celebrated battle of Barossa, by Spaniards
termed the bloody fight of the wild boar, fought under
extraordinary difficulties against a gallant foe more than
double in number, by harassed British troops, whose gallantry called
forth the admiration of all Europe and the malignant jealousy of their
allies—a battle which immortalised the genius and valour of the
commanding general, who coolly directed our movements until all
was prepared for the bayonet, when, laying aside the personal
prudence of the experienced old commander, he displayed the
vigour and impetuosity of the young soldier, leading us on to the
final glorious charge. It was during this charge, and when the
Guards and flank battalion united on the top of the hill, that Colonel
Browne and I again met, he on the left of the household troops and
I on the right of the flank battalion, with whom, from the departure
of the colonel until his return, I was the only officer and
consequently in command. The time of my command, as well as I
can recollect, was about an hour, and that during the hottest part of
the action. After mutual congratulations, my gallant colonel shook
me cordially by the hand, declaring that he never could forget my
services on that day, and adding that, should we both survive the
action, he would in person present me to General Graham and bear
full testimony to my conduct throughout the whole day. The colonel
was fully aware that, had the author of these Memoirs lagged behind
in consequence of a wound received early in the action, he, on his
arrival on the hill, instead of finding nearly two hundred bayonets of
the flank battalion well into the charge which reeled the enemy off
the hill, would not have had a single man of that battalion present to
command, and must consequently have been still a volunteer with
the Guards. I reported to him my having charged and taken the
howitzer. Here I feel called upon to state that when Colonel Browne
parted to join the Guards there were not ten men of the flank
battalion to be seen and not above four or five standing near us;
there was nothing for him to command, and I feel thoroughly
satisfied that it was by sheer bravery he was moved. Although the
battalion when they originally moved forward had not the slightest
prospect of success, still it was absolutely necessary for the safety of
the British army and the Spanish cause to push us forward; and had
we not undauntedly pressed on to attack Rufin in his position, that
general would have come down in perfect order on the British
troops, then in a confused mass and so entangled in the pine forest
as to render any attempt at formation totally impracticable. To await
an attack under such circumstances must have been attended with
the most fatal results.
LOSSES IN
Under these circumstances to hesitate in pushing
OUR forward the flank battalion, not only as select troops,
BATTALION. but also as the only British troops regularly formed,
since they had not yet been entangled in the pine
forest, would have shown culpable weakness and want of resolution,
although the movement was consigning us as a body to certain
destruction. At the commencement of the action our battalion
formed a little more than a tenth of the army; yet at the close of the
action our casualties both in officers and men amounted to nearly a
fourth of the entire loss sustained, although every regiment was well
into the fight.
The officers killed and wounded in the flank companies of the
9th and 28th Regiments alone exceeded a fifth of the total loss of
officers; they were sixty-two, and of the flank companies there were
thirteen, six of the 9th and seven of the 28th. But the carnage which
the flank battalion suffered was never brought before the public. The
casualties which took place in the different flank companies were in
the official despatches put under the heads of their different
regiments; thus the officers killed and wounded of the 9th Regiment
flankers were returned as a loss sustained by the 9th Regiment,
although at the time the 9th Regiment were doing garrison duty in
Gibraltar; and the 28th Regiment, who formed the extreme left of
the line, returned eight officers killed or wounded, whereas seven of
those were of its flank companies with Colonel Browne’s battalion,
who were led into action on the extreme right, though the Guards
having moved by our rear and subsequently forming on our right,
we at the close of the battle stood between the two brigades.
The battle, although it lasted little more than two hours, was
extremely fierce and bloody, and its results marked the gallantry of
the two nations by whom it was fought. Two thousand French, with
three general officers, were either killed or wounded; and they lost
six guns and an Eagle. The loss on our side consisted of five
lieutenant-colonels, one major, sixteen captains, twenty-six
lieutenants, thirteen ensigns, one staff, fifty-one sergeants, eleven
hundred and eighty rank and file, making a total of twelve hundred
and ninety-three put hors de combat. But of all the army the
severest loss sustained was by the grenadiers and light bobs of the
28th Regiment; and it may truly be said that the young soldiers who
filled up the vacancies left in those companies by the veterans who
fell in the mountains of Galicia or at Corunna or who sunk through
the swamps in Walcheren, were this day introduced to a glorious
scene of action. Two-thirds of the men and all the officers lay on the
battlefield: one alone of the latter was enabled to resume his legs,
for he had no bone broken; he continued through the fight,—’twas
the system of the old Slashers.
FRIENDSHIP The flank officers of the 28th Regiment who fell in
AND DEATH. the battle were Captain Mullins, Lieutenant Wilkinson
and Lieutenant Light (Grenadiers); and Captain
Bradley and Lieutenants Bennet, Blakeney and Moore. Poor Bennet
was shot through the head whilst gallantly cheering on the men
through an incessant shower of grape and musketry. On seeing him
fall I darted to the spot and too plainly discovered the cause. It
grieved me that I could not stop for an instant with my dearest
friend and first companion of my youth; but friendship, however
fervid, must yield to imperative duty. The men were fast falling and
it required the utmost exertion to keep the survivors together,
exposed, as they then were, to a murderous fire of round-shot,
grape and musketry. My exertions at the moment were rather
limping, as I had just been struck by a grape-shot under the hip,
which for a moment laid me prostrate. I could only cast a mournful
look at Bennet, poor fellow. It may be that our firm friendship
conduced to his fate. A vacancy occurred in the light company a few
days before the action, and I saw that Bennet would willingly fill it
up; but it was an established rule, at least in the regiment, that a
senior lieutenant could never be put over the head of a junior
already serving in the light company. Perceiving that his delicacy
prevented his asking, I prevailed upon Colonel Belson to appoint
him, although my senior. With the battalion two officers only were
wounded, Captain Cadell and Lieutenant Anderson. In the flank
companies no officer escaped, and poor Bennet fell, to rise no more.
But after all man must have a final place of rest, and the appropriate
bed of a soldier is the battlefield; and it will be some consolation to
his friends to know that never did a soldier fall more gallantly or on a
day more glorious, and never was an officer more highly esteemed
when living, nor, when he fell, more sincerely regretted by the whole
of his brother officers. He was wounded about noon on the 5th; the
brain continually oozed through the wound; yet strange to say he
continued breathing until the morning of the 7th, when he calmly
expired with a gentle sigh. A marble slab was subsequently erected
in the chapel of the Government House at Gibraltar, to the memory
of Bennet and of Lieutenant Light of the Grenadiers, by their
affectionate brother officers who unfeignedly regretted the early fall
of the two gallant youths.
A few days after the battle the 28th Regiment returned to
Gibraltar and the flank battalion to Tarifa, where we joyfully
reoccupied our old quarters in the houses of the truly hospitable
inhabitants. I was billeted in the house of an old priest, Don Favian
Durque. His sister, an old maiden lady, lived with him, and it is
impossible to express the kindness and attention which I received
from both. When the old lady heard that the grape-shot which struck
me had first passed through an orange, a ration loaf and a roast
fowl, with tears in her eyes she knelt down and with religious
fervency devoutly offered up her thanks to the Blessed Virgin, who,
she said, must have fed the fowl which so miraculously saved my
life.
A week had not elapsed after our return to Tarifa when Colonel
Browne received a letter from General Graham requesting that he
would recommend any officer of the flank battalion who had
distinguished himself in the late action. This was in consequence of
some circumstances having come to the general’s knowledge,
principally through his Adjutant-General, Colonel McDonald, and his
Quartermaster-General, Colonel Ponsonby, as well as through his
aide-de-camp, Captain Calvert. Colonel Browne then recommended
me to the general.
Having had occasion to go to Cadiz on private affairs, I carried
the colonel’s letter, upon presenting which the general delayed not a
moment in sending a report on the subject to the commander-in-
chief, with a strong recommendation; and during my stay in the Isla
I had the honour of dining every day at the general’s table. In
Colonel Browne’s letter, which he read to me, the capture of the
howitzer is stated, but is not mentioned in General Graham’s report.
In fact he could not well have mentioned it, having already reported
the capture of all the guns in his official despatch. I cannot help
thinking that had Colonel Browne not forgotten his promise to me,
solemnly and spontaneously pledged on our meeting on Barossa Hill,
and had he mentioned my name to General Graham before that
gallant officer sent off his despatches, my promotion to a company
would not have been the result of a subsequent action.
We remained at Tarifa a few months longer, continually fighting
for our bread (the crops), when many a lively and serious skirmish
took place. It is a pleasant little town, and famous as the point
where the Moors made their first descent into Spain, invited by
Count Julian to avenge the insult offered to his daughter, the
beautiful Florinda, by Roderick the last of the Visigoth monarchs.
When the Moors had been expelled from Spain, a watch-tower was
erected here, in which towards evening a bell rings every hour until
dark; it then sounds every half hour until midnight,—from that hour
until three o’clock in the morning it rings every quarter, and after
that every five minutes until daybreak. This custom continued down
to the period when we were quartered there and probably does so
to the present time; and this bell to our great annoyance hung close
to the officers’ guardroom.
CASTILIAN Nothing offends a Spaniard, particularly in
PURITY. Andalusia, more than to insinuate even that he is in
any way connected with the Moors. Should you
through doubt ask a Spaniard to what country he belongs, he
answers that he is a pure and legitimate Castilian, not intending to
say that he is a native of either of the Castiles or that he was born in
wedlock, but giving you to understand that his veins are not
contaminated with any mixture of Moorish blood. Yet in Tarifa, where
they are most particular on this point, they still continue a Moorish
custom peculiar to that town and not practised, I believe, in any
other part of Spain. The ladies wear a narrow shawl or strip of silk,
called a mantilla, generally black; the centre of this strip is placed on
the crown of the head, the ends hanging down in front of the
shoulders, the deep fringe, with which they are trimmed, reaching
close to the ankle. So far this dress is common throughout Spain;
but in Tarifa the ladies cross the mantilla in front of their faces, by
which the whole countenance is concealed, with the exception of
one eye; this is done by dexterously lapping the mantilla across at
the waist, and so gracefully that the movement is scarcely
perceptible. I have seen many English and even Spanish ladies of
the other provinces endeavour to imitate this sudden and graceful
movement, but never without awkwardness; whereas every female
in Tarifa accomplishes it in a moment. This temporary disguise is
resorted to when the ladies go out to walk; and so perfect is the
concealment and the dress of the ladies so much alike, that the most
intimate acquaintances pass each other unknown. Thus accidents
may happen and husbands fail to know their own wives.
Spanish ladies in general are very fine figures, for which reason,
as I have been told, their under garments, far from flowing, are very
narrow, and tied down the front with many knots of fine silk ribbon.
The order for the flank companies to join headquarters having
arrived, after a long and happy sojourn we bade a final adieu to this
pleasant and hospitable little town, and proceeded to Gibraltar.
After remaining a few days in Gibraltar to exchange our tattered
Barossa clothing for a new outfit, which the flank companies had no
opportunity of doing previously, the regiment sailed for Lisbon on
July 10th, on board two men-of-war; but a calm setting in, we were
carried by the current to Ceuta on the African coast. Dropping
anchor, the officers landed to dine with our old friends, the 2nd
Battalion 4th or King’s Own, who were quartered there; but the
weather promising fair, Blue Peter and a gun summoned us on board
before the cloth was removed.
SCENES OF Next morning we found ourselves off Tarifa. The
LOVE AND whole population were on the beach kissing hands
WAR.
and waving kerchiefs in the breeze; we recognised
them all; and a recollection of the many happy days we passed
there, where so oft we played and sang and danced the gay
fandango, called forth from all a tear or sigh. The Tarifa ladies were
famed throughout Spain for their beauty. But the charmed city soon
receded from our view; and on we plodded listlessly, until we came
abreast of Barossa Hill, when we all hurried on deck and drank a
flowing bumper with three times three cheers to the health of the
gallant Graham. Continuing our course towards the land, where
dwell the brown maids with the lamp-black eyes, we arrived at
Lisbon on the 20th and next day disembarked.
Our field equipments were immediately put in preparation; our
baggage animals were procured as soon as the market supplied, and
as cheap as the Portuguese sharpers would sell, who next to
Yorkshiremen are the greatest rogues known in regard to horses.
Our wooden canteens were well soaked, securely to keep in what
the commissaries cautiously served out. A portable larder or
haversack was given to each to carry his provisions in, and a clasp
knife which was both fork and spoon. Our little stock of tea, sugar
and brandy was carefully hoarded in a small canteen, wherein dwelt
a little tin kettle, which also acted the part of teapot; two cups and
saucers (in case of company), two spoons, two forks, two plates of
the same metal, a small soup-tureen, which on fortunate occasions
acted as punch-bowl but never for soup. This was termed a rough-
and-ready canteen for officers of the line only. Hussars, lancers and
other cavalry captains would doubtless sooner starve than
contaminate their aristocratic stomachs with viands, however
exquisite, served on such plebeian utensils; however a frying-pan
was common to all ranks.
TO THE Our equipment being completed, the march was
MEMORY OF announced for August 1st. Many conflicting
SIR JOHN
MOORE.
sentiments jarred in our breasts the night before.
Thoughts of the bloody battles we had gained and the
prospect of a glorious campaign before us were gloomed by the
recollection that not long before we had taken the same route with
Sir John Moore at our head; that since that period the ranks of the
regiment had been thinned or swept away at Corunna, Oporto,
Talavera, Albuera, Barossa. Many a gallant soldier and sincere friend
had been laid low since last we met at Lisbon. With these
recollections we sat down to table, and eating seemed but a work of
necessity, which passed in mute action. The cloth being removed, a
bumper was proposed to the memory of the immortal Moore. It was
drunk in perfect silence and, as it were, with religious solemnity. The
martial figure and noble mien of the calumniated hero stood erect in
the imagination, and was perfect in the memory of all; but a painful
recollection of the mournful state in which we last beheld him
saddened every countenance. We seemed to see him borne in a
blanket by the rear of the regiment, the moon acting as one big
torch to light the awful procession as it moved slowly along, our men
falling around him as if anxious, even in death, to follow their gallant
leader, and the enemy’s guns firing salvos as if to cheer the warrior’s
last moments. He knew that they were beaten. Thus Sir John Moore
bade his final adieu to the regiment, all shattered save his martial
spirit and lofty mind,—these were unbroken and remained inflexible.
He yielded his last breath with a sigh of love for his country and of
yearning for his profession. After this toast was drunk the band with
muffled drums played, “Peace to the Fallen Brave”; but either the
instruments were out of tune or our souls not tuned to harmony.
The music sounded mournful and low; a dark gloom like a Pyrenean
cloud hung cold, damp and clammy around; we tried to shake it off
but in vain.
Our next bumper was to the memory of our late gallant
comrades, who gloriously fell since our last march from Lisbon,
gallantly maintaining the honour of their country and corps. This
toast was also drunk in solemn silence, while many an eye swam at
the recollection of scenes and friends gone for ever. I thought of my
poor friend, Bennet. This toast led to the mention of several
anecdotes, wherein the deceased bore the principal part. The gallant
feats of our departed friends insensibly revived sentiments of a less
mournful nature; the foggy vapour somewhat cleared away.
Our third and last bumper was “To our next happy meeting; and
whosoever’s lot it be to fall may the regiment soon and often be
placed in a situation to maintain the glory of their country, and may
they never forget the bravery and discipline which won the ‘back-
plates.’” This sentiment was received with wild enthusiasm, and so
loudly cheered by all that gloom and melancholy were frightened out
of the room. The festive board gradually resumed its wonted
cheerful tone; the merry song went round drowning the doleful
funeral dirge; past misfortunes and useless regrets were forgotten.
We sat late and drank deep, and thoughts of the fair and of future
glory alone occupied our minds. Heedless of the obstacles opposed
to reward of personal merit by an all-grasping aristocratical
interference, our heated imaginations presented nothing but blood,
wounds and scars, ribbons and stars to our dancing vision now
becoming double and doubtful; and at last we retired—but to
prepare for advance. Such was the custom of gallant gay soldiers
the night previous to opening a campaign; in their breasts the reign
of ennui is but short, and they spurn presentiments and foreboding,
harboured only by the feeble nerve, the disordered brain, the
shattered constitution, or by those whose vices conjure up frightful
phantoms to their troubled conscience.
CHAPTER XIX.
N
ext morning at dawn we commenced our second campaign in
Portugal. Crossing the Tagus, we continued our route through
the Alemtejo, and arrived at Villaviciosa on the 10th. Here we
joined our 2nd Battalion, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Abercrombie. It was the first meeting of the battalions since our
separation at the Curragh of Kildare in 1805, and was very
interesting. The old veterans of the 1st Battalion with measured
phrase recounted their feats in Denmark, Sweden, Holland, Portugal
and Spain, cunningly leaving many a space to be filled up by the
warm imagination of their excited young auditors. On the other hand
the gallant striplings of the 2nd Battalion, with that fervent and frank
ingenuousness so inseparable from youth and so rare in advanced
manhood, came at once to the bloody fight. They long and often
dwelt upon the glorious battle of Albuera; they told of the Spaniards
coming late; that Blake would neither lead nor follow; of brigades
being cut up through the over-anxiety of their commanders; of
colours being taken; in fine, of the battle being all but lost, until their
brigade, commanded by their gallant Colonel Abercrombie, in
conjunction with the brave Fusiliers, came up and by a combined
and overwhelming charge bore down all opposition and tore away
the palm of victory already twining round the enemy’s standard.
A SILENT
I had still upwards of two miles to ride through
CAMP. incessant wind and rain to reach the village of
Alcuescar, where the generals took up their quarters
with the light companies of the division and some Spanish cavalry.
Immediately on arriving there I reported to General Hill my having
executed the duty with which I was entrusted. This report I made
through Captain Clement Hill, the general’s brother and aide-de-
camp. He told me that the general felt excessively well pleased at
my having succeeded, wondered at my having returned so soon, or
at all, in such dreadful weather, and directed that I should not depart
until I had dined (rather a fashionable hour, past one in the
morning), adding with his usual urbanity that he regretted not being
able to see me, as he was engaged with two Spaniards, who were
making communications of a very important nature.
Having swallowed some cold roast beef and a tumbler of port, I
retired to the next house, where fortunately the light company of the
28th Regiment were stationed. Here I procured food for my wearied
horse; but, although steeped with rain, I could make no change in
my dress, my baggage being upwards of two miles in the rear,
where the regiment were encamped. Change of stockings I could
procure, but my boots teeming with water I durst not take off,
knowing that I should not be able to draw them on again.
Shortly afterwards the army from the camp came up and joined
us. Company states being collected, the adjutant told me that the
colonel remarked that No. 1—the company to which I had been
attached—was not signed by me. I had previously fallen in with the
light company. I immediately signed the state and fell in with the
battalion company. I perceived that the colonel rather avoided me.
AGAIN WITH All being prepared, the light companies of the
THE LIGHT brigade were ordered to advance. I could restrain my
COMPANY.
feelings no longer, and went to the colonel, reminding
him of the promise which he made when I was unwillingly appointed
to the command of a battalion company in Portugal; and repeated
what I then said, that since October 14th, 1808 (the day we
marched from Lisbon under Sir John Moore), to the present time the
light company, although they had been innumerable times in fight,
had never fired a shot nor seen a shot fired when I was not present,
and I trusted that I should not now be left behind. “Oh! there it is,
Mr. Blakeney—every one wishes to leave me. You are more
respectable commanding a company with the regiment than 2nd in a
company detached.” Being rather hurt at the (for the first time) cool
manner in which he addressed me, I merely bowed and said that
with whatever company I was ordered to serve I hoped to be able to
do my duty. The colonel rode away, but immediately returned and
said: “Blakeney, I very well recollect my promise, but thought you
would never mention it. I wished to have you near myself. However
I now speak to you as your friend: do as you please; either join the
light company or remain, but do not hereafter say that I marred
your prospects, which on the contrary I pledge you my honour I
would most willingly advance.” Encouraged by the colonel’s friendly
and sincere manner, as well as by the kind regards which he always
showed towards me, I felt emboldened to express my sentiments
freely; and although I held Colonel Abercrombie in the highest
estimation, as indeed did every officer in the regiment, I told him
candidly that I wished to join the light company. Shaking me
cordially by the hand, “God bless you, my honest fellow!” said he,
“and may every success attend you.” Another officer was appointed
to command the battalion company; and mounting my horse I soon
overtook the light bobs, who greeted me with a cheer, saying that
they knew Mr. Blakeney would not remain behind. This anecdote, in
itself of no consequence, I introduce, as it gives me an opportunity
of doing justice to the noble feelings of the gallant generous Colonel
Abercrombie, of whose disinterested friendship I soon had a still
stronger proof.
CHAPTER XX.
A
bout dawn, weather still dreadful and favoured by a dense fog,
the troops were formed under rising ground within half a mile
of the enemy, who, strange to be said, did not present even a
single vedette. They occupied Arroyo Molinos, a small town situated
under the northern extremity of Sierra Montanchez, a broad chain of
mountains which receded from Arroyo in a semicircular form, its
extreme points being upwards of two miles asunder. It is everywhere
impassable, even by goats, except within about a quarter of a mile
of its eastern point, where persons desperately situated might by
climbing, scramble across. The road leading from Arroyo Molinos to
Merida lies at right angles to that from Alcuescar, while the road to
Medellin intersects the one leading from Merida to Trujillo. To
prevent the escape of the enemy by any of these roads was the
anxious care of the general. The rising ground, under which our
troops united, prevented our near approach being discovered by the
enemy and favoured the distribution of the army for the attack.
THE FRENCH
Major-General Howard’s brigade, composed of the
SURPRISED. 1st Battalions 50th, 71st and 92nd Regiments, one
company 60th Rifles, and three six-pounders,
supported by Morillo’s Spanish infantry, formed the left column, and,
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, were pushed forward
direct upon the town; the 50th and the guns remained a short
distance in reserve. Colonel Wilson’s brigade, consisting of the 1st
Battalion 28th, 2nd Battalions 34th and 39th Regiments, one
company 60th Rifles, the 6th Portuguese regiment of the line,
commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Ashurst, with two six-pounders
and a howitzer, formed the right column. The cavalry, commanded
by Sir William Erskine, formed a third column; these were placed in
the centre, ready for any emergency. All being prepared, all
suddenly moved forward, favoured by the elements, which, but a
few moments ago furiously raging, now as if by command became
perfectly calm and the dense fog; clearing away, our left column
were absolutely entering the town before the enemy were aware of
our vicinity. Although one of their brigades had marched an hour
previously for Merida, their main body were only now getting under
arms to follow. The 71st and 92nd Regiments cheered and charged
through the town, making a few prisoners, but had some men cut
down by the opposing cavalry. The enemy, driven out of the place,
formed in two columns on the plain outside, under the base of
Montanchez, protected by their cavalry. Casting a glance to the
north, they perceived the 50th Regiment with the guns advancing.
The fire from the 71st Light Infantry, issuing from the gardens,
disturbed their close formation; and in the meantime the 92nd
Regiment filed through the streets and formed line on the enemy’s
flank, who, upon this double assault, commenced a rapid retreat, as
they thought, reducing the front of their columns, who were headed
by their cavalry. This, advance or retreat, was performed with such
celerity that they were soon lost sight of by our left column.
At this juncture the Spanish cavalry commanded by that active
officer, Count Penne Villamur, rode into the plain and separated the
enemy’s horsemen from their infantry. The count steadily, though
not furiously, maintained his part until the British cavalry came up,
who, in consequence of the rude darkness of the night and
roughness of the roads and ground, had been delayed in their
advance. There was also an equestrian Spanish band, clothed like
harlequins and commanded by a person once rational, but now bent
on charging with his motley crew the hardy and steadily disciplined
cavalry of France; and yet, however personally brave their
commander, Mr. Commissary Downy, little could be expected from
this fantastic and unruly squadron, who displayed neither order nor
discipline. Intractable as swine, obstinate as mules and
unmanageable as bullocks, they were cut up like rations or dispersed
in all directions like a flock of scared sheep.
The British cavalry having at length come up, accompanied by
the German hussars, the affair became more serious. A brisk charge
by two squadrons of the 2nd Germans and one squadron of the 9th
English Dragoons led by Captain Gore, the whole commanded by
Major Busshe of the Germans, put the French cavalry to flight. Their
infantry still pushed forward with uncommon rapidity, yet in perfect
order, fancying without doubt that all their danger was left behind.
But as they approached the eastern horn of the crescent range of
the Sierra Montanchez, by passing round which they expected to
gain the Trujillo road, they were met directly in front by our right
column, headed by the light companies of the 28th, 34th and 39th
Regiments. Here a rather unfortunate circumstance took place.
About ten minutes before we saw the head of the enemy’s
approaching column, four of their guns whipping at speed crossed in
front of the light companies who formed the advance guard of our
column. We were immediately ordered to follow and try to overtake
them; and we consequently brought forward our left shoulders and
attempted a double quick movement through ploughed ground,
soaked by several days’ previous rain, every step bringing the men
nearly up to the knee in clammy mud. When we had made a mock
run for eight or ten minutes, General Hill, who saw the movement,
ordered us to desist, as the cavalry would take the guns; they were
soon afterwards captured by the 13th Light Dragoons.
THE FRENCH We now brought up our right shoulders and faced
DASH FOR the enemy’s column, the head of which was by this
SAFETY.
time close at hand. A low ridge or rising ground was
between us, and, the 28th Light Company leading, I galloped up the
ascent, urged by the ambition natural to youth to be the first to
meet the foe. In this however I was disappointed; for on gaining the
summit I discovered immediately on my left General Hill with his
aide-de-camp, the late Colonel Curry, attended by one sole dragoon.
The light company came quickly up and commenced firing (the
enemy not above a hundred yards distant), upon which the general
showed his disapprobation in as marked a manner as a person could
do who never, under any excitement whatsoever, forgot that he was
a gentleman; at this moment he felt highly excited. The enemy
perceived it impossible to pass by us, and as our left column were
moving up in their rear every eye was casting a woeful look up the
side of the dark and stubborn Montanchez, which forbade access;
they saw no mode of escape. Becoming desperate, and arriving at
where the mountain began to dip, they made a rush at the broad
and high stone wall which ran along its base, and tearing open a
breach, the head of their column, led by General Gerard, entered the
opening at the very moment that the light company topped the
rising ground and saw them. Thus did Gerard make his escape,
which he could not have effected had we not been sent trotting after
the guns, by which we lost upwards of twenty minutes’ time.
But there was still a remedy left, had it been taken advantage of,
as will afterwards be shown. I observed the displeasure which our
men’s firing gave the general, who at the moment used the
remarkable words, “Soldiers, I have done my duty in showing you
the enemy; do you yours by closing on them.” Upon this truly
eloquent and inspiring appeal, which must have fired the breast of
the most phlegmatic, I instantly placed my cap on the point of my
sword, and waving it over my head I rode between the contending
troops to prevent the light company from firing, exhorting them to
come on with the bayonet, a weapon which they well knew from
experience the enemy could never resist. The men whom I
addressed, 28th Light Company, had fought at Barossa and Albuera,
and some still there were of the hardy old veterans of Galicia. I
mention the 28th Light Company, since they were the company who
led and whom I commanded; they instantly obeyed the call, and I
need scarcely say that the other light companies of the brigade were
not less prompt. All knew the efficiency of the weapon mentioned,
and knowing it came forward undauntedly, although at the moment
the odds against them were fearful. The three companies could not
muster two hundred bayonets; the column to be charged amounted
to nearly fifteen hundred As the captain of the company, not
knowing the enemy to be so near, had remained behind to behold a
charge made by the harlequin equestrians, I had an opportunity of
leading the 28th Light Company into the body of General Gerard’s
column, the head having unfortunately previously escaped through
the breach in the wall.
INTO THE SIDE Having brought the company in collision with the
OF GERARD’S enemy, and being a pretty fair fox-hunter and well
COLUMN.
mounted, I jumped the wall, my horse carrying me
stoutly over, although, with the exception of few and short intervals,
I had been on his back for six and thirty hours. The wall being
crossed, absurd as it may appear, alone I met the then head of the
enemy’s column. A scuffle ensued; I lost my horse and cap, but not
my sword.
My address to the light company, as well as what followed, was
in the presence of General Hill, who as I write commands the army
in chief; and I trust to escape a suspicion of exaggeration in my
recital of what took place, for however inclined I might feel to extol
my own services on the occasion, anything I could allege would fall
short of Lord Hill’s testimony, stated in his letter to Lord Fitzroy
Somerset, Military Secretary, dated Portalegre November 24th, 1811.
Soon after I crossed the wall, Lieutenants Potter, 28th, and
Sullivan, 34th Regiments, at the head of some men of their
respective light companies, charged through the breach, now almost
choked with French, when all who had not previously escaped were
made prisoners; and Lord Hill may recollect that, whilst as yet only
the light companies of Colonel Wilson’s brigade were come up and
engaged, his lordship made upwards of a thousand prisoners, who
threw down their arms, all or most of whom would have escaped
had not those companies undauntedly and quickly rushed forward.
Had we been so fortunate as to come up twenty minutes sooner,
General Gerard and every man in his army must inevitably have
been taken. No military enterprise throughout the Peninsular War
was more judiciously planned or more promptly executed.
The light companies now pushed forward in pursuit of Gerard
and the fugitives; every yard we advanced prisoners were made.
Having continued the chase to beyond the crest of the hill, I was
amazingly surprised at seeing Gerard descending down the road
leading to Merida, about two hundred yards beneath us; he was
accompanied by very few men, for the ground was broken and rocky
and very difficult to pass over. Some French officers, who rushed
through the wall on horseback, had been immediately obliged to
dismount, and, formation of any kind being impossible, groups of
the enemy continually descended in small numbers, who, on
reaching the road, ran forward to join those who had already
arrived. But my astonishment was caused at seeing a squadron of
British cavalry drawn up on the road who moved not at all, although
within a hundred yards of where Gerard and the enemy descended
in these small bodies from the mountain. Some time afterwards I
asked the officer who commanded the squadron how it was he did
not charge the fugitives, remarking that he lost an opportunity which
most probably would never again present itself, that of taking
prisoner the enemy’s commanding general. He replied with perfect
seriousness that his orders were to halt on that road, and that
therefore the escape of the enemy was no affair of his; that had he
been ordered to charge, he would have done so willingly. This I
firmly believe; and he was not very long afterwards killed while
gallantly charging with his regiment. What increased my
astonishment was that the enemy descended on to the road exactly
in his front, and moved away from him; for the squadron were
drawn up to face the direction which the French took, being the only
one by which they could escape.
LOSSES OF The British loss in the action was trifling: seven
THE FRENCH. rank and file killed; seven officers and between fifty
and sixty rank and file wounded. On the part of the
enemy, General Gerard’s corps were almost totally destroyed or
dispersed. General Le Brun, Colonel the Prince D’Arenberg, both of
the cavalry, Colonel Andrée, Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel
Voirol, and another lieutenant-colonel whose name I forget, Gerard’s
aide-de-camp, one commissary, thirty captains and subalterns, and
upwards of fifteen hundred rank and file were made prisoners. The
whole of their guns, waggons, baggage and magazines were
captured. Their loss in killed and wounded could not be ascertained
from the nature of the ground, but it must have been considerable.
The light companies were firing during four hours, while they chased
the fugitives up the hill of Montanchez and down the other side until
we nearly reached the road. When General Morillo returned next
morning, having continued the pursuit all night, he reported that,
exclusive of those who fell on the plain, upwards of six hundred
dead or dying were found in the woods and among the mountains.
In consequence of the severe fatigue which the army had
suffered immediately before the action, as well as the necessity of
bringing the prisoners together, the light companies were called in.
On arriving on the plain I was not a little surprised at the general
greeting I met from the whole regiment, who with the 34th had
been some time in the plain. When the regiment had approached
the breach in the wall, my horse was found in possession of a
French soldier and my cap at the foot of the hill where it had rolled
down. I was consequently put down as either among the slain or
made prisoner; and upon this Colonel Abercrombie had said that he
was excessively sorry for the circumstance, but that it was all my
own seeking, because I declined remaining with him.
CHAPTER XXI.
I AM MADE BEAR-LEADER.
T
he troops now entered the town of Arroyo Molinos, and I
proceeded directly to the Prince D’Arenberg’s quarters, to
which I was called by General Hill, who requested that I would
accompany the prince to Lisbon, and this too at the prince’s request.
Upon my expressing an unwillingness thus to go to the rear, the
general paid me a very flattering compliment, saying that had he not
deemed it necessary to retire in a day or two at the farthest, he
would not request, nor even consent to my leaving the army even
for a day; but that Soult’s corps were advancing, which rendered it
necessary for him to retire. Colonel Rook, the adjutant-general,
being present, asked me with what escort I would undertake the
charge, and if I thought twenty men sufficient. I offered to be
responsible for the prince’s safe conveyance with four men and two
dragoons. Rook replied that he would double the number of infantry
which he proposed, but could not grant a single dragoon. I then
consented to go with a corporal and six men of my own regiment.
He agreed to the number but not to the regiment; the bulk of the
prisoners were to be escorted by a suitable detachment of the 34th,
and he could not break up a second regiment. And so with Corporal
Hughes and six men of the 34th I commenced my march for Lisbon.
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