Allama Iqbals Presidential Address at Allahabad

29 December 1930.
He was elected as the president of Allahabad Session of the All India Muslim
League.
He Said "I would like to see the Punjab, North-West FrontierProvinces , Sindh and
Balochistan into a single State. Self-Government within the British Empireor without
the British Empire. The formation of the consolidated North-West
IndianMuslimStateappears to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of the
North-West India."
So
Iqbal earned the title of "Dreamer of Pakistan" for Himself.
Chaudary Rehmat Ali, born in 1879, a student at Cambridge, published a pamphlet
"Now or Never" in 1933. He supported the fact that Muslims of subcontinent are a
separate nation and they should have their separate homeland. He also coined the
word "Pakistan" and included Kashmir. This term, Pakistan, stands for Land of
Pure. Hindu Reaction:Hindus reacted against the demand of separate home land by
Iqbal. An editorial in daily Partab,
In Daily Inqalab,Muslims supported his ideas. And News papers like Daily Hindu and
Daily hamdam supported him and propagated his message and ideas through the
Subcontinent.

Round Table Coferences

First Round Table Conference
The first session of the conference opened in London on November 12, 1930. All parties were
present except for the Congress, whose leaders were in jail due to the Civil Disobedience
Movement. Congress leaders stated that they had nothing to do with further constitutional
discussion unless the Nehru report was enforced in its entirety as the constitution of India.
Almost eighty-nine members attended the conference, out of which fifty-eight were chosen from
various communities and interests in British India, and the rest from princely states and other
political parties. The prominent among the Muslim delegates invited by the British government
were Sir Aga Khan, Quaid-i-Azam, Maulana Mohammad Ali Johar, Sir Mohammad Shafi and
Maluvi Fazl-i-Haq. Sir Taj Bahadur Sapru, Mr. Jaikar and Dr. Moonje were outstanding among the
Hindu leaders.
The Hindu- Muslim differences overcast the conference as the Hindus were for a powerful
Central government while the Muslims stood for a loose federation of completely autonomous
province. The Muslims demanded maintenance of weightage and separate electorates, the
Hindus their abolition. The Muslims claimed statutory majority in Punjab and Bengal, while
Hindus resisted their imposition. In Punjab, the situation was complicated by inflated Sikh claims.
The Conference dealt with the details through eight sub-committees on federal structure,
provincial constitution, franchise, Sind, the North-West Frontier Province, defense services and
minorities.

The conference broke up on January 19, 1931, and what emerged from it was a general
agreement to write safeguards for minorities into the constitution and a vague desire to devise a
federal system for the country.
Second Round Table Conference
The second session of the conference opened in London on September 7, 1931. The main task
of the conference was done through the two committees on federal structure and minorities.
Gandhi was a member of both but he adopted a very unreasonable attitude. He claimed that he
represented all India and dismissed all other Indian delegates as non-representative because
they did not belong to the Congress.
The communal problem represented the most difficult issue to the delegates. Gandhi again
tabled the Congress scheme for a settlement, a mere reproduction of the Nehru report, but it was
rejected by all the minorities.
As a counter to the Congress scheme the Muslims, the depressed classes, the Indian Christians,
the Anglo-Indians and the European presented a joint statement of claims which they said must
stand as an interdependent whole. As their main demands were not acceptable to Gandhi, the
communal issue was postponed for future discussion.
On the concluding day, the British Prime Minister, Ramsay Macdonald appealed to the Indian
leaders to reach a communal settlement. Failing to do so, the British government would take a
unilateral decision.
Quaid-i-Azam did not participate in the session of the second Round Table Conference as he
decided to keep himself aloof from the Indian politics and to practice as a professional lawyer in
England.
On his return to India, Gandhi once again started civil disobedience movement and was duly
arrested. Three important committees drafted their reports: The Franchise Committee, the
Federal Finance Committee and States Inquiry Committee.
Third Round Table Conference
The third session began on November 17, 1932, was short and unimportant. The Congress was
once again absent, so was the Labour opposition in the British parliament. Reports of the various
committees were scrutinized and ended on December 25, 1932.
The recommendations of the Round Table Conferences were embodied in a White Paper. It was
published in March 1933, and debated in Parliament directly afterwards, analyzed by the Joint
Select Committee and after the final reading and the loyal assent, the Bill reached the Statute
Book on July 24, 1935.

Simon commission 1927

The British government appointed a commission under Sir John Simon in November 1927. The
commission, which had no Indian members, was being sent to investigate Indias constitutional

problems and make recommendations to the government on the future constitution of India.
The Congress decided to boycott the Simon Commission and challenged Lord Birkenhead,
Secretary of State for India, to produce a constitution acceptable to the various elements in India.
There was a clear split in the Muslim League. Sir Muhammad Shafi, who wanted to cooperate
with the commission, decided to convene a Muslim League session in Lahore in December
1927.
The other faction led by Jinnah stood for the boycott of the commission. This faction held a
Muslim League session at Calcutta, and decided to form a subcommittee to confer with the
working committee of the Indian National Congress and other organizations, with a view to draft
a constitution for India.

Khilafat movement
Khilafat movement
Ali Brothers, Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, launched the historic
Khilafat Movement after the First World War.

The objectives were as follows:

To maintain the Turkish Caliphate.

To protect the holy places of the Muslims.

To maintain the unity of the Ottoman Empire.

- See more at: http://storyofpakistan.com/khilafat-movement/#sthash.0ODgpeYT.dpuf

Although the Movement failed in its objectives, it had a far-reaching impact on the Muslims
of South Asia. After a long time, they took united action on a purely Islamic issue which
momentarily forged solidarity among them. It also produced a class of Muslim leaders
experienced in organizing and mobilizing the public. This experience was of immense value
to the Muslims later during the Pakistan Movement The collapse of the Khilafat Movement
was followed by a period of bitter Hindu Muslim antagonism. The Hindus organized two
highly anti Muslim movements, the Shudhi and the Sangathan. The former movement was
designed to convert Muslims to Hinduism and the latter was meant to create solidarity among
the Hindus in the event of communal conflict. In retaliation, the Muslims sponsored the
Tabligh and Tanzim organizations to counter the impact of the Shudhi and the Sangathan. In
the 1920s, the frequency of communal riots was unprecedented. Several Hindu-Muslim unity
conferences were held to remove the causes of conflict, but, it seemed nothing could mitigate
the intensity of communalism. Muslim Demand Safeguards In the light of this situation, the
Muslims revised their constitutional demands. They now wanted preservation of their
numerical majorities in the Punjab and Bengal, separation of Sindh from Bombay,
constitution of Balochistan as a separate province and introduction of constitutional reforms
in the North-West Frontier Province. It was partly to press these demands that one section of
the All-India Muslim League cooperated with the Statutory commission sent by the British
Government under the chairmanship of Sir John Simon in 1927.

Two Nation Theory The Myth The Reality

Two Nation Theory: The Myth, The Reality
"One lesson I have learnt from the history of Muslims. At critical moments in their
history it is Islam that has saved Muslims and not vice versa." (Sir Muhammad Iqbal)
Why Ideology of Pakistan is Important: Today the world community comprises of

more than 180 countries. Pakistan appeared on the world map in August 1947, and
became the first Islamic ideological state of the modern times. Unlike the nonideological states, it was not established due to any geographical conflict or territorial
domination by a group of people. If the ideology of such a state like Pakistan is dead
then its existence can be questioned. Therefore, Pakistan cant exist if there is no
more ideology of Pakistan.
Pakistan is an ideological stateestablished in the name of the Islam. But on the
31st of December 1971, this land of ours, lost its east wing. And East Pakistan
emerged on the world map as Bangladesh. The then prime minister of India Ms.
Indra Gandhi claimed that the birth of Bangladesh is the death of the two-nation
theory If, as said, the ideology of Pakistan came to an end in 1971, then the
objective behind the creation of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan would have come to
an end too.
Purpose of Pakistan
The breakup of the country in 1971 raised cynical eyebrows about national identity
and gave rise to the theory of sub-nationalities on the basis of race, religion and
language. Thus questions are being asked about the very existence of Pakistan.
The debate about the motivating force behind the making of Pakistan has been one
endless exercise. Was there any need of Pakistan at all? Is this just another Muslim
state like many others? Was creation of Pakistan a conspiracy of the British and/or of
Muslim League? Was it to retrieve the ancient glory of the Islamic era, or to find a
base for the reconstruction of Islamic thought and the resurgence and re-adaptation
of its message to our day and age? Was Pakistan created accidentally? Was the
sacrifice of thousands of Muslims in 1947 useless? Should Pakistan and India be
merged together to form "Akhand Bharat" to restore peace in the Sub-continent?
What is Two Nation Theory?
Two-Nation theory is the basis of creation of Pakistan. It states that Muslims and
Hindus are two separate nations from every definition; therefore Muslims should
have a separate homeland in the Muslim majority areas of India, where they can
spend their lives according to the glorious teachings of Islam.
If Muslims of the sub-continent comprise an Islamic nation then they have the right to
have separate homeland as Muhammad Ali Jinnah, (in his address to the annual
session of Muslim League) mentioned and I quote:
"History has presented to us many examples, such as the Union of Great Britain and
Ireland, of Czechoslovakia and Poland. History has also shown to us many
geographical tracts, much smaller than the sub-continent of India, which otherwise
might have been called one country, but which have been divided into as many
seven or eight sovereign states. Like-wise, the Portuguese and the Spanish stand
divided in the Iberian Peninsula."
The Definition Of Nation
The significance and reality of Pakistan has not been fully understood in the west. To

the west, nationality based on religion is an alien and often-incomprehensible

phenomenon. This is because religion in the West has come to play such a restricted
role. In the West, Germans and French are accepted as two separate nations.
However, the fact of Hindus and Muslims in India representing two separate cultural
entities is seldom appreciated. A young French student may visit a family in
Germany, share their meals, may attend the same church and even marry a girl in
the family without creating a scandal or surprise. But such instances of intermarriage
have been extremely rare in the Indo-Pak Sub-Continent. Even some of the most
ardent Indian Nationalist has found the idea totally unacceptable. As Sir Abdur
Rahim observed:
"Any of us Indian Muslims traveling for instances in Afghanistan, Persia and Central
Asia among Chinese Muslims, Arabs and Turks, would at once be made at home
and would not find anything to which we are not accustomed. On the contrary, in
India we find ourselves in all social matters total aliens when we cross the street and
enter that part of the town where our Hindu fellow townsmen live."
Is Two Nation Theory A New Concept
A point generally raised by the opponent of the two-nation theory is that Pakistan
was created accidentally and that the intellect of most of the Muslims at that time
was overpowered by emotions. Moreover, that this phenomenon emerged in the
early decade of the 20th century.
But, what the history reveals is something different. Two-Nation theory was not at all
as new phenomenon.
History of Two Nation Theory
Mahatma Gandhi, speaking in the second session of the Round table conference in
London in 1931, said that the quarrel between Hindus and Muslims was coreview
with the British advent in India. It would be difficult to maintain such a position
historically because the conflict between Hindus and Muslims had started long
before the emergence of the British power in India.
The phenomenon of Two-Nation theory originated with the advent of Islam in the
Sub-Continent (712AD). According to Jinnah, "The concept of two nation theory
originated the day, the first Hindu converted to Muslim."
The partition of India was proposed more than seven hundred years prior to the
Lahore resolution. In 1192 AD, on the eve of battle of Tarian, according to famous
historian Farishta, Sultan Muizz-ud-Din had suggested to his rival, Pirthviraj, the
partition of India, leaving the region of Sirhind, Punjab and Multan with Sultan and
retaining the rest of India for himself. This proposal cropped up again after 150
years, when Al-Beruni pointed out the existence of the two big groups of people
subscribing to two different religions.
"This (the religious difference) renders any connection with them" says Beruni, "quite
impossible and constitutes the widest of gulf between them and us (Hindu and
Muslims)."
Perhaps Emperor Aurengzeb (1658-1707) was responsible for increasing Hindu
Muslim tensions by trying to Islamize the Mughal government. Several Muslim

historians have actually glorified Aurengzeb for making Muslims conscious of their
separate religious and ideological identity. It is also true that Maratha and Sikh
leaders raised their banner of revolt against Aurangzeb because in trying to organize
his government on Islamic lines, the emperor was acting against their interest. Sir
Jaduanath Sarkars observation on the role of Shivaji, the Maratha leader, is
revealing:
"Shivaji has shown that the tree of Hinduism is not really dead. That it can rise from
beneath the seemingly crushing load of centuries of political bondage, exclusion
from the administration, and legal repression; it can put forth new leaves and
branches it can again lift its head up to the skies"
After Aurangzebs death, Muslim power started disintegrating. Muslims were so
alarmed by the growing power of the Hindus under Maratha leadership that even a
Sufi scholar like Shah Walliullha (1703-81) was moved into writing a letter to the
Afghan King Shah Walliullah. He wrote:
"In short, the Muslim community is in a pitiable condition. All control of the machinery
of government is in the hands of Hindus, because they are the only people who are
capable and industrious. Wealth and prosperity are concentrated in their hands;
while the share of Muslims is nothing but poverty and misery At this time you are
the only King who is powerful, far-sighted, and capable of defeating the enemy
forces. Certainly it is incumbent upon you to march to India, destroy the Maratha
domination and rescue weak and old Muslims from the clutches of Non-Muslims. If,
God forbid, domination by infidels continues, Muslims will forget Islam and within a
short time become such a nation that there will be nothing left distinguish them from
non-Muslims."
This letter by Shah Walliullah to a foreign Muslim against the local Non-Muslims
again reflects that Muslims living in any part of the world are the part of one Muslim
Nation.
The Two Nations
Although the Hindus and Muslims had been living together for centuries in the Indian
sub-continent, yet there had never been either any signs of merger of the Hindu and
Muslims societies, or any serious attempt to develop a working relationship between
the two major ethnic groups. The two have always remained as two distinct social
systems, two separate and distinct cultures and last but not the least, two different
civilizations.
In fact, Hindu fanaticism has always been against those who do not belong to them
and against all outsiders, whom they consider maleech or unclean. So they are
against having any connection with such people, what to speak of inter-marriage, a
Hindu is often forbidden eat or drink or to even shake hand with a Muslim or for that
matter with a person belonging to any other faith or religion. In short the Hindu
customs and their hatred for Muslims was the main factor against developing a
working relationship between the two major societies.
Lala Lajpat Rai, a very astute politician and staunch Hindu Mahasabhite, in his letter
to Mr. C.R. Das, which was written 12 or 15 years prior to Pakistan Resolution,
wrote:

"There is one point more which has been troubling me very much of late and one
which I want you to think (about) carefully, and that is the question of Hindu
Mohammedan unity. I have devoted most of my time during the last six months to the
study of Muslim history and Muslim law, and I am inclined to think it is neither
possible nor practicable. Assuming and admitting the sincerity of Mohammedan
leaders in the non-cooperation movement, I think their religion provides an effective
bar to anything of that kind And nothing would relieve more than to be convinced
that it is so. But if it is right, then it comes to this, that although we can unite against
the British, we cannot do so to rule Hindustan on British lines. We cannot do so to
rule Hindustan on democratic lines."
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, (in his address to the annual session of Muslim League)
mentioned:
"It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand the real
nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the word,
but are, in fact, different social orders. It is a dream that the Hindu and Muslims can
ever evolve a common nationality; and this misconception of one Indian nation has
gone far beyond the limits, and is the cause of most of our troubles, and will lead
India to destruction, if we fail to revise our notions in time. The Hindus and the
Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs and literature.
They neither intermarry, nor interline together and indeed they belong to two different
civilizations, which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their
aspects on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Musalmans
derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics,
their heroes are different, and they have different episodes. Very often the hero of
one is a foe of the other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke
together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the
other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and the final destruction of any
fabric that may be so built up for the government of such a state."
Is Pakistan a Conspiracy of British And/Or Jinnah
For the congress, the establishment of Pakistan was a cruel blow to their claim of
being a nationalist organization. It meant that Muslims did not trust the Hindus as a
majority community to be just and generous towards Muslims interests and culture.
This explains why congress leaders have often tended to attribute the creation of
Pakistan almost entirely to the British policy of divide and rule.
However, a closer look at the history after the establishment of the British rule in
India will reveal that the Hindus were much closer to the British government than the
Muslims. The Hindus, who were fed up with the Muslim rule, welcomed the British
rule over India. This state of affairs resulted in the patronage of the Hindus by the
British and suspicion and distrust against the Muslims of the sub-continent. The
Hindus were economically better off than the Muslims. The events of 1857 further
diminished the prospects of economic growth of the Muslim community in the subcontinent. From 1857 onwards, when the British had taken complete control of the
Indian Administration, they elevated the Hindu community to the status of landlords,
gave the Hindus proprietary rights and provided them the opportunity to accumulate
the wealth which should have otherwise gone to the Muslims who were at the helm
of affairs.

Hindus were given more jobs in the government and military compared to Muslims.
Lets now look see whether the establishment of Pakistan in 1947 as the largest
Muslim state was a conspiracy of Jinnah. Muhammad Ali Jinnah remained an active
member of the Indian National Congress for about 25 years, and because of his
personal efforts to bring about a rapprochement between Hindus and Muslims was
even hailed as the Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity. As long as effective power in
India was in the hands of the British, it appeared as if a true nationalism was growing
in that country. However, with the introduction of representative institutions and the
devolution of political authority, the Hindus started showing their true colors by
imposing their superiority over the Muslim minority, as a result of which a struggle
between Hindus and Muslims ensued. Jinnah was greatly disappointed by these
movements by the congress leaders and so he resigned from the Congress. The
behavior of the Congress leader changed his mind and realized him that the
Congress is a Hindu Congress.
Another popular view regards Pakistan as no more than a personal triumph of the
brilliant strategy and will power of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Some have
even gone so far as to suggest that had Jinnah died earlier, there would not have
been any Pakistan. It is true that Jinnahs great role was a highly important
contributing factor; but without intense religious zeal for an Islamic state on the part
of Muslim masses, Jinnah could not have achieved Pakistan. Khilafat leaders like
Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and poets like Hali, Akbar
Allahabdi and Iqbal were mainly responsible for making Muslims conscious of their
separate national and cultural identity. Thus, when the message of Pakistan was
presented to the masses, it fell on fertile soil. Jinnah, who did not know Urdu, could
not have achieved Pakistan without able and zealous lieutenants and without the
vision of an Islamic state as an inspiring stimulant. One may even go so far as to say
that the Muslim League, led largely by the middle-class Muslim Leaders, would have
probably come to some sort of compromise on the issue of Pakistan had they not
been swept off their feet by the intense Islamic fervor of the masses and the
astounding success that the Muslim League achieved during the elections of 194546. It has been reported that the Quaid-e-Azam himself never expected to see
Pakistan in his lifetime.
Congress leaders tried to challenge the two-nation theory by pointing out that a large
number of Muslims in India were descendants of Hindu forebears who had converted
to Islam. They also argued that there was hardly any cultural difference between
Hindus and Muslims in the rural areas where the vast majority of both communities
lived. But these arguments could not alter the fact that a change in ones religion
from Hinduism to Islam in the Indian context not merely implied a change in ones
religion, but also a significant change in mans social and cultural status. The new
convert became the member of an egalitarian social and cultural force in large parts
of India. Particularly in the North Western part of India, which constitutes Pakistan
today, the dominant culture that emerged was clearly Islam.
Another popular view regards Pakistan as no more than a personal triumph of the
brilliant strategy and will power of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Some have
even gone so far as to suggest that had Jinnah died earlier, there would not have
been any Pakistan. It is true that Jinnahs great role was a highly important
contributing factor; but without intense religious zeal for an Islamic state on the part
of Muslim masses, Jinnah could not have achieved Pakistan. Khilafat leaders like

Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and poets like Hali, Akbar
Allahabdi and Iqbal were mainly responsible for making Muslims conscious of their
separate national and cultural identity. Thus, when the message of Pakistan was
presented to the masses, it fell on fertile soil. Jinnah, who did not know Urdu, could
not have achieved Pakistan without able and zealous lieutenants and without the
vision of an Islamic state as an inspiring stimulant. One may even go so far as to say
that the Muslim League, led largely by the middle-class Muslim Leaders, would have
probably come to some sort of compromise on the issue of Pakistan had they not
been swept off their feet by the intense Islamic fervor of the masses and the
astounding success that the Muslim League achieved during the elections of 194546. It has been reported that the Quaid-e-Azam himself never expected to see
Pakistan in his lifetime.
Congress leaders tried to challenge the two-nation theory by pointing out that a large
number of Muslims in India were descendants of Hindu forebears who had converted
to Islam. They also argued that there was hardly any cultural difference between
Hindus and Muslims in the rural areas where the vast majority of both communities
lived. But these arguments could not alter the fact that a change in ones religion
from Hinduism to Islam in the Indian context not merely implied a change in ones
religion, but also a significant change in mans social and cultural status. The new
convert became the member of an egalitarian social and cultural force in large parts
of India. Particularly in the North Western part of India, which constitutes Pakistan
today, the dominant culture that emerged was clearly Islam.

Pakistan Resolution 1940

Lahore Resolution 1940

Session Period: March 22 to March 24, 1940.
Venue: Minto Park, Lahore.
Presided by:Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
In the words of Quaid-i-Azam: "Hindus and the Muslims belong to two different religions,
philosophies, social customs and literature.
Resolution Presented by:A. K. Fazl-ul-Haq, the then Chief Minister of Bengal, moved the
historical resolution which has since come to be known as Lahore Resolution or Pakistan
Resolution.

The Resolution repudiated the concept of United India and recommended the creation of an
independent Muslim state consisting of Punjab, N. W. F. P., Sindh and Baluchistan in the
northwest, and Bengal and Assam in the northeast.
The Resolution was seconded by Maulana Zafar Ali Khan from Punjab, Sardar Aurangzeb
from the N. W. F. P., Sir Abdullah Haroon from Sindh, and Qazi Esa from Baluchistan, along
with many others.
The Resolution was passed on March 24. It laid down only the principles, with the details left
to be worked out at a future date. It was made a part of the All India Muslim League's
constitution in 1941. It was on the basis of this resolution that in 1946 the Muslim League
decided to go for one state for the Muslims, instead of two.

Jinnah Fourteen Points

Fourteen Points of M. A.Jinah 1929
1. The form of the future constitution should be federal with the residuary powers
vested in the provinces.
2. A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces.
3. All legislatures in the country and other elected bodies shall be constituted on the
definite principle of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every
province without reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality.
4. In the Central Legislative, Muslim representation shall not be less than one-third.
5. Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate
electorate as at present, provided it shall be open to any community at any time to
abandon its separate electorate in favor of a joint electorate.
6. Any territorial distribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in any way
affect the Muslim majority in the Punjab, Bengal and the North West Frontier
Province.
7. Full religious liberty, i.e. liberty of belief, worship and observance, propaganda,
association and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities.
8. No bill or any resolution or any part thereof shall be passed in any legislature or
any other elected body if three-fourth of the members of any community in that
particular body oppose such a bill resolution or part thereof on the ground that it
would be injurious to the interests of that community or in the alternative, such other
method is devised as may be found feasible and practicable to deal with such
cases.
9. Sindh should be separated from the Bombay presidency
10. Reforms should be introduced in the North West Frontier Province and
Baluchistan on the same footing as in the other provinces.
11. Provision should be made in the constitution giving Muslims an adequate share,
along with the other Indians, in all the services of the state and in local self-governing

bodies having due regard to the requirements of efficiency.

12. The constitution should embody adequate safeguards for the protection of
Muslim culture and for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language,
religion, personal laws and Muslim charitable institution and for their due share in the
grants-in-aid given by the state and by local self-governing bodies.
13. No cabinet, either central or provincial, should be formed without there being a
proportion of at least one-third Muslim ministers.
14. No change shall be made in the constitution by the Central Legislature except
with the concurrence of the State's contribution of the Indian Federation.

Lucknow Pact December 1916

Lucknow Pact, (December 1916Lucknow Pact, (December 1916), agreement made by the Indian
National Congres headed by Maratha leader Bal Gangadhar Tilakand the All-India Muslim
League led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah; it was adopted by the Congress at its Lucknow session on
December 29 and by the league on Dec. 31, 1916.
The Lucknow Pact 1916 Points
1. There shall be self-government in India.
2. Muslims should be given one-third representation in the central government.
3. There should be separate electorates for all the communities until a community demanded for
joint electorates.
4. System of weightage should be adopted.
5. The number of the members of Central Legislative Council should be increased to 150.
6. At the provincial level, four-fifth of the members of the Legislative Councils should be elected
and one-fifth should be nominated.
7. The strength of Provincial legislative should not be less than 125 in the major provinces and
from 50 to 75 in the minor provinces.
8. All members, except those nominated, were to be elected directly on the basis of adult
franchise.
9. No bill concerning a community should be passed if the bill is opposed by three-fourth of the
members of that community in the Legislative Council.
10. Term of the Legislative Council should be five years.
11. Members of Legislative Council should themselves elect their president.
12. Half of the members of Imperial Legislative Council should be Indians.
13. Indian Council must be abolished.
14. The salaries of the Secretary of State for Indian Affairs should be paid by the British
Government and not from Indian funds.
15. Out of two Under Secretaries, one should be Indian.
16. The Executive should be separated from the Judiciary. Although this Hindu Muslim Unity was
not able to live for more than eight years, and collapsed after the development of differences
between the two communities after the Khilafat Movement, yet it was an important event in the
history of the Muslims of South Asia. It was the first time when Congress recognized the Muslim
League as the political party representing the Muslims of the region. As Congress agreed to
separate electorates, it in fact agreed to consider the Muslims as a separate nation. They thus
accepted the concept of the Two-Nation Theory

LAND Natural RegionsRiversCoastlineMountain Peaks and Passes

LAND Natural RegionsRiversCoastlineMountain Peaks and Passes
I INTRODUCTION

Pakistan, officially Islamic Republic of Pakistan, republic in South Asia, marking the area
where South Asia converges with Southwest Asia and Central Asia. The capital
of Pakistan is Islmbd; Karchi is the countrys largest city.

The area of present-day Pakistan was the cradle of the earliest known civilization of South
Asia, the Indus Valley civilization (2500?-1700 BC). The territory was part of the Mughal
Empire from 1526 until the 1700s, when it came under British rule. Pakistan gained
independence in August 1947. It initially comprised two parts, West Pakistan and East
Pakistan, which were separated by about 1,600 km (1,000 mi) of territory within India. In
December 1971 East Pakistan seceded and became the independent republic of Bangladesh.
II -LAND AND RESOURCESPakistan is bordered on the west by Iran, on the north and
northwest by Afghanistan, on the northeast by China, on the east and southeast by India, and
on the south by the Arabian Sea. A panhandle ofAfghanistan territory in the northwest, the
Wakhan Corridor, separates Pakistanand Tajikistan. The area of Pakistan is 796,095 sq km
(307,374 sq mi), not including the section of Jammu and Kashmr under its control. Jammu
and Kashmr is a disputed territory located between Pakistan and India. Pakistancontrols a
portion of the territory as Azad (Free) Kashmr and the Federally Administered Northern
Areas (FANA), while India controls a portion as the state of Jammu and Kashmr.
A -Natural Regions
Pakistan has great extremes of elevation, reaching the highest point at the Himalayan peak of
K2 (also known as Mount Godwin Austen) in the north and the lowest point at the Arabian
Sea coast in the south. The Indus River flows the length of Pakistan from north to south.
The Indus and its tributaries form a wide river valley with fertile plains
in Punjab and Sind (Sindh) provinces. Pakistan is mountainous in the north and west.
Earthquakes are frequent, and occasionally severe, in the northern and western areas.
Much of Pakistan is a dry, sun-scorched region. To the west of the Indus are the rugged dry
mountains of the Sulaimn Range, which merge with the treelessKrthar Range in the south.
Farther west are the arid regions of the Baluchistan Plateau and the Khrn Basin. A series of
mostly barren low mountains and hills predominate in the western border areas. The Thar
Desert straddles the border with India in the southeast.
The country also possesses a variety of wetlands, with the glacial lakes of theHimalayas, the
mudflats of the Indus Valley plains, and the extensive coastal mangroves of
the Indus River delta. The wetland areas cover an estimated area of 7.8 million hectares (19.3
million acres).
B -Rivers
The Indus River is the lifeline of Pakistan. Without the Indus and its tributaries, the land
would have turned into a barren desert long ago. The Indus originates inTibet from the glacial
streams of the Himalayas and enters Pakistan in the northeast. It runs generally
southwestward the entire length of Pakistan, about 2,900 km (1,800 mi), and empties into
the Arabian Sea. The Indus and its tributaries provide water to two-thirds of Pakistan. The
principal tributaries of theIndus are the Sutlej, Bes, Chenb, Rvi, and Jhelum rivers. In
southwesternPunjab Province these rivers merge to form the Panjnad (Five Rivers), which
then merges with the Indus to form a mighty river. As the Indus approaches theArabian Sea, it
spreads out to form a delta. Much of the delta is marshy and swampy. It includes 225,000
hectares (556,000 acres) of mangrove forests and swamps. To the west of the delta is the
seaport of Karchi; to the east the delta fans into the salt marshes known as the Rann of
Kutch.
C -Coastline
The coastline of Pakistan extends 1,050 km (650 mi) along the Arabian Sea.

TheMakran Coast Range forms a narrow strip of mountains along about 75 percent of the
total coast length, or about 800 km (500 mi). These steep mountains rise to an elevation of up
to 1,500 m (5,000 ft). Most of the coast is underdeveloped, with deserted beaches and only a
few fishing villages.
D -Mountain Peaks and Passes
Pakistan has within its borders some of the worlds highest and most spectacular mountains.
In the northern part of the country, the Hindu Kush mountains converge with the Karakoram
Range, a part of the Himalayan mountain system. Thirteen of the worlds 30 tallest peaks are
in Pakistan. The tallest include K2 (also known as Mount Godwin Austen), the second
highest peak in the world at 8,611 m (28,251 ft), in the Karakoram Range; Nanga Parbat
(8,125 m/26,657 ft) in the Himalayas; and Tirich Mr (7,690 m/25,230 ft) in the Hindu Kush.
Many mountain passes cross Pakistans borders with Afghanistan and China. Passes crossing
over the mountains bordering Afghanistan include the Khyber, Boln, Khojak, Kurram,
Tochi, and Gomal passes. The most well-known and well-traveled is the Khyber Pass in the
northwest. It links Peshwar in Pakistanwith Jallbd in Afghanistan, where it connects to a
route leading to the Afghan capital of Kbul. It is the widest and lowest of all the mountain
passes, reaching a maximum elevation of 1,072 m (3,517 ft). The route of the Boln
Pass linksQuetta in Baluchistan Province with Kandahr in Afghanistan; it also serves as a
vital link within Pakistan between Sind and Baluchistan provinces. Historically, the Khyber
and Boln passes were used as the primary routes for invaders to enterIndia from Central
Asia, including the armies of Alexander the Great. Also historically significant
is Karakoram Pass, on the border with China. For centuries it was part of the trading routes
known as the Silk Road, which linked China and other parts of Asia with Europe.
E -Plants and Animals
The vegetation of Pakistan varies with elevation, soil type, and precipitation. Forests are
largely confined to the mountain ranges in the north, where coniferous alpine and subalpine
trees such as spruce, pine, and deodar cedar grow. The southern ranges of the Himalayas,
which are of lower elevation, receive heavy rainfall and have dense forests of deodar, pine,
poplar, and willow trees. The more arid Sulaimn and Salt mountain ranges are sparsely
forested with a type of mulberry called shisham, a broad-leaved, deciduous tree. Drytemperate vegetation, such as coarse grasses, scrub plants, and dwarf palm, predominates in
the valleys of the North-West Frontier Province and the Baluchistan Plateau. The arid western
hills are dotted with juniper, tamarisk (salt cedar), and pistachio trees. The area of
Zirat, Baluchistan, has juniper forests that are believed to be 5,000 years old; however, they
are dwindling due to deforestation. Dry-tropical scrub and thorn trees are the predominant
vegetation in the Indus River plain. Known as rakh, this vegetation is native to the region and
can survive temperatures higher than 45C (113F). Riverine forests, found in
the Indusfloodplain, require six weeks of monsoon flooding to sustain them during the dry
months. Irrigated tree plantations are found in Punjab and Sind. Mangrove forests in the
coastal wetlands are an integral part of the marine food chain.
Animal life in Pakistan includes deer, boar, bear, crocodile, and waterfowl. The wetlands
provide an essential habitat for a number of important mammal species, including coated
otter, Indus dolphin, fishing cat, hog deer, and wild boar. During the migration season, at least
1 million waterfowl representing more than 100 species visit the extensive deltas and
wetlands of Pakistan. Pakistans rivers and coastal waters contain many types of freshwater
and saltwater fish, including herring, mackerel, sharks, and shellfish.

Threatened or endangered species include the snow leopard, Marco Polo sheep, blue sheep,
and ibex (a type of wild goat). These animals can still be found in remote and protected areas
of the Himalayas. The houbara bustard has been overhunted as a game bird in Pakistan and is
officially protected.
F -Climate
The climate of Pakistan varies widely, with sharp differences between the high mountains and
low plains. The country experiences four seasons. In the mountainous regions of the north
and west, temperatures fall below freezing during winter and are mild during summer. In the
Indus plains, temperatures range between about 32 and 49C (about 90 and 120F) in
summer, and the average in winter is about 13C (about 55F).
Mountainous areas receive most precipitation as heavy snowfall in winter. In other areas
of Pakistan, most precipitation comes with the summer monsoons during July and August.
The summer monsoons are seasonal winds that bring torrential rainfall, breaking the hot, dry
spell and providing much-needed relief. The rainfall is so heavy that it causes rivers
in Punjab and Sind provinces to flood the lowland areas. Rainfall is scarce the rest of the
year. Punjab Province has the most precipitation in the country, receiving more than 500 mm
(20 in) per year. In contrast, the arid regions of the southeast (the Thar Desert in Sind) and
southwest (Baluchistan) receive less than 125 mm (5 in) annually.
G -Natural Resources
More than 20 different types of minerals have been identified in Pakistan, but few are of
sufficient quality or quantity to be commercially exploited. Most mineral deposits are found
in the mountainous regions. Pakistans exploited natural resources include coal, natural gas,
petroleum, gypsum, limestone, chromite, iron ore, rock salt, and silica sand. Pakistan has
extensive natural gas reserves, notably in the vicinity of Sui, Baluchistan, from where it is
piped to most of the large cities of Pakistan. Petroleum is limited, but exploration for
additional reserves holds promise. Most of the countrys coal is of poor quality.
The Salt Range inPunjab Province has large deposits of pure salt. Only about 3.3 percent
ofPakistans total land area is forested, and timber is in short supply.
H -Environmental Issues
The wetlands in Pakistan are a precious resource. In an arid to semiarid environment, these
ecosystems have tremendous value. People, domestic livestock, and wildlife depend on them
for livelihood and survival. The wetlands are also a major source of food staples, livestock
grazing and fodder, fuel wood, and irrigation water. However, the fragile wetland ecologies
are threatened by poor conservation, over-exploitation, and urban and industrial
pollution.Pakistans forests also are in urgent need of protection and conservation. The
country has one of the highest rates of deforestation in the world. The primary causes of
deforestation are population growth and settlement, lack of fuelwood alternatives, insect
damage and diseases, forest fires, and lack of awareness about the importance of
preservation.
In the 1970s the government of Pakistan began making efforts to protect the countrys forests.
It has created 14 national parks, covering a total area of 2,753,375 hectares (6,803,738 acres).
The protected forests of the parks help prevent soil erosion. The parks are also wildlife
sanctuaries and game reserves.Khunjerab National Park, established in 1975, is an important
habitat sanctuary for a number of threatened or endangered species, including the snow

leopard. It is one of the countrys most important alpine biodiversity regions. Located in
theHimalayas, it is also one of the highest-altitude parks in the world at 5,000 m (16,000 ft).
Most of the parks generally have no ecological basis, however, existing primarily as tourist
attractions or for the preservation of game animals.Pakistan participates in the World Heritage
Convention and the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, and it has one designated biosphere
preserve under the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) Man and the Biosphere Program.

Literature Music and Film Architecture

Literature Music and Film Architecture
THE ARTS
Pakistan has a rich and diverse cultural heritage. Pakistanis celebrate their culture
through folk music, dance, and festivals. They have a strong appreciation for poetic
expression and storytelling. The history of the country comes to life in the splendid
architectural detail of centuries-old mosques and forts. After it became part of the
expansive Mughal Empire in 1526, the region that is nowPakistan entered a golden age
of literature, architecture, and music.
A -Literature
Most Pakistanis adore poetry and commonly memorize long poems. A mushaira (poetry
reading) in Pakistan can attract hundreds of listeners. Among classical poets in the Urdu
language, Mirza Ghalib is perhaps the most widely admired. Ghalib, who wrote in the
19th century, is known for his lyrical and spiritual ghazals. Ghazals are the most popular
form of poetry in the Urdu and Persian languages.
The official national poet of Pakistan is Allama (the Wise) Muhammad Iqbal. He earned
the title of poet-philosopher of Pakistan not only because he was an exceptionally
talented poet, but also because he was active in the politics of his time. In 1930 he
called for the creation of a separate Muslim state in northwesternBritish India. He wrote
poetry in Urdu and Persian and gave university lectures in English.
Faiz Ahmed Faiz is perhaps the most adored modern poet in Pakistan. Faiz began
writing poetry in the 1950s after a distinguished journalism career. His ghazals are
primarily concerned with class struggle, rather than the conventional themes of love and
beauty. A progressive writer, Faiz was also a political dissident, and military governments
banned his poetry from television and radio. Ahmad Fraz, Muneer Niazi, and Parveen
Shakir are some of the other popular Urdu-language poets of Pakistan.
Shah Abdul Latif Bhitai, a Sufi mystic who in the first half of the 18th century wrote about
love and Sindhi life, is the most revered poet of the Sindhi language. His poetry is widely
recited by illiterate and educated Sindhis alike. Khushal Khan Khattak is the most
famous poet of the Pashto language. In the 17th century he wrote poetry describing the
beauty of women and nature, using military metaphors. The most well-known poet of the
Punjabi language is Bulleh Shah, of the 17th century, whose poetry challenged the
religious orthodoxy. In recent years short stories and travelogues have gained literary
prominence, in addition to poetry.
B -Music and Film
The classical music tradition in Pakistan traces its roots to the 13th-century poet and
musician Amir Khusru, who composed the earliest ragas, the traditional rhythmic form.
To play the ragas, Muslim musicians invented the sitar, a long guitar-like stringed

instrument, and the tabla, a small pair of hand drums.

Qawwali, a form of devotional song, arose as part of the Sufi (Islamic religious sect)
tradition. This rich vocal tradition is based on melodic and free-rhythmic song-poems and
classical musical forms. It is traditionally performed at the shrines of Sufi saints, but
today qawwali singers also perform for major secular events. Qawwali singer Nusrat
Fateh Ali Khan won international popularity in the late 20th century by infusing qawwali
performances with new form and style. Other traditional musical formsincluding the
Punjabi bhangra, the Sindhi juhumar, and the Pashtun khattackhave also acquired
new forms and continue to be popular for dancing. Punjabi, Pashto, and Sindhi folk
songs are popular in rural Pakistan. Modern Pakistani musical groups and singers have
introduced new forms of pop music based on traditional melodies.
Most Pakistanis prefer and enjoy songs from Pakistani and Indian movies. These songs
are commonly played on radio and television. A synthesis of musical scores from
movies, traditional folk music, and popular Western music is gaining popularity.
The film industry of Pakistan, known as Lollywood, is concentrated in Lahore. Most
Pakistani movies are long, melodramatic love stories with plenty of songs. The film
industry is often regulated and censored by the government. Films must follow the
conventions of Islamic law, and the showing of physical contact such as kissing is
prohibited. In the mid-1970s the industry produced about 150 movies a year, but since
then the number has declined. In the 1980s the market for Pakistani films shrunk as a
result of restrictions imposed by the military regime of Muhammad Zia ul-Haq and the
availability of smuggled videotapes of Indian and Western movies.
Television became a major cultural influence in Pakistan in the 1980s, when the statecontrolled network, Pakistan Television, attained national reach. It aired both Pakistani
and American shows. In recent years satellite and cable television services have
significantly increased access to international networks offering many different cultural
and political perspectives.
C -Architecture
Pakistan has inherited a combination of Mughal and British colonial architectural forms.
Mughal architects combined the Muslim preferences for large domes, slender towers,
and archways with the Hindu use of red sandstone, white marble, and inlaid jewels.
Mughal artists decorated the monuments with verses from the Quran, the sacred text of
Islam. The best example of this architecture is the Badshahi Mosque and Lahore Fort
(built between the 1580s and 1670s). The courtyard of the mosque can accommodate
100,000 worshipers, making it the second largest mosque in the world. Pakistan also
has the worlds largest mosque, the Faisal Mosque in Islmbd, a gift from Saudi
Arabia that was constructed in the 1980s. It was designed by a Turkish architect to look
like an Arab desert tent. Other examples of Mughal architecture include Shalimar
Gardens (laid out in 1641), in Lahore; the Shah Jahan Mosque (17th century), in Thatta,
Sind Province; and the mid-18th-century tomb of the great Sindhi poet Shah Abdul Latif
Bhitai, in Bhit Shh, near Hyderbd.
Quranic calligraphy and miniature painting have a strong tradition in Pakistandating to
Mughal rule. The most celebrated miniature and mural paintings and calligraphic works
were created in the 20th century by Abdul Rehman Chughtai and Sadequain. These
Mughal traditions are also visible on colorfully painted and decorated trucks and buses
that ply the country.

D -Libraries and Museums

Karchi is the seat of some of the most important libraries in Pakistan; these include the
Liaquat Memorial Library (1950), the Central Secretariat Library (1950), and
the University of Karchi library. Also of note are the National Archives of Pakistan,
in Islmbd, and the Punjab Public Library (1884), inLahore.
The National Museum of Pakistan (1950), in Karchi, is noted for its archaeological
material from the Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa sites in the IndusValley. Important
materials from this ancient civilization are also found at theInstitute of Sindhology, in Jm
Shoro, and the Hyderbd Museum. The LahoreMuseum (1864), the countrys largest
museum, and the Peshwar Museum (1906) also have exhibits on the rich cultural
history of the region. The Industrial and Commercial Museum, in Lahore, contains
exhibits on the manufactures ofPakistan. The National Museum of Science and
Technology is a participatory science center in Lahore.

Education
F -Education
Pakistan has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. In 2003 only 45.7 percent of
adult Pakistanis were literate. Male literacy was 59.8 percent, while female literacy was
30.6 percent. From 1976 to 2001 the number of primary schools doubled, but so did the
population. High levels of population growth continue to hamper educational
development in the country. The government launched a nationwide initiative in 1998
with the aim of eradicating illiteracy and providing a basic education to all children.
According to the constitution, it is the states responsibility to provide free primary
education. Five years has been established as the period of primary school attendance,
but attendance is not compulsory. While the enrollment rate in primary school is high for
boys, less than one-half of girls attend school. In the 19992000 school year 96 percent
of primary school-aged children were enrolled in school, while only 39 percent of
secondary school-aged children attended. In 1996, 3.5 percent of Pakistans collegeaged population attended institutions of higher education. The wealthiest and best
students seek education in British and American universities.
At the time of independence Pakistan had only one university, the University of
the Punjab, founded in 1882 in Lahore. Pakistan now has more than 20 public
universities. Among Pakistans leading public institutions of higher education are Quaide-Azam University (1965), in Islmbd, the University of Karchi (1951), the University
of Peshwar (1950), and the University of Sindh (1947), near Hyderbd.
Since 1978 the government has encouraged the privatization of education at all levels.
This led to the creation of three major private universities: Lahore University of
Management Sciences (LUMS), Agha Khan University MedicalCollege (in Karchi), and
Ghulam Ishaq Khan Institute of Engineering Sciences and Technology (in Topi, NorthWest Frontier Province). The National University of Sciences and Technology (NUST),
in Rwalpindi, conducts research in the fields of science and technology for both the
public and private sectors.

Religion & Languages

Religion & Languages

D -Religion
Islam is the faith of about 97 percent of the people of Pakistan. About three-quarters of the
countrys Muslims are Sunni, and about one-quarter are Shia. Some small Muslim fringe
sects, such as the Ahmedis and Zikris, also exist. Hindus and Christians form the largest
religious minorities, accounting for about 3 percent of the population. Other religious groups
include Sikhs, Parsis, and a small number of Buddhists. The constitution defines Pakistan as
an Islamic state but guarantees freedom of religion.
E -Languages
Urdu is the official language of Pakistan. It is the first language of only a small percentage of
the population, but it cuts across linguistic and provincial boundaries as the national
language. More than 75 percent of Pakistanis can speak and understand Urdu. In urban areas
about 95 percent of the people communicate in Urdu. Urdu replaced English as the official
language in 1978.
Most Pakistanis speak at least two languages. A large segment of the population is trilingual,
speaking English, Urdu, and an ethnic-based regional language. Punjabi, Pashto, Sindhi,
Baluchi, and Brahui are the major regional languages. These languages have many regional
dialects, including Saraiki, a widely spoken dialect of Punjabi. Regional languages are
recognized as a potent force because language and ethnic identity are closely interrelated;
even the national census categorizes groups according to their language, rather than their
ethnicity. However, there is growing awareness among Pakistanis that for social mobility,
national cohesion, and individual success, it is imperative to be fluent in Urdu and proficient
in English.
Several factors contributed to the establishment of Urdu as the lingua franca ofPakistan. It
was the language of the educated Muslims in northern India, who spearheaded the Pakistan
Movement. Urdu helped foster a linguistic identity among Muslims in the region. Although
similar to Hindi as a spoken language, Urdu uses a Persian-derived script and incorporates
many Arabic words. Choosing Urdu as the national language provided a linguistic basis for
the formation of a Muslim national identity. It also provided the country with a neutral
language because Urdu does not have ethnic or tribal associations. Since the founding
of Pakistan in 1947, state-controlled electronic and print media have promoted Urdu. In the
public schools of the country, Urdu is the principal language of instruction.
For all practical purposes, however, English is the de facto official language.Pakistans legal
system is based on British common law, and judicial and government documents are mostly
written in English. Pakistanis of all social strata strive to learn English, which has a certain
elite status. Although the quality of instruction in English has declined, English continues to
be the language of the educated and those who want to move ahead in life

Principal Cities
Principal Cities
Pakistans largest city is Karchi, the capital of Sind Province. It is the countrys only seaport
and a major financial, industrial, and commercial center. It is also known as the ethnic
melting pot of Pakistan. Lahore, the capital of PunjabProvince, is Pakistans second largest
city and a cultural and educational center.Faisalbd, in central Punjab, is the center of textile
and fertilizer industries.Multn, the largest city in southern Punjab, has many ancient Muslim
shrines, a huge fertilizer factory, and small cottage industries such as carpet weaving and

pottery. Hyderbd, in Sind Province, is a manufacturing center with textile and glass
factories, as well as a cultural center with museums, historic mosques, and a medical
school. Peshwar, the capital of the North-West Frontier Province, is a busy, overcrowded
frontier outpost and a hub of trade with Afghanistan. For centuries it served as a gateway and
trading post between Afghanistan andSoutheast Asia.Islmbd is the capital of Pakistan and
the seat of the federal government; it forms its own administrative unit,
the Islmbd Capital Territory. Just to the south, in bordering Punjab Province,
is Rwalpindi, the headquarters of the Pakistani army and an industrial center.

Political Regions
B -Political Regions

The ethnic groups of Pakistan are distributed according to their historical settlement in the
region. The current political regions of Pakistan roughly correspond to the settlement patterns
established long before the partition ofBritish India in 1947, when Pakistan was created as a
homeland for Indian Muslims. The four provinces are Punjab, the Muslim portion of the
historic Punjab region; Sind, the traditional homeland of the Sindhis; the North-West Frontier
Province, a small portion of the Pashtun tribal lands; and Baluchistan, a portion of the
Baluchi tribal lands. The traditional homelands of the Pashtuns and Baluchis extend beyond
the modern political borders, both provincial and national. Punjab is the most
populated province of Pakistan, with 72.6 million people (1998). Most of the people are
Punjabis. The province contains most of the countrys largest cities, but the rural agricultural
areas are also densely settled. The province is the second largest in area.Sind is the second
most populated province in Pakistan, with about 30 million people (1998). Its population is
the most urbanized in Pakistan. Sindhis make up about 60 percent of the population of Sind,
living mostly in rural areas. Mohajirs constitute the remaining 40 percent and live mostly in
the provinces large cities. Sind is the third largest province in area.
The North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) has a population of 17.6 million (1998). The
majority of the people are Pashtuns. The province is part of the historic Pashtun tribal lands,
which extend throughout southern and southeasternAfghanistan and well into
western Pakistan, including the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and
northern Baluchistan. The NWFP is Pakistans smallest province in area. In the 1980s
refugees from war-torn Afghanistan began to settle in the province. Refugee camps and
rudimentary villages were set up in the border areas. A large number of refugees also
established communities in cities such asPeshwar. Many became semipermanent residents
of Pakistan becauseAfghanistan remained in a state of war through the mid-1990s. The
majority of refugees were Pashtuns, facilitating their assimilation into the provinces
population, in many cases through intermarriage.Baluchistan is the most sparsely populated
and least developed province of Pakistan. A majority of the 6.5 million (1998) people who
live in Baluchistan are Baluchis. Pashtuns are the second largest ethnic group in the province.
In recent years a large number of Afghan refugees have settled in Baluchistan. In
area, Baluchistan is the largest province ofPakistan, covering nearly 40 percent of the
countrys total territory. However, the province is an arid and inhospitable hinterland.

Cultural Groups
A -Cultural Groups
Pakistan is a multilingual and multiethnic nation. Most of the people belong to one of the
countrys five major ethnolinguistic groups: Punjabis, Sindhis, Pashtuns (Pakhtuns), Mohajirs
(Muslims who migrated to the newly formed nation of Pakistan after 1947), and Baluchis.
Ethnically distinct subgroups exist within each of these five categories. Overall, ethnic

identity is multilayered and complex and may be based on a combination of religion,

language, ethnicity, and tribe.
Not all of the ethnolinguistic groups are equally represented in the power structure
of Pakistan. Mohajirs, Punjabis, and Pashtuns are the dominant groups, while Sindhis and
Baluchis struggle to advance and protect their interests.
Punjabis constitute 58 percent of the population. They have diverse origins, but over the
centuries they coalesced into a coherent ethnic group in the historicPunjab region and
developed a common language, Punjabi. Today most Punjabis prefer to read and write
in Pakistans official language, Urdu, and their language-based ethnic identity is relatively
weak. Many Punjabis are farmers in the fertile valley of Punjab Province. Punjabis also
predominate in the military and the federal government.
Sindhis constitute 13 percent of the population of Pakistan. Their traditional homeland is
the province of Sind, where they maintain the countrys largest concentration of large
landholdings. Sindhis are a predominantly rural people. They have a strong sense of linguistic
and cultural pride and identity. They have a rich literary and folk tradition and prefer to read
and write in their own language, Sindhi.
Pashtuns constitute 12.5 percent of the population. Pashtuns are divided into many tribes, and
their tribal structure is egalitarian. Pashtuns follow a strict code of conduct known as
Pashtunwali (
Pashtun Way
). Pashtun identity, including their interpretation of Islamic law, is formulated and guided by
Pashtunwali. The code is based on the absolute obligations of providing hospitality and
sanctuary, even to ones enemies, and exacting revenge at all costs in the defense of ones
honor. The code also requires Pashtuns to abide by the decisions of the jirga (council of tribal
leaders) in matters of dispute. Many Pashtuns have blue eyes and claim to be descendants of
the European soldiers who fought for Alexander the Great in the region 2,000 years ago.
They have a rich oral tradition in their ethnic language, Pashto, but many Pashtuns prefer to
read and write in Urdu. Pashtuns are primarily farmers, livestock herders, traders, and
soldiers in the Pakistan military.
Baluchis constitute 4 percent of the population. Most Baluchis are nomadic, migrating
wherever the desert-like conditions of their homeland, the Baluchistan Plateau, provide
enough vegetation to raise their animals. Raising livestock, mainly sheep and goats, and
selling their hides and wool is a way of life for the Baluchis. They also have apple, almond,
and apricot orchards, and some grow wheat. Baluchi tribal organization is strictly
hierarchical, and each tribe is headed by a sardar (tribal chief). Most Baluchis speak Baluchi
(Balochi), a language that is similar to Persian. About one-fifth of Baluchis also speak
Brahui, a Dravidian-derived language. Baluchis are the least educated and poorest segment of
the population and are inadequately represented in government.
Mohajirs constitute about 8 percent of the population. They are Muslims who settled
in Pakistan after the partition of British India in 1947. Unlike other cultural groups
of Pakistan, they do not have a tribe-based cultural identity. They are the only people in the
country for whom Urdu, the official language, is their native tongue. Mohajirs were the
vanguard of the Pakistan Movement, which advocated the partition of British India in order
to create the independent nation of Pakistanfor Indian Muslims. After the partition, a large
number of Muslims migrated from various urban centers of India to live in the new nation

of Pakistan. These migrants later identified themselves as mohajirs, meaning refugees in

both Urdu and Arabic. A large number of Mohajirs settled in the cities of Sind Province,
particularly Karchi and Hyderbd. They were better educated than most indigenous
Pakistanis and assumed positions of leadership in business, finance, and administration.
Today they remain mostly urban.
Sindhis felt dispossessed by the preponderance of Mohajirs in the urban centers ofSind. With
the emergence of a Sindhi middle class in the 1970s and adoption of Sindhi as a provincial
language in 1972, tensions between Mohajirs and Sindhis began to mount. The 1973
constitution of Pakistan divided Sind into rural and urban districts, with the implication that
the more numerous Sindhis would be better represented in government. Many Mohajirs felt
that they were being denied opportunities and launched a movement to represent their
interests. The movement, which evolved into the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM) in the
mid-1980s, called for official recognition of Mohajirs as a separate cultural group and
advocated improved rights for Mohajirs. Although factional rivalries and violence within the
MQM tarnished its image and shrunk its power base, the movement continues to be a potent
force in urban centers of the province, particularlyKarchi. The MQM has contributed to a
more defined Mohajir identity within the country.

People of pakistan
Pakistan are ethnically diverse. They trace their ethnic lineages to many different origins,
largely because the country lies in an area that was invaded repeatedly during its long history.
Migrations of Muslims from India since 1947 and refugees from Afghanistan since the 1980s
have significantly changed the demographics of certain areas of the country. The people
of Pakistan come from ethnic stocks such as Dravidian, Indo-Aryan, Greek, Scythian, Hun,
Arab, Mongol, Persian, and Afghan. Although an overwhelming majority of the people are
Muslim, religion does not supercede ethnic affiliations. The people follow many different
cultural traditions and speak many different languages and dialects.Pakistan has a population
of 150,694,740 (2003 estimate), yielding an average population density of 189 persons per sq
km (490 per sq mi). The countrys population was increasing in 2003 at a rate of 2 percent a
year. Only 33 percent of the people live in urban areas.

The economy of pakistan

The economy of pakistan
ECONOMY
Like most developing countries, Pakistan is confronted with the problems of rapid population
growth, sizable budget deficits, and heavy dependence on foreign aid and loans. The
economy is strained from supporting a large military establishment and from providing for
the needs of Afghan refugees.Pakistan receives considerable economic assistance from
foreign countries and from international organizations. Over the years Pakistan has
accumulated a foreign debt of about $40 billion. Debt repayment, defense spending, and
general administrative expenditures consume 80 percent of Pakistans annual budget. Only 20
percent is available for development of the social sector. After Pakistan exploded a nuclear
device in May 1998, it faced the imposition of international sanctions. The fact that the
country survived the sanctions without a collapse of its currency or violent street
demonstrations is generally regarded as proof of the countrys resilience. Heading into the
21st century, Pakistani leaders have a chance to seize the moment in order to modify and
build a sound social and economic order that may steer the nation to a more durable path of
progress.
In 2001 Pakistans gross domestic product (GDP) was $58.7 billion. The government budget

in 2000 included $9.9 billion in revenues and $13.5 billion in expenditures.

A -Economic Development
After East Pakistan seceded to become the independent nation of Bangladesh in December
1971, the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto tried to pick up the pieces of a
truncated Pakistan. It devised economic policies that led to a drastic devaluation of the
Pakistani currency, thereby boosting agricultural exports. To ease unemployment pressure the
government encouraged the export of Pakistani labor to the Middle East. It also embarked on
the nationalization of industries, banks, and agriculture-based industries. This expansion of
the public sector ultimately shook private-sector confidence so that investment plummeted.
The annual growth rate declined, averaging between 2.7 percent and 3.7 percent during most
of the 1970s.
During the 1980s the countrys economy grew an average rate of 6 percent annually. This
high growth rate was largely created by three factors: aid from theUnited States, the influx of
foreign exchange from Pakistanis working abroad, and high crop yields.
First, Pakistan received an average of $600 million per year in economic and military aid
from the United States from 1981 to 1989, largely because of Pakistans support for antiSoviet forces in the Afghan-Soviet War. (During this decade Pakistan was the third-largest
recipient of U.S. aid, afterIsrael and Egypt.) Second, Pakistan received $2.5 billion in
remittances from Pakistanis working abroad in the Persian Gulf States and other countries.
Third, good weather conditions produced bumper cotton and wheat crops.
At the same time, the government did little to devise policies to boost the confidence of
private investors or promote the welfare of Pakistani citizens. The negative fallout of the
Afghan war on Pakistan was an expansion of the black market (the illicit sale of
commodities) and the proliferation of portable weapons and violence. Despite the high
economic growth rate, the economy remained largely agricultural, and socioeconomic
disparities between the rich and poor widened. Also during the 1980s, the military regime
increased defense spending to such an extent that the fiscal deficit rose to 10 percent of the
GDP. In addition, public debt ballooned from less than 40 percent of the GDP to more than 80
percent. The debt trap that Pakistan finds itself in today originated during this decade.
The economy of Pakistan slowed to an average annual growth of 3.8 percent during the
1990s. Factors contributing to the sluggish growth included corruption and mismanagement
at the highest levels of government and the rise of ethnic and sectarian violence
in Karchi and other urban centers. These factors shook investor confidence.
The economic performance of the 1990s was also related to the structural adjustment
programs (SAPs) of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Loans from
these international lending agencies were subject to conditions on Pakistans national
economic policies. Pakistan received its first formal loan in 1988. In Pakistan the primary
focus of the IMF-sponsored program was to lower the budget and current-account deficits.
These objectives were to be achieved by reducing public expenditures and broadening the tax
base. In addition, in 1992-1993 the IMF further insisted that Pakistan reduce defense
expenditures, impose an agricultural tax, and improve methods of tax collection. These
reforms were never fully implemented, however, and the IMF-sponsored program did not
achieve the desired result. Inflation rose from 8 percent in the 1980s to 11 percent in the
1990s, although a nominal reduction in the budget deficit was visible. Direct foreign
investment did not improve and the export sector remained sluggish.

A high-powered Privatization Commission was created in 1990 to encourage privatization of

public-sector industries, economic deregulation, and other reforms designed to boost
confidence in the principles of a free-market economy. However, the commission was slow to
implement its privatization program.
B -Agriculture
About 28 percent of Pakistans total land area is cultivated. Agriculture and related activities,
including fishing, engage 47 percent of the workforce and provide 25 percent of the GDP.
Chief cash crops are cotton (textile yarn and fabrics produce more than one-half of export
earnings) and rice. Principal crops in 2002 (with output in metric tons) included sugarcane,
48 million; wheat, 18.5 million; rice, 5.8 million; cotton lint, 5.1 million; and corn, 1.7
million. Livestock included cattle, water buffalo, sheep, goats, and poultry.
Land reform is a controversial issue in Pakistan. At independence in 1947, a large proportion
of the arable land was concentrated in a small number of large estates, many of them owned
by absentee landlords and cultivated by tenant farmers. Land reforms introduced in 1959
provided some security of tenure to tenants but did little to break up the large estates. In the
1970s the government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto introduced more extensive land reforms.
The amount of land any individual could own was significantly reduced, and landlords were
not compensated for the land they surrendered. Most of the expropriated land was distributed
to tenants, but the government retained land that was not suitable for farming. Landlords
strongly resisted the reforms, however, and the government bureaucracy was somewhat lax in
enforcing them. In the end, the reforms shook the landlords but did not break their hold. By
the end of the 20th century, about half of the countrys arable land was held by only a small
percentage of wealthy landowners.
The Bhutto government also developed favorable credit and loan policies for farmers. The
tractor became the new status symbol in rural Pakistan. Improved mechanization gave a boost
to agricultural productivity. Formerly an importer of wheat, Pakistan achieved selfsufficiency in the grain by the late 1970s.
C -Fishing
Fishing resources, although underdeveloped, are extensive. In 1999 the catch was 674,606
metric tons, three-quarters of it obtained from the Indian Ocean. Types of fish caught include
sardines, sharks, and anchovies; shrimp are also an important part of the industry.
D -Mining
In the early 1990s the most important nonfuel minerals (with annual production in metric
tons) included gypsum (532,000), rock salt (895,000), limestone (8.8 million), and silica sand
(154,000). In 2001 coal production was 3.20 million metric tons, crude petroleum production
reached 23.3 million barrels, and production of natural gas was 23.4 billion cubic meters (826
billion cubic feet).
E -Manufacturing
The manufacturing capacity of Pakistan is still small, but production has been steadily
expanding. In 2001 manufacturing accounted for 16 percent of the GDP. About 17 percent of
the labor force is engaged in industry, including manufacturing and mining. Important
products include processed foods, cotton textiles, silk and rayon cloth, refined petroleum,
cement, fertilizers, sugar, cigarettes, and chemicals. Many handicrafts, such as pottery and
carpets, also are produced.

F -Energy
Pakistans total output of electricity in 2001 was 67 billion kilowatt-hours. Hydroelectric
dams on the Indus and its tributaries help furnish the countrys energy needs, but the supply
of hydroelectricity drops sharply during the dry winter months. About 28 percent of the
countrys electricity is produced through dams. The country also has natural-gas fields. About
69 percent of the countrys electricity is generated in thermal installations fueled by natural
gas and petroleum.
Pakistan has two nuclear power plants, but neither produces a significant amount of
electricity. The Karchi plant was built with Canadian help in the early 1960s, and the
Chashma plant, on the Indus River in southern Punjab, was built in the 1980s with financial
support from China.
Pakistan is not self-sufficient in energy production. The country relies on imported petroleum
to fuel its electricity-generating thermal plants. However, the countrys exports bring in
hardly enough revenues to meet the cost of petroleum imports. During the 1990s rising oil
prices had a devastating effect on the economy, leading to a rise in the countrys foreign debt.
G -Currency and Banking
The basic monetary unit is the Pakistani rupee, consisting of 100 paisa (61.93 rupees equal
US$1; 2001 average). The State Bank of Pakistan, established in 1948, issues banknotes;
manages currency and credit, the public debt, and exchange controls; and supervises the
commercial banks. Pakistani banks were nationalized in 1974, but in the early 1990s the
country transferred two banks to private ownership and issued licenses for ten new
commercial banks. A number of major foreign banks maintain offices in the country. In
conformity with Islamic doctrine, domestic banks in Pakistan have redefined the payment and
collection of interest as profit. Investment partnerships between the bank and the customer
have replaced loans at interest.
H -Foreign Trade
The foreign trade of Pakistan consists largely of the export of raw materials and basic
products such as cotton yarn and the import of manufactured products. In 2000 exports
earned $9.1 billion and imports cost $11.1 billion. The chief exports were cotton textiles,
cotton yarn and thread, clothing, raw cotton, rice, carpets and rugs, leather, fish, and
petroleum products; the main imports were machinery, electrical equipment, petroleum
products, transportation equipment, metal and metal products, fertilizer, and foodstuffs.
The United States is the largest trading partner of Pakistan. The United States is also one of
the largest contributors of direct foreign investment in Pakistan. In 2000 Pakistan imported
more than $646.5 million worth of U.S. products, mostly wheat, chemicals, fertilizers,
machinery, and transport equipment. Pakistans exports to the United States amounted to
$2.12 billion. Pakistans other trading partners are Japan, the United Kingdom, South Korea,
Saudi Arabia, China, Germany, Hong Kong, France, the Persian Gulf States, and Iran.
I -Transportation
The lack of modern transportation facilities is a major hindrance to the development
of Pakistan. Its terrain, laced with rivers and mountains, presents formidable obstacles to
internal overland transportation. The country has 254,410 km (158,083 mi) of roads. The
railroad network totals 7,791 km (4,841 mi).
Karchi is the principal port of Pakistan. The coastline is underdeveloped because of the

rugged topography, but it has promise for development. In recent years successive
governments of Pakistan have made efforts to build infrastructure along the Makran Coast.
Toward this end, the government of Pakistan signed an agreement with China in the late
1990s to develop an international shipping port at Gwdar as an alternative to Karchi.
Gwdar is located on a peninsula that is accessible to large ships traveling from
the Gulf of Oman, which leads to thePersian Gulf.
The
Karakoram Highway
was constructed between China and Pakistan in 1978 and opened to regular traffic in 1982.
This all-weather road is 1,300 km (800 mi) long and passes through theHimalayas, reaching
an elevation of 5,000 m (16,000 ft) at Khunjerab Pass. It is of strategic significance
for Pakistan and China, connecting Islmbd with Kashgar, in the Xinjiang Uygur
Autonomous Region of China.
Pakistan International Airlines (PIA), the national airline, is in large part government owned.
PIA offers flights within Pakistan and to a number of other countries. Many privately owned
international airlines also serve Pakistan. In the early 1990s the government ended the
airlines monopoly on domestic service, and a number of private carriers have since begun
domestic operations. The countrys main international airports
serve Karchi, Lahore, Islmbd, andRwalpindi.
J -Communications
In 2001 Pakistan had 23 telephone mainlines for every 1,000 people. The number of cellularphone subscribers is growing rapidly. Radio receivers number 94 and television sets 131 per
1,000 residents.
Television broadcasting began in Lahore in 1964 and in Karchi in 1966. Since then
television-broadcasting centers have been set up in Peshwar, Rwalpindi,Islmbd,
and Quetta, giving the Pakistani television network an almost total nationwide reach. In the
early 1990s satellite dishes made it possible for international television programming to reach
even the remotest areas of the country. More recently, the availability of cable television has
improved accessibility to the international networks. Newspapers are mainly printed in Urdu
and English. Pakistan has 352 daily newspapers, most with small circulations. The major
dailies are concentrated in Lahore, Karchi, and Islmbd.

Government structure
Government of pakistan
GOVERNMENT

Since independence in 1947 Pakistan has had three constitutions, adopted in 1956, 1962, and
1973, consecutively. The 1973 constitution was the result of consensus among the political
parties that were represented in the parliament. After a military coup dtat in 1977, martial
law was imposed and the constitution was suspended. In 1985 a civilian government was
reestablished, and the 1973 constitution was restored, although in a radically amended form.
The Eighth Amendment confirmed and legalized all acts and orders that had been issued
under the martial law regime, including amendments to the constitution. The amended
constitution significantly expanded the powers of the president. It also included clauses that
promoted Islam as the supreme law of Pakistan. In 1997, however, the constitution was
amended to repeal the main provisions of the Eighth Amendment, stripping the president of
the power to dismiss the prime minister and dissolve the parliament. After another military

coup in 1999, the constitution was suspended and the democratically elected parliament was
dissolved. In August 2002 a presidential decree amended the constitution to grant sweeping
powers to the president. Parliamentary elections were held in October to restore civilian rule
in the country. The 1973 constitution was formally revived in November.
A -ExecutivePakistans head of state is a president. Under the constitution, the president is
elected to a five-year term by members of the national and provincial legislatures. A prime
minister is the chief executive official. After legislative elections, the president appoints the
leader of the majority party or majority coalition in the legislature to serve as prime minister.
As amended in August 2002, the constitution allows the president to dissolve the national
legislature, appoint military chiefs and Supreme Court justices, and chair the National
Security Council, a quasi-military advisory body.
B -Legislature
Under the constitution, legislative power is vested in the bicameral Federal Legislature. The
National Assembly (lower house) has 342 seats; 60 of these seats are reserved for women and
10 are reserved for non-Muslims on a basis of proportional representation. Members of the
National Assembly are directly elected for five-year terms. The Senate (upper house) has 87
seats; senators are elected indirectly by the provincial and national legislatures for six-year
terms.
C -Judiciary
The highest court in Pakistan is the Supreme Court. The judicial system in each province is
headed by a high court. There is also a federal
Sharia Court
, which hears cases that primarily involve Sharia, or Islamic law. Legislation enacted in 1991
gave legal status to Sharia. Although Sharia was declared the law of the land, it did not
replace the existing legal code.
D -Local Government
According to the constitution, Pakistan is a federation. The country is divided into four
autonomous (self-governing) provinces; two federally administered areas; and
the Islmbd Capital Territory, which consists of the capital city ofIslmbd.
The four provinces are Baluchistan, the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP),Punjab,
and Sind. The provinces are headed by governors appointed by the president. Under the
constitution, each province has a directly elected provincial assembly headed by a chief
minister. However, the provincial assemblies were suspended following the 1999 military
coup.
The Islmbd Capital Territory, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and the
Federally Administered Northern Areas (FANA) are under the jurisdiction of the federal
government. In the FATA, however, tribal leaders manage most internal affairs. Azad
(Free) Kashmr has a separate and autonomous government but maintains strong ties
to Pakistan. Control of the territory included within FANA and Azad Kashmr is a matter of
dispute betweenPakistan and India.
E -Political PartiesPakistans founding nationalist party, the Muslim League, dissolved after
martial law was imposed in 1958. The Pakistan Muslim League (PML) founded in 1962 bore
little resemblance to the original party. The PML subsequently splintered into several
factions. In the aftermath of the military coup of 1977, political parties were banned from

1979 until civilian rule was restored in 1985. Although political parties were not banned after
the military coup of 1999, they could not participate in government because the parliament
and provincial assemblies were dissolved. Many political parties participated in the October
2002 elections that restored civilian rule in Pakistan.
The main political groups are the Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam), or PML-Q, a
faction of the PML that generally supports President Pervez Musharraf and the military; the
Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), or PML-N, the PML faction that remains loyal to former
prime minister Nawaz Sharif; the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), led by former prime minister
Benazir Bhutto and the largest party within the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (a
15-party pro-democracy bloc); and the Muthida Majlis-e-Amal (United Council of Action),
an alliance of six hardline Islamic groups.
F -Health and Welfare
Health services in Pakistan are limited by a lack of facilities. In 1999 the country had one
physician for every 2,703 people and one hospital bed for every 1,535 people. In 1976 an oldage pension system was inaugurated, but it covers relatively few Pakistanis.
G -Defense
Military service in Pakistan is voluntary. In 2001 the countrys armed forces had 620,000
members, including 550,000 in the army, 45,000 in the air force, and 25,000 in the navy.
Another 247,000 were in paramilitary units.

Civilian Governments
Shifting Civilian Governments
Benazir Bhutto became prime minister after her PPP won the general elections in November
1988. She was the first woman to head a modern Islamic state. A civil servant, Ghulam Ishaq
Khan, was appointed president. In August 1990 he dismissed Bhuttos government, charging
misconduct, and declared a state of emergency. Bhutto and the PPP lost the October elections
after she was arrested for corruption and abuse of power.
The new prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, head of the Islamic Democratic Alliance (a coalition
of Islamic parties including the Pakistan Muslim League), introduced a program of
privatizing state enterprises and encouraging foreign investment. Fulfilling Sharifs election
promise to make Sharia (Islamic law) the supreme law of Pakistan, the national legislature
passed an amended Shariat Bill in 1991. Sharif also promised to ease continuing tensions
with India over Kashmr. The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and she returned to lead
the opposition. In early 1993 Sharif was appointed the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League.
In April 1993 Ishaq Khan once again used his presidential power, this time to dismiss Sharif
and to dissolve parliament. However, Sharif appealed to the Supreme Court of Pakistan, and
in May the court stated that Khans actions were unconstitutional, and the court reinstated
Sharif as prime minister. Sharif and Khan subsequently became embroiled in a power
struggle that paralyzed the Pakistani government. In an agreement designed to end the
stalemate, Sharif and Khan resigned together in July 1993, and elections were held in October
of that year. Bhuttos PPP won a plurality in the parliamentary elections, and Bhutto was
again named prime minister.
In 1996 Bhuttos government was dismissed by President Farooq Leghari amid allegations of
corruption. New elections in February 1997 brought Nawaz Sharif back to power in a clear

victory for the Pakistan Muslim League. One of Sharifs first actions as prime minister was to
lead the National Assembly in passing a constitutional amendment stripping the president of
the authority to dismiss parliament. The action triggered a power struggle between Sharif,
Leghari, and Supreme Court Chief Justice Sajjad Ali Shah. When the military threw its
support behind Sharif, Leghari resigned and Shah was removed. Sharifs nominee, Rafiq
Tarar, was then elected president.Pakistan was beset by domestic unrest beginning in the mid1990s. Violence between rival political, religious, and ethnic groups erupted frequently
in Sind Province, particularly in Karchi. Federal rule was imposed on the province in late
1998 due to increasing violence.

Musharraf Takes Power

Musharraf Takes Power
The Pakistani military accused Sharif of giving in too easily to pressure from India and for
pinning the blame for the Kargil attack on army chief Pervez Musharraf. In October 1999
Sharif tried to dismiss Musharraf from his position. He attempted to prevent Musharrafs
return to Pakistan from abroad by refusing to let his airplane land. The commercial airplane
was forced to circle the Karchiairport until army forces loyal to Musharraf took over the
airport. Army forces also seized control of the government in a bloodless coup that lasted less
than three hours.
Musharraf declared himself the chief executive of Pakistan, suspended the constitution, and
dissolved the legislature. He appointed an eight-member National Security Council to
function as the countrys supreme governing body. Many Pakistanis, already chafing under
Sharifs increasingly autocratic rule and suffering from a sagging Pakistani economy after ten
years of government excesses and corruption, welcomed the coup. Sharif was arrested, and in
April 2000 he was convicted of abuse of power and other charges and sentenced to life
imprisonment; his sentence was subsequently commuted and he was allowed to live in exile
in Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of Pakistan set a deadline of October 2002
for holding national elections to restore civilian rule. The Commonwealth of Nations,
however, formally suspended Pakistans membership because the coup ousted a civilian
government.
After assuming power, Musharrafs military government adopted a reformist posture. It
identified economic reform as the most urgent measure needed to restore the confidence of
foreign and local investors. As part of this strategy, Musharraf initiated an ambitious program
based on accountability, improved governance, and widening of the tax net. However, in the
wake of the coup new international sanctions were imposed to oppose the military regime.
Donor agencies such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) were unwilling to provide
new loans or reschedule Pakistans foreign debt.

Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
The occupation of Afghanistan by Soviet troops, beginning in December 1979, raised
Pakistani fears for their own security. The government undertook three main approaches in
dealing with the crisis. The first approach was to explore a possible revitalizing of the
relationship with the United States. Early in the year, the United States offered $400 million
in economic and military aid to Pakistan, in an attempt to provide a modicum of security, but
Pakistan turned it down, considering it an inadequate response to the grave threat facing the

country and believing that only a formal treaty approved by the U.S. Congress would send
the necessary message to Moscow. The unwillingness of the Carter administration to proceed
along these lines was reportedly taken to indicate a lack of American seriousness. A visit by
the U.S. presidential national security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, to Pakistan failed to
resolve many of the two nations' differences.
A second approach was based on the belief that concerted action by the Islamic bloc would
make it more difficult for the Soviets to sustain the occupation or, at least, to move against
other countries. Toward this end, an Islamic Foreign Ministers Conference was held in the
Pakistani capital of Islamabad in late January and again in May, and a special group
composed of representatives of three countries, including Pakistan, was set up to seek ways
of resolving the Afghan situation and securing the withdrawal of Soviet troops.Pakistan's
friendship with China suggested a third approach to the Afghan situation. While it was
acknowledged that Peking's options were somewhat limited, its support for Pakistan was
expected to discourage Moscow from taking any major action against the Pakistanis
particularly if China's support was coordinated with American assistance.
The presence of over a million Afghan refugees in Pakistan has been an additional source of
potential trouble between Pakistan and the Soviet Union. Two Pakistanis were killed in a
border attack in late September, and the Soviets made numerous reconnaissance flights over
the refugee camps. In addition, the refugees are an economic burden that Pakistan can ill
afford. Pakistan's President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq met with U.S. President Jimmy Carter in
early October to discuss economic assistance for the refugees, among other matters of
concern.

Gen. Zia Regime

Zia Regime
July 5, 1977, and imposed another martial-law regime. Bhutto was tried for authorizing the
murder of a political opponent and found guilty; he was hanged onApril 4, 1979. The PPP
was reorganized under the leadership of his daughter, Benazir Bhutto.
Zia formally assumed the presidency in 1978 and embarked on an Islamization program.
Through various ordinances between 1978 and 1985, he instituted the Islamization of
Pakistans legal and economic systems and social order. In 1979 a federal Sharia (Islamic
law) court was established to exercise Islamic judicial review. Other ordinances established
interest-free banking and provided maximum penalties for adultery, defamation, theft, and
consumption of alcohol.
On March 24, 1981, Zia issued a Provisional Constitutional Order that served as a substitute
for the suspended 1973 constitution. The order provided for the formation of a Federal
Advisory Council (Majlis-e-Shoora) to take the place of the National Assembly. In early 1982
Zia appointed the 228 members of the new council. This effectively restricted the political
parties, which already had been constrained by the banning of political activity, from
organizing resistance to the Zia regime through the election process.
The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979 heightened Pakistans insecurity
and changed the fortunes of General Zias military regime. Afghan refugees began to pour
into Pakistan. After about a year, the United Statesresponded to the crisis. In September 1981
Zia accepted a six-year economic and military aid package worth $3.2 billion from the United

States. (The United States approved a second aid package worth $4.0 billion in 1986 but then
suspended its disbursement in 1989 due to Pakistans nuclear-weapons program.) After a
referendum in December 1984 endorsed Zias Islamization policies and the extension of his
presidency until 1990, Zia permitted elections for parliament in February 1985. A civilian
cabinet took office in April, and martial law ended in December. Zia was dissatisfied,
however, and in May 1988 he dissolved the government and ordered new elections. Three
months later he was killed in an airplane crash possibly caused by sabotage, and a caretaker
regime took power until elections could be held.

Zulafiqar ali bhuto regime

Zulafiqar ali bhuto regime
The Bhutto Government
Under Bhuttos leadership Pakistan began to rearrange its national life. Bhutto
nationalized the basic industries, insurance companies, domestically owned banks, and
schools and colleges. He also instituted land reforms that benefited tenants and middleclass farmers. He removed the armed forces from the process of decision making, but to
placate the generals he allocated about 6 percent of the gross national product to
defense. In July 1972 Bhutto negotiated the Simla Agreement, which confirmed a line of
control dividing Kashmr and prompted the withdrawal of Indian troops from Pakistani
territory.
In April 1972 Bhutto lifted martial law and convened the National Assembly, which
consisted of members elected from West Pakistan in 1970. After much political debate,
the legislature drafted the countrys third constitution, which was promulgated on August
14, 1973. It changed the National Assembly into a two-chamber legislature, with a
Senate as the upper house and a National Assembly as the lower house. It designated
the prime minister as the most powerful government official, but it also set up a formal
parliamentary system in which the executive was responsible to the legislature. Bhutto
became prime minister, and Fazal Elahi Chaudry replaced him as president.
Although discontented, the military grudgingly accepted the supremacy of the civilian
leadership. Bhutto embarked on ambitious nationalization programs and land reforms,
which he called Islamic socialism. His reforms achieved some success but earned him
the enmity of the entrepreneurial and capitalist class. In addition, religious leaders
considered them to be un-Islamic. Unable to deal constructively with the opposition, he
became heavy-handed in his rule. In the general elections of 1977, nine opposition
parties united in the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to run against Bhuttos PPP.
Losing in three of the four provinces, the PNA alleged that Bhutto had rigged the vote.
The PNA boycotted the provincial elections a few days later and organized
demonstrations throughout the country that lasted for six weeks.

Gen.Yahya khan Regime

Gen.Yahya khan Regime
Yahya Regime
In an attempt to make his martial-law regime more acceptable, Yahya dismissed almost 300
senior civil servants and identified 32 families that were said to control about half
of Pakistans gross national product. To curb their power Yahya issued an ordinance against
monopolies and restrictive trade practices in 1970. He also committed to the return of
constitutional government and announced the country would hold its first general election on
the basis of universal adult franchise in late 1970.

Yahya determined that representation in the National Assembly would be based on

population. In July 1970 he abolished the One Unit, thereby restoring the original four
provinces in West Pakistan. As a result, East Pakistan emerged as the largest province of the
country, while in West Pakistan the province of Punjabemerged as the dominant
province. East Pakistan was allocated 162 seats in the 300-seat National Assembly, and the
provinces of West Pakistan were allocated a total of 138.
G -Civil War
The election campaign intensified divisions between East and West Pakistan. A challenge
to Pakistans unity emerged in East Pakistan when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (Mujib), leader
of the Awami League, insisted on a federation under which East Pakistan would be virtually
independent. He envisaged a federal government that would deal with defense and foreign
affairs only; even the currencies would be different, although freely convertible.
Mujibs program had great appeal for many East Pakistanis, and in the December 1970
election called by Yahya, he won by a landslide in East Pakistan, capturing 160 seats in the
National Assembly. Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) emerged as the largest party
in West Pakistan, capturing 81 seats (predominantly in Punjab and Sind). This gave the
Awami League an absolute majority in the National Assembly, a turn of events that was
considered unacceptable by political interests in West Pakistan because of the divided
political climate of the country. The Awami League adopted an uncompromising stance,
however, and negotiations between the various sides became deadlocked.
Suspecting Mujib of secessionist politics, Yahya in March 1971 postponed indefinitely the
convening of the National Assembly. Mujib in return accused Yahya of collusion with Bhutto
and established a virtually independent government in East Pakistan. Yahya opened
negotiations with Mujib in Dhaka in mid-March, but the effort soon failed.
Meanwhile Pakistans army went into action against Mujibs civilian followers, who
demanded that East Pakistanbecome independent as the nation of Bangladesh.
There were many casualties during the ensuing military operations in East Pakistan, as the
Pakistani army attacked the poorly armed population. Indiaclaimed that nearly 10 million
Bengali refugees crossed its borders, and stories of West Pakistani atrocities abounded. The
Awami League leaders took refuge inCalcutta (now Kolkata) and established a government in
exile. India finally intervened on December 3, 1971, and the Pakistani army surrendered 13
days later. East Pakistan declared its independence as Bangladesh.
Yahya resigned, and on December 20 Bhutto was inaugurated as president and chief martial
law administrator of a truncated Pakistan. Mujib became the first prime minister
of Bangladesh in January 1972. When the Commonwealth of
Nations admitted Bangladesh later that year, Pakistan withdrew its membership, not to return
until 1989. However, the Bhutto government gave diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh in
1974.

Gen.Ayub khan regime

Gen.Ayub khan regime
The Ayub Years
Pakistan almost absolutely for a little more than ten years. Although his regime made some
notable achievements, it did not eliminate the basic problems of Pakistani society. Ayubs
regime increased developmental funds to East Pakistanmore than threefold. This had a

noticeable effect on the economy of the province, but the disparity between the two wings
of Pakistan was not eliminated. His regime also initiated land reforms designed to reduce the
political power of the landed aristocracy. Ayub also promulgated a progressive Islamic law,
the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, imposing restrictions on polygamy and divorce
and reinforcing the inheritance rights of women and minors.
In 1959, soon after taking office, Ayub ordered the planning and construction of a new
national capital, to replace Karchi. The chosen location of the new capital in
the province of Punjab was close to the military headquarters of Rwalpindi, which served as
an interim capital. Islmbd officially became the new capital in 1967, although construction
continued into the 1970s.
Perhaps the most pervasive of Ayubs changes was his introduction of a new political system,
known as the Basic Democracies, in 1959. It created a four-tiered system of mostly indirect
representation in government, from the local to the national level, allowing communication
between local communities and the highly centralized national government. Each tier was
assigned certain responsibilities in local administration of agricultural and community
development, such as maintenance of elementary schools, public roads, and bridges. All the
councils at the tehsil (subdistrict), zilla (district), and division levels were indirectly elected.
The lowest tier, on the village level, consisted of union councils. Members of the union
councils were known as Basic Democrats and were the only members of any tier who were
directly elected.
A new constitution promulgated by Ayub in 1962 ended the period of martial law. The new,
156-member National Assembly was elected that year by an electoral college of 120,000
Basic Democrats from the union councils. After the legislative elections political parties were
again legalized. Ayub created the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) as the official government
party. The presidential election of January 1965, also determined by electoral college rather
than direct vote, resulted in a victory for Ayub, although opposition parties were allowed to
participate.
Ayub was skillful in maintaining cordial relations with the United States, stimulating
substantial economic and military aid to Pakistan. This relationship deteriorated in 1965,
when another war with India broke out over Kashmr. TheUnited States then suspended
military and economic aid to both countries. TheUSSR intervened to mediate the conflict,
inviting Ayub and Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri of India to meet
in Toshkent (Tashkent). By the terms of the so-called Toshkent Agreement of January 1966,
the two countries withdrew their forces to prewar positions and restored diplomatic,
economic, and trade relations. Exchange programs were initiated, and the flow of capital
goods to Pakistanincreased greatly.
The Toshkent Agreement and the Kashmr war, however, generated frustration among the
people and resentment against President Ayub. Foreign Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who
opposed Pakistans capitulation, resigned his position and founded the Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) in opposition to the Ayub regime. Ayub tried unsuccessfully to make amends, and
amid mounting public protests he declared martial law and resigned in March 1969. Instead
of transferring power to the speaker of the National Assembly, as the constitution dictated, he
handed it over to the commander in chief of the army, General Agha Muhammad Yahya
Khan, who was the designated martial-law administrator. Yahya then assumed the presidency.

Constitutional Amendments and Elections

Constitutional Amendments and Elections

Musharraf pledged to hold provincial and parliamentary elections in October 2002. In a

bid to secure his position as president, a title he had adopted in 2001, Musharraf called a
referendum in April 2002 on extending his presidency for five years. The referendum
returned a majority of votes in favor of the proposal, although low voter turnout, loose
voting rules, and the absence of poll monitors tainted the results. In addition, political
parties denounced the referendum because under the constitution, the president is to be
selected by members of the national and provincial legislatures.
In August Musharraf decreed 29 amendments to Pakistans constitution, granting himself
sweeping new powers. The amendments allow him to dissolve the parliament, force the
resignation of the prime minister, appoint military chiefs and Supreme Court justices, and
chair a new National Security Council. The council is to include top military leaders and
provide oversight of elected representatives, thereby giving the armed forces a formal
role in governing the country. Prior to the October elections, Musharraf banned former
prime ministers Sharif and Bhutto, who both live in exile, from running as candidates in
the election. Musharraf also imposed new requirements for candidates, allowing only
individuals with college degrees and no outstanding loans to participate.
In the October elections, no single party or coalition of parties won a majority of seats in
the National Assembly (lower house). The Pakistan Muslim League (Quaid-e-Azam), a
new PML faction formed prior to the elections as a pro-Musharraf party, won the largest
number of seats. However, pro-democracy opposition parties and hardline Islamic
parties also made a strong showing in the election. The second largest number of seats
went to Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which led the 15-party Alliance for the
Restoration of Democracy. An alliance of six Islamic parties, the Muthida Majlis-e-Amal
(United Council of Action), finished in third place, winning the largest number of seats of
any religious grouping in Pakistans history. The Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz),
Sharifs PML faction, finished in a distant fourth place.

Parliamentary History Of Pakistan

Parliamentary History Of Pakistan
The Muslims of India had, since the middle of nineteen century, begun the struggle for a
separate homeland on the basis of the two Nation theory. The British rulers realized that
the Hindus and Muslims of India remained two separate and distinct nations and sociocultural entities. The British rulers were left with no option but to eventually accept the
demand of the Muslims of India.
On 3rd June1947, Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, called the conference of
all the leaders of the Sub-continent and communicated to them his Government's Plan
for the transfer of power. At that time, a notification was issued in the Gazette of India,
published on 26th July 1947 in which the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was
given shape with 69 Members (later on the membership was increased to 79), including
one female Member.
The State of Pakistan was created under the Independence Act of 1947. The Act made
the existing Constituent Assemblies, the dominion legislatures. These Assemblies were
allowed to exercise all the powers, which were formerly exercised by the Central
Legislature, in addition to the powers regarding the framing of a new Constitution, prior
to which all territories were to be governed in accordance with the Government of India

Act, 1935.
The first session of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was held on 10th August
1947 at Sindh Assembly Building Karachi. On 11th August 1947 Quaid-i-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was elected unanimously as the President of the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan and the Assembly formally approved the National Flag.
On 12th August 1947, a resolution was approved regarding officially addressing Mr.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah as "Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah". On the same day, a
special committee called the "Committee on Fundamental Rights of Citizens and
Minorities of Pakistan" was appointed to look into and advise the Assembly on matters
relating to fundamental rights of the citizens, particularly the minorities, with the aim to
legislate on these issues appropriately. On 14th August 1947, the Transfer of Power took
place. Lord Mountbatten, Governor General ofIndia, addressed the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan. The Quaid gave a reply to the address in the House, on which the
principles of the State of Pakistan were laid. On 15th August 1947, Quaid-i-Azam was
sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan. Mian Sir Abdur Rashid, Chief Justice
of Pakistan, administered oath of office from him. The Quaid remained in this position till
his death i.e.11th September 1948.
The foremost task before the first Constituent Assembly is of framing the Constitution for
the nation. On 7th March 1949, the Objectives Resolution, which now serves as the
grund norm of Pakistan, was introduced by the first Prime Minister of Pakistan
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, and later adopted by the Constituent Assembly on 12th
March 1949. On the same day, a Basic Principles Committee comprising of 24 Members
was formed to prepare a draft Constitution on the basis of the Objectives Resolution.
On 16th October 1951, Prime Minister Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, mover of the
Objective Resolution, was assassinated and Khawaja Nazimuddin took over as the
Prime Minister on 17th October 1951.
The final draft of the Constitution was prepared in 1954. By that time, Muhammad Ali
Bogra had taken over as the Prime Minister. However, just before the draft could be
placed in the House for approval, the Assembly was dissolved by the then Governor
General Ghulam Muhammad on 24th October1954. The Prime Minister was, however,
not dismissed and was asked to run the administration, with a reconstituted Cabinet,
until such time as the elections were held.
Maulvi Tamizuddin, President of the Assembly, challenged the dissolution in the
Sindh Chief Court
, and won the case. The Government in return, went to the Federal Court, where the
famous judgment was given by the then Chief Justice Muhammad Munir, according to
which Maulvi Tamizuddin lost the case.
The second Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was created on 28th May 1955under
Governor General's Order No.12 of 1955. The Electoral College for this Assembly was
the Provincial Assemblies of respective Provinces. The strength of this Assembly was 80
Members, half each from East Pakistan and West Pakistan. One of the major decisions
taken by this Assembly was the establishment of West Pakistan (One Unit), with the aim
to create parity between the two wings (East and West Pakistan). This Assembly also
achieved its target by giving the first Constitution to the nation i.e. the Constitution of
Pakistan 1956. Choudhary Muhammad Ali was the Prime Minister at that time. The draft
of this Constitution was introduced in the Assembly on 9th January 1956 and was

passed by the Assembly on 29th February 1956. The assent was given on it by the
Governor General on 2nd March 1956. This Constitution was enforced with effect
from 23rd March 1956. Under this Constitution, Pakistan became an Islamic Republic,
hence 23rd March became our Republic day. It was the same day in 1940 that the
historic Pakistan Resolution was adopted at Minto Park,Lahore.
On 5th March 1956, Major General Sikandar Mirza became the first elected President of
Pakistan. The 1956 constitution provides for Parliamentary form of government with all
the executive powers in the hands of Prime Minister. President was Head of the State
and was to be elected by all Members of the National and Provincial Assemblies. He
was to hold office for 5 years. The President was to act on the advice of Prime Minister,
except where he was empowered to act in his discretion.
Under 1956 Constitution, Parliament was unicameral. Legislative powers vested in the
Parliament, which consisted of the President and the National Assembly comprising 300
Members divided equally between East and West Pakistan. In addition to these 300
seats, five seats were reserved for women for each of the two wings, for a period of ten
years: thus bringing the total membership of the House to 310.
However, in the absence of any law to control the Political Parties and the problem of
floor crossing, political instability perpetually ensued. Although the first general election
were scheduled for early 1959, President Sikandar Mirza abrogated the Constitution,
dissolved the National and Provincial Assemblies, and declared Martial Law, on 7th
October 1958. He appointed General Muhammad Ayub Khan, Commander-in-Chief of
the Army, as the Chief Martial Law Administrator.
On 27th October 1958 General Muhammad Ayub Khan took-over as a second President
of Pakistan. One of the first major steps taken by General Ayub Khan was the
appointment of a Constitution Commission on 17th February 1960. The objective of this
commission was to submit proposals, as to how best democracy can be strengthened
and molded according to the countrys socio-political environment and Islamic principles
of justice. The Commission submitted its report to the government on 29th April 1961.
On the basis of this report a new Constitution was framed and given to the nation on 1st
March 1962.
General elections under the new Constitution were held on 28th March 1962 and
elections to the special seats reserved for women were held on 29th May 1962. The first
session of the third National Assembly was held on 8th June 1962 at Ayub
Hall, Rawalpindi.
The Constitution of 1962 envisaged a Federal State with Presidential form of
government, with National Assembly at the centre and the Provincial Assemblies in the
Provinces. The Legislatures, both at centre and in provinces were unicameral. The
Federal system had been curtailed by allowing the Provincial Governors to be appointed
directly by the President. All executive authority of theRepublic of Pakistan, under the
Constitution, vested in the office of the President. President appointed his Cabinet
members who were directly responsible to him.
The electoral system was made indirect, and the `Basic Democrats', for both wings were
declared Electoral College for the purpose of electing the Assemblies and the President.
Basic democrats were 80,000 in number (40,000 from each East & West Pakistan). The
total membership of the National Assembly was 156, one half of whom were to be

elected from East Pakistan and other half from West Pakistan, also three seats were
reserved for women from each province. The term of this Assembly was three years. The
norm was established that if the President was from West Pakistan, the Speaker was to
be from East Pakistanand vice versa. One of the major achievements of this Assembly
was the passage of Political Parities Act, 1962.
On 25th March 1969 the second Martial law was imposed and General Agha
Muhammad Yahya Khan took-over as the President of Pakistan and Chief Martial Law
Administrator (CMLA). He later issued a Legal Framework Order (LFO), under which the
first ever general elections were held on 7th December 1970. This was the first
Assembly elected on the adult franchise and population basis. It consist of 313
members, 169 from East Pakistan and 144 from West Pakistan including 13 reserved
seats for women (6 were from West Pakistan and 7 from East Pakistan). Soon after the
elections, due to grave political differences, the Province of East Pakistan seceded
from West Pakistan and becameBangladesh. On 20th December 1971 Mr. Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto took over as the President of Pakistan as well as the first civil Chief Martial Law
Administrator.
The first session of the National Assembly, due to the delay caused by the separation of
East Pakistan, was held on 14thApril 1972 at the State Bank Building, Islamabad, in
which all 144 Members from West Pakistan and two from former East Pakistan (Mr.
Noor-ul-Amin and Raja Tridev Roy who had chosen to join Pakistan) participated.
On 17th April 1972 an Interim Constitution was adopted by the National Assembly, which
provided for a Presidential form of Government. Under this Constitution, the National
Assembly was not to be dissolved earlier than 14th August 1973. The Interim
Constitution dealt in detail with the distribution of powers between the Centre and the
Provinces.
The Assembly also formed a Constitution Committee on 17th April 1972 to prepare the
first draft for framing a Constitution. The report of the Committee was presented with a
draft Constitution on 31st December 1972. It was unanimously passed by the Assembly
in its session on 10th April 1973 and was authenticated by the President on 12th April
1973. This Constitution, called the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973,
was promulgated on 14th August 1973. On the same day, Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto took
oath as the Prime Minister, while Mr. Fazal Illahi Choudhary took oath as the President
of Pakistan.
The 1973 Constitution provides for a parliamentary form of government where the
executive authority of the state vests with the Prime Minister. The President, according
to the Constitution, is at the apex, representing the unity of the Republic.
From 1947 to 1973, the country had a unicameral system of legislature. Under the 1973
Constitution, Pakistan adopted bicameral system at the centre, called The Parliament,
composing the President, the National Assembly and The Senate. Originally, the general
seats of the National Assembly were 200 with additional 10 seats reserved for women,
bringing the total strength to 210. The newly created Upper House i.e. the Senate had
63 members. Later in 1985 through a Presidential Order (P.O. No. 14 of 1985), seven
seats were added to the general seats and ten to the reserved seats for women in the
National Assembly. Ten seats were exclusively reserved for minorities to be filled through
separate electorate system. Thus the total strength of the lower house reached to 237
members. Similarly the strength of Senate was also increased from 63 to 87.

Under the 1973 Constitution the National Assembly is elected for five years term, unless
sooner dissolved. The seats in National Assembly, unlike the Senate, are allocated to
each province and other units of the federation, on the basis of population. The
Constitutional provision of 20 special seats for women lapsed in 1990, thus decreased
the Assembly strength from 237 to 217. Under the Constitution, elections to the 10 seats
reserved for minority were held on separate electorate basis.
Despite the tenure of the Assembly being five years, as prescribed in the Constitution,
Mr. Z.A.Bhutto, on 7th January 1977 announced the holding of elections before time.
Consequently, on 10th January 1977, he advised the President to dissolve the National
Assembly. Elections were held on 7th March 1977. The opposition charged the
government with rigging the elections to the National Assembly and thereafter boycotted
the Provincial Assemblies elections. Since the opposition had not accepted the National
Assembly elections result, they did not take oath. This resulted in severe political crisis
and Martial Law was imposed by the then Army Chief, General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq,
on 5th July 1977.
On 24th December 1981, under Presidential Order (P.O.15 of 1981) a Federal Council
(Majlis-e-Shoora) was constituted by the President. The President nominated its
members. The first session of this Council was held on 11th January 1982. In this way,
limited and controlled political activities were resumed, as a result of which general
elections were later held for the National and Provincial Assemblies on 25th February
1985, on non-party basis.
On 2nd March 1985, the revival of Constitution Order (P.O.14 of 1985) was issued in
which a large number of amendments were made in the Constitution. The first session of
the National Assembly was held 20th March 1985. Mr. Muhammad Khan Junejo, was
nominated as the Prime Minister of Pakistan by the President (General Zia-ul-Haq). He
received vote of confidence on 24th March 1985.
In November 1985, the 8th Constitutional Amendment was adopted by the Parliament.
Besides changes in other Articles in the Constitution the significant Article 58(2)(b) was
added, according to which the President acquired discretionary powers to dissolve the
National Assembly. On 29th May 1988 the President dissolved the Assembly by using
the power acquired under Article 58(2)(b).
The General elections for the eighth National Assembly was held on 16th November
1988. The President convened the first session on 30th November 1988. Mr. Miraj
Khalid was elected as a Speaker National Assembly on 3rd December 1988. Mohtarma
Benazir Bhutto was nominated as Prime Minister of Pakistan and took the oath of the
Office on 2nd December 1988. The President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan under Article 58(2)
(b) on 6th August 1990, dissolved the Assembly.
The General elections for the ninth National Assembly was held on 24th October 1990.
The first session was held on 3rd November 1990. Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan elected as
Speaker National Assembly and he took oath on 4th November 1990. Mian Muhammad
Nawaz Sharif took oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan on 11th November 1993. The
Assembly was dissolved by the then President, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, under Article 58(2)
(b) on 18th April 1993. The dissolution of the National Assembly was challenged in the
Supreme Court of Pakistan and after hearing the case the Assembly was restored by the
apex court on 26th May 1993. The Assembly was dissolved on the advice of the Prime
Minister on 18th July 1993.

The elections for tenth National Assembly was held on 6th October 1993. The first
session was held on 15th October 1993. Syed Yousaf Raza Gillani took oath of the office
of the Speaker National Assembly on 17th October 1993. Mohtarma Benizar Bhutto
administered the oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan on October 19th October 1993. The
President Farooq Ahmad Khan Laghari dissolved the Assembly on 5th November 1996.
The elections for eleventh National Assembly was held on 3rd February 1997. The first
session was held on 15th February 1997. Mr. Illahi Bukhsh Soomro took oath of the
office of the Speaker National Assembly on 16th February 1997. Mian Muhammad
Nawaz Sharif took oath as Prime Minister of Pakistan and Leader of the House on 17th
February 1997. The new Assembly came into power with an overwhelming majority. The
Article 58(2)(b) was later on omitted from the Constitution vide 13th Amendment in the
Constitution in April 1997.
It may be pertinent to note at this point that while, ostensibly, sixteen amendments have
been made in the Constitution so far, the ninth and the eleventh Constitutional
Amendments were, however, passed by the Senate alone and fifteenth by the National
Assembly alone, hence these amendments lapsed. The fourteenth Amendment in the
Constitution empowered a check on floor crossing of legislators.
Chief of Army Staff General Pervaz Musharraf, who was also Chairman Joint Staff
Committee, took over the government from Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and declared
himself as Chief Executive through a Proclamation of Emergency, on 12th October 1999.
Through Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) issued onOctober 14th 1999, he held
the Constitution in abeyance, suspended the Senate, National and Provincial
Assemblies, Chairman and Deputy Chairman Senate, Speaker, Deputy Speaker
National and Provincial Assemblies and dismissed the Federal and Provincial
governments. The President Mr. Muhammad Rafiq Tarar was, however allowed to
continue in his office. Under PCO (order No. 6) 29th October 1999, (as amended by C.E.
Order No.5, 4th July 2001), the National Security Council was established for the
purpose to tender advice to the Chief Executive (later on President), on matters relating
to Islamic ideology, national security, sovereignty, integrity and solidarity of Pakistan so
as to achieve the aims and objective as enshrined in the Objectives Resolution 1949.
Syed Zafar Ali Shah, MNA and Illahi Bukhsh Soomro, Speaker National Assembly,
challenged the suspension orders in the Supreme Court. The Court in its judgment
on 12th May 2000 validated the military takeover by giving three years time frame to the
government, starting from 12th October 1999. The Court in its judgment asked the
government to complete its agenda and then hand over powers to the elected
government. The court also allowed the military government to bring necessary
Constitutional Amendments, provided that those should not change the basic feature of
Federal Parliamentary democracy, independence of judiciary and Islamic provisions in
the Constitution. The court reserved the right of Judicial Review and power of validity of
any act or any action of the government, if challenged, in the light of State necessity.
On 20th June 2001, through a notification (C.E. Order No.1) the Chief Executive
assumed the office of the President of Pakistan under President's Succession Order,
2001. On the same day, through another Order (C.E. Order No. 2, 2001), the President
converted the orders of suspension of legislative bodies and their presiding officers, in to
dissolution.

Kashmir Unresolved Dispute

KASHMR: THE UNRESOLVED DISPUTE

Indo-Pakistani relations continued to be strained after the Simla Agreement, for it did not
address the final status of Kashmr. Armed hostilities continued to erupt in the territory
along the LOC, making any political resolution to the dispute highly unlikely. The vast
majority of Indias political establishment has indicated a willingness to settle the dispute
along the LOC and formally cede the Pakistani-controlled portion of the state
to Pakistan. However, Pakistan has refused to accept the status quo in Kashmr as long
as Muslim-majority areas, such as the fertile Kashmr Valley, are under Indian
administration. Meanwhile, the proliferation of nuclear weapons by
both India and Pakistan since the 1970s has dramatically increased the stakes of their
long-standing territorial dispute.
Both India and Pakistan acknowledge that the Simla Agreement requires them to settle
their bilateral disputes without resorting to the use of force. However, neither one has
been willing or able to uphold this provision, and they disagree over who is to blame for
continuing violence in the territory. In addition, Indian and Pakistani officials interpret
other important aspects of the Simla Agreement quite differently. Indian decision-makers
believe that the agreement supersedes all former UN resolutions and requires strictly
bilateral negotiations to bring a resolution to the dispute. The Pakistani side argues that
the agreement leaves open the possibility of multilateral negotiations. The varying
interpretations of this document aside, the two parties remain fundamentally at odds
over the terms of any resolution to the dispute.
A -The Kashmr Insurgency
Since 1989 the dispute over Kashmr has taken on a new dimension due to the
emergence of a separatist insurgency among Muslims in the Indian-controlled portion of
the territory. Described as an ethnoreligious (ethnic and religious) insurgency, it initially
involved mostly Muslim Kashmris. Many Pakistanis, Afghans, and Arabs subsequently
joined the insurgency, increasing its militancy. Pakistani support has helped to sustain
the insurgency materially and prevent its suppression by Indian security forces.
Fighting between the insurgents and Indian security forces has resulted in more
casualties than all three Indo-Pakistani wars combined. Although estimates vary, most
dispassionate estimates suggest that about 40,000 individuals have lost their lives since
the onset of the insurgency. Both the rebels and the Indian security forces are known to
have committed substantial human rights violations.
Politically, the principal demand of the insurgency is that India hold a plebiscite to
determine the status of the territory. This demand rests on the assumption that the
Muslim-majority areas of the state would prevail, leading to secession from the Indian
Union. Some of the insurgents support merger with Pakistan, while others want a
unified, independent Kashmr state. The most militant members of the insurgency,
whose numbers have swelled in recent years, create mayhem and terror without any
clear political agenda.
Meanwhile, India steadfastly refuses to hold a plebiscite on the premise thatJammu and
Kashmr State is an integral part of the Indian Union, as provided for in the Indian
constitution. Elections to the states legislative assembly have consistently brought to
power moderate candidates who support this view.
The Jammu and Kashmr Liberation Front (JKLF) and the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen are the
two principal insurgent groups of indigenous Kashmri origins. The JKLF renounced

violence in the mid-1980s. However, it has refused to enter the political process under
the terms of the Indian constitution. In addition to the insurgent groups, a number of
separatist organizations have banded together under the aegis of the All-Party Hurriyat
Conference (APHC). The APHC has also refused to enter the political process even
though its members are not involved in the insurgency.
B -Recent Developments
Since the late 1990s, the situation in Kashmr has been especially tense. In May
1998 India and Pakistan each exploded nuclear devices during weapons tests. These
demonstrations of nuclear capabilities were clearly intended to intimidate the other side.
Afterwards, both sides came under intense international pressure to resolve
the Kashmr dispute, lest it escalate into a nuclear war. In an attempt to allay
international concerns, Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee accepted the invitation
of his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif, to visit Pakistan. Accordingly, Vajpayee
traveled to the Pakistani city of Lahore in February 1999 to inaugurate a bus service
linking it with the nearby Indian city of Amritsar. This meeting at Lahore was seen as an
initial attempt to usher in a more cordial Indo-Pakistani relationship.
In early May, however, units of the Pakistani Northern Light Infantry, a paramilitary unit
with troops recruited mostly from the Pakistan-administered Northern Areas, made
incursions across the LOC at Dras and Kargil. Although initially caught by surprise, the
Indian army responded with vigor and managed to dislodge the Pakistani intruders.
Sharif, in an attempt to save face, sought and obtained the intercession of the United
States from President Bill Clinton.Clintons agreement to intercede rested on the
restoration of the sanctity of the LOC. Under Indian military and American diplomatic
pressure, Sharif agreed toClintons terms and the conflict was brought to a close.
In October 1999 General Pervez Musharraf, the chief of staff of the Pakistani army,
overthrew Sharifs democratically elected but increasingly authoritarian
regime. Pakistans relations with India, which had been strained as a consequence of
the Kargil conflict, worsened under Musharraf. Indian leaders accused Musharraf of
continuing to materially assist the Kashmri insurgents. Musharraf denied these
allegations, insisting that his regime was only involved in providing moral, political, and
diplomatic support to the insurgents.
The most dramatic deterioration in relations came after December 13, 2001, when
members of two Pakistan-based insurgent groups, the Jaish-e-Muhammad and the
Lashkar-e-Taiba, attacked the Indian national parliament in Delhi. Prompt action on the
part of local police and paramilitary forces contained the ferocity of the attack and limited
the number of deaths. In the aftermath of this attack, Indiarecalled its ambassador
from Pakistan, severed road and rail links, and dramatically increased its military
deployments along the Indo-Pakistani border and in Jammu and Kashmr State.
Relations between the two countries continued to worsen through much of 2002 as
additional terrorist attacks took place on Indian soil and India continued to exert growing
military pressure on Pakistan. In Kashmr, artillery fire routinely erupted along the LOC.
Both countries increased troop deployments along their shared border, amassing a total
of about 1 million troops. Fearing an outbreak of war between two nuclear-armed states,
the United States and a number of other major powers intervened to defuse the
increasing tensions. The status of Jammu and Kashmr remains one of the most volatile
territorial disputes in the world, andIndia and Pakistan are no closer to reaching a
resolution in the foreseeable future.

The Third Indo Pakistani War

THE THIRD INDO-PAKISTANI WAR
Unlike the first and second Indo-Pakistani wars, the third war, fought in 1971, did not involve
the status of Kashmr. Instead, it began as a Pakistani civil war in which East Pakistan, the
eastern province of Pakistan, sought to secede from the country. This conflict escalated into a
14-day war between India and Pakistanafter Indias military intervened to support the
secession of East Pakistan. Although even shorter than the previous wars, the third war
resulted in 11,500 battle deathsthe highest of all three conflicts. It also resulted in a
truncatedPakistan, as East Pakistan became the sovereign nation of Bangladesh.
A -Events Before the War
The 1947 partition of the British Indian empire had created a Pakistan comprised of two
wingsWest Pakistan (present-day Pakistan) and East Bengal (later renamed East
Pakistan; now Bangladesh)that were separated by 1,600 km (1,000 mi) of Indian territory.
In the wake of Pakistans first free and fair election in December 1970, the leaders of the
western and eastern wings failed to reach an understanding about power sharing. In March
1971, after talks failed to break the deadlock, the Pakistani government launched a military
crackdown in East Pakistan. During what was called Operation Searchlight, large numbers of
the Bengali intelligentsia in East Pakistan were killed and many prominent Bengali leaders
were thrown in jail. In response, the Awami League leadership of East Pakistan declared the
provinces independence on March 26. As the crackdown escalated into a full-blown and
brutal civil war over the next two months, some 10 million Bengalis fled East Pakistan and
took refuge in the neighboring Indian state of West Bengal.
The Indian leadership of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi quickly decided that it was cheaper to
resort to war against Pakistan than to absorb millions of refugees intoIndias already bloated
population. Highly antagonistic relations between Indiaand Pakistan also contributed
to Indias decision to intervene in Pakistans civil war. Gandhi and her advisers fashioned a
strategy to support the creation of a separate state for ethnic Bengalis. This strategy involved
support for the indigenous Bengali resistance movement, led by the Mukti Bahini (Liberation
Force). To this end, Indias military intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing,
helped to organize, train, and arm these insurgents. The Mukti Bahini managed to harass the
regular Pakistani army units stationed in East Pakistan and helped to create conducive
conditions for a full-scale Indian military intervention in early December.
B -Major Events During the War
On December 3, 1971, the third Indo-Pakistani war formally began with a Pakistani air attack
on a number of air bases in northwestern India. The Indian air force responded the next day
by striking at several West Pakistani air bases. Along with the airborne attack, the Pakistani
army simultaneously launched a ground operation in Kashmr and in the Punjab region,
thereby opening a western front. In the western sector a number of pitched battles took place,
particularly in Azad Kashmr near Pnch (Poonch) and Chhamb. Other major engagements
took place farther to the south in the Punjab region at Der Nnak and Anpgarh. Even
farther south, an invading Pakistani tank column was bombed by the Indian air force, which
carried out as many as 4,000 sorties during the conflict.
The use of air power was more limited in East Pakistan. The real thrust into the province was
made by three Indian army divisions that launched a five-pronged attack on Dhaka, the
provincial capital, and received the surrender of Pakistani forces there on December 16. The

following day, India declared a unilateral cease-fire, and Pakistani leader General
Muhammad Yahya Khan called on his forces to reciprocate. East Pakistan immediately
seceded from Pakistan and became the sovereign nation of Bangladesh.
C -Events After the War
In 1972 Pakistani president Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (formerly the foreign minister) met with
Indian prime minister Gandhi at the hill resort town of Simla in northernIndia to discuss a
postwar settlement. Although the third Indo-Pakistani war had not been triggered by events
in Kashmr, the unresolved issues surrounding that disputed state weighed heavily in the
settlement talks. The two leaders negotiated a settlement that recognized the de facto border
in Jammu and Kashmr as the Line of Control (LOC). Both sides agreed to abstain from the
use of force to settle the Kashmr dispute, and India agreed to return some 90,000 Pakistani
prisoners of war.

The Second Indo Pakistani War

THE SECOND INDO-PAKISTANI WAR
In 1965 India and Pakistan went to war over Jammu and Kashmr a second time.Pakistan,
dissatisfied with both multilateral and bilateral negotiations, again sought to wrest Jammu
and Kashmr from India through the use of force. This effort failed as India held its ground,
and the war ended in a stalemate after almost two months of armed conflict. Although the
second war over the territory was shorter than the first, the increased firepower of the two
nations resulted in a more deadly war, with a total of about 6,800 battle casualties.
A -Events Before the War
A number of factors precipitated the second conflict over Jammu and Kashmr. In the wake of
a border war between India and China in 1962, efforts by the United States and Britain to
settle the territorial dispute had, like the UN mediation process, met with little success.
Furthermore, India significantly expanded its defense spending after suffering losses in the
border war against China. At a regional level, India had started to integrate Jammu and
Kashmr State into the rest of the country, such as bringing it under the jurisdiction of the
Indian Supreme Court. All of these factorsthe failure of diplomatic efforts, the growth of
Indias military, and Indias efforts at integrationprovoked Pakistani misgivings about the
erosion of its claim to Kashmr.
When rioting broke out in Srnagar in December 1963 following the theft of a holy relic from
the Hazratbal mosque, the Pakistani leadership construed the anti-Indian tone of the
disturbances as a sign of support for the merger of Kashmrwith Pakistan. Accordingly,
Pakistani president Muhammad Ayub Khan and his foreign minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,
decided to try once again to wrest the territory from India.
B -Major Events During the War
Pakistani army personnel disguised as local Kashmris began to infiltrate into
theKashmr Valley in early August 1965. Once they entered the valley, the infiltrators
intended to foment a rebellion among Kashmri Muslims. The strategy, known as Operation
Gibraltar, went awry from the very outset, however. The Kashmris did not respond as
expected; instead, they turned the infiltrators over to the local authorities. Accordingly, the
Indian army moved to secure the border and on August 15 scored a major victory after a
prolonged artillery barrage. Attacks and counterattacks followed in quick succession.

On September 1 the Pakistanis opened a new front in the southern sector, catching Indian
forces unprepared. Indian forces responded with air strikes, leading to Pakistani retaliation.
On September 5 the Pakistanis made a significant thrust intoIndian territory that threatened to
cut off Jammu and Kashmr State from the rest of India. The following day Indian troops
crossed the international border in the Pakistani province of Punjab near its capital of Lahore.
Faced with this threat toLahore, the Pakistanis launched a counterattack at Khem Karan in the
neighboring Indian state of Punjab. This attack, spearheaded by the Pakistani First Armored
Division, was anticipated by the Indian forces and failed, with Pakistani forces suffering
major losses.
C -Events After the War
By mid-September the war had reached a stalemate, and the United Nations Security Council
passed a resolution calling for a cease-fire. The Indian government accepted the cease-fire
resolution on September 21, as did the Pakistani government the following day. The two
parties subsequently attended Soviet-hosted peace talks in Toshkent (Tashkent), the capital of
the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic (present-day Uzbekistan). On January 10 the two sides
signed the Toshkent Agreement and reestablished the CFL as the de facto border inJammu
and Kashmr

The First Indo Pakistani War

THE FIRST INDO-PAKISTANI WAR
By November 1947 Auchinleck, Supreme Commander based in New Delhi, being
convinced that Indian Cabinet was seeking to destroy and undo Pakistan by
economic and military means, was forced to resign. As the build-up of Indian forces
in Jammu and Kashmir continued, Pakistan Army units were being hurriedly
organized and equipped without any base for manufacture of ammunition, signal
stores, equipment or vehicles. Simultaneously, Pakistan National Guards were
raised from ex-servicemen and other volunteers along border areas to provide a
second line of defence. By February 1948 Indian build up in Jammu and
Kashmir reached five brigades plus, under two full-fledged division Headquarters.
Our 101 Brigade, commanded by Brigadier Akbar Khan was rushed into the critical
front to forestall and halt the Indian offensive along Uri-Muzaffarabad axis. In April
1948, Commander-in-Chief Pakistan Army appreciating the threats in the north along
Muzaffarabad-Kohala axis, and in the south along Bhimber-Mirpur-Poonch axis
further reinforced the front with elements of 7 Division to halt the Indian offensive at
Chakothi. Reinforcements were rushed overnight to Tithwal sector to defend
Muzaffarabad front 9(F) Division was also moved to reinforce 7 Division in Tithwal,
Uri and Bagh sectors. 7 Division was thereafter moved to the southern front. In
May Pakistan informed the United Nations of these moves. By June, Pakistan had
five brigades in Jammu and Kashmir together with Azad Kashmir forces and
elements of the para-military Frontier Corps, holding twelve Indian brigades (with 4
to 5 battalions each) supported by armour, artillery and Indian Air Force. Indian
summer offensive was decisively beaten and halted. Some months later, two
brigades of 8 Division from Quetta further reinforced Muzaffarabad-Uri front.
On 14 August 1948 , the first anniversary of Pakistan , General Headquarters sent the following
message to the Quaid-e-Azam, Loyal and grateful greetings from the Army on the first anniversary of
Independence Day. We serve and shall serve Pakistan with all our hearts and souls. Pakistan and its
Creator, Zindabad. The Quaid-e-Azam was at that time in Quetta , fighting his own battle for survival
against a deadly affliction. In December, Pakistan Army planned to go on the offensive, Operation
Venus', with 7 Division to cut off the main supply route at Beri Pattan Bridge area, and isolate Indian
forces in Nowshera-Jhangar-Poonch sector. On 14 December, in a pre-attack artillery bombardment
the Beri Pattan bridge area containing ammunition, rations, petrol and supplies in a two-mile area was

totally destroyed together with Indian divisional Headquarter, isolating the Indian forces in that sector.
The Indian Army was taken by surprise. At midnight on 30 December, India asked for ceasefire with
effect from 1 January 1949 . Pakistan accepted, as the fate of Jammu and Kashmir had been taken
over by the United Nations. By early 1949 Pakistan Army had completed its formative stage. It halted
the Indian offensive and prevented it from totally over-running Jammu and Kashmir , and closing up
to Pakistan 's vital border areas, thus ended the war in Jammu and Kashmir . Pakistan Army
continued its reorganization. An ordnance factory to produce small arms and ammunition was
established at Wah. The threat from India was by no means over. In spring of 1950 and again
between July and October 1951 the Indian Army concentrated on Pakistans borders and
transgressed into Azad Kashmir and West Pakistan territory forty eight times. The Indian Air Force
violated Pakistan 's air space thirty times thus bringing the two countries very close to another all out
war through India 's coercive diplomacy and interventionist strategy.

Indo-Pakistani Wars
Indo-Pakistani Wars
I -INTRODUCTION
Indo-Pakistani Wars, three wars fought between India and Pakistan since the two nations
gained independence from Britain in 1947. The first and second wars (1947-1949; 1965)
were fought over the territory of Jammu and Kashmr, in the northwestern part of the Indian
subcontinent. The status of the territory remains a matter of dispute
between India and Pakistan. The third war (1971) involved Indian military intervention in a
civil war in Pakistan. This brief and decisive intervention resulted in the independence
of Pakistans eastern province, East Pakistan, as the nation of Bangladesh.

Jinnah Mohammed Ali

Jinnah, Mohammed Ali
Jinnah, Mohammed Ali (1876-1948), Indian politician and longtime leader of the Muslim
League. Jinnah became the founding father of Pakistan and its first governor-general
(1947-1948).
Jinnah was born in Karchi, a city in what is now Pakistan. (At that
time, Indiaand Pakistan were part of a British colony known as British India). Although
his family, who were Muslim, came from the state of Rjkot in western India, Jinnahs
father was a prosperous merchant in Karchi. After being educated
inKarchi and Bombay (now Mumbai), Jinnah studied law
at Lincolns Inn inLondon, England, and was admitted to the bar in 1896. After serving
briefly as a magistrate in Bombay, he practiced law in that city and soon rose to the top
of the profession. He possessed strong advocacy skills and relied on his rhetorical ability
to win many cases.
Jinnahs first important contact with political affairs was in 1906, when he acted as
private secretary to Dadabhai Naoroji, president of the Indian National Congress, a
political organization that was working for Indian autonomy from British rule. In 1913
Jinnah joined the Muslim League, formed to protect Muslim interests against Indias
Hindu majority, though at the time he still hoped for accord between the two groups. In
1916 he was elected president of the Muslim League and in 1919 became the
representative of Bombay Muslims in the Imperial Legislative Council, a national
legislative body with limited authority under the British colonial government. In the same
year, however, the government enacted the Rowlatt Acts, which gave the Indian colonial
authorities emergency powers to suppress so-called revolutionary activities. Jinnah, a
staunch nationalist, resigned from the council in protest.

In 1920 the Indian National Congress launched the non cooperation movement, a mass
campaign to boycott all aspects of British rule in India. Jinnah disagreed profoundly with
the movement and resigned from the Congress. Jinnah advocated a moderate approach
of cooperation with the British and gradual transfer of power. He continued to believe in
the possibility of Hindu-Muslim unity, and worked strenuously toward that end in his
second and third terms of office as president of the league. The differences between the
Congress and the Muslim League were profound.
Moreover, there was a serious personality clash between Jinnah and Mohandas Gandhi,
the leader of the Congress. These differences emerged clearly in the Round Table
Conference of 1930, where Indians and British members of parliament met to
discuss Indias political future. Jinnahs frustration at the impossibility of settlement led
him to suspend his political activities for four years, during which time he practiced law
in England. In 1934 he returned to India on a visit to preside over a Muslim League
session and decided that he must remain permanently in India to look after Muslim
interests.
The Government of India Act of 1935 transferred considerable power to Indian provincial
governments, and in the general elections of 1937 the Congress won a majority in 7 of
11 provinces. The Congress refused to form coalition governments with the Muslim
League as Jinnah had proposed. As a result, tensions between Hindus and Muslims
grew rapidly. In Hindu-majority provinces, many Muslims felt they were unfairly treated,
and at one point Jinnah demanded the appointment of a royal commission to inquire into
their grievances. Most Muslims concluded that no legislative weighting or other
safeguards could protect them in a united India, where the Hindus would be an
overwhelming majority.
In March 1940 Jinnah presided over a Muslim League session at Lahore, where the first
official demand was made for the partition of India and the creation of the state
of Pakistan, in which Muslims would be a majority. During three decades of political life,
Jinnah had believed in the possibility of Hindu-Muslim unity, and it was with the utmost
reluctance that he came to the view that partition was essential.
Having reached this conclusion, however, Jinnah never swerved from it. His tenacity
through constitutional discussions between the league, the Congress, and the British
government in 1942, 1945, and 1946 made partition certain. During these years Jinnah
came to be known as Quaid-i-Azam, or Great Leader. When Pakistan was created
on August 14, 1947, he became its first governor-general, and the title of Quaid-i-Azam
was officially bestowed on him by a resolution of the first constituent assembly. Jinnah
died of tuberculosis inKarchi in 1948.

Early Governments and the Constitution of 1956

Early Governments and the Constitution of 1956

The first government of

Unstable Parliamentary Democracy
East Pakistan. He formed a coalition cabinet that included the Awami League and the
Republican Party of the West Wing, a new party that was formed by dissident members of the
Muslim League. However, President Mirza forced Suhrawardy to resign after he discovered
that the prime minister was planning to support Firoz Khan Noon, leader of the Republican
Party, for the presidency in the countrys first general elections, scheduled for January 1959.

The succeeding coalition government, headed by Ismail Ibrahim Chundrigar of the Muslim
League, lasted only two months before it was replaced by a Republican Party cabinet
underNoon.
President Mirza, realizing he had no chance of being reelected president and openly
dissatisfied with parliamentary democracy, proclaimed martial law onOctober 7, 1958. He
dismissed Noons government, dissolved the National Assembly, and canceled the scheduled
general elections. Mirza was supported by General Muhammad Ayub Khan, commander in
chief of the army, who was named chief martial-law administrator. Twenty days later Ayub
forced the president to resign and assumed the presidency himself.
The new charter notwithstanding, political instability continued because no stable majority
party emerged in the National Assembly. Prime Minister Ali remained in office only until
September 1956, when he was unable to retain his majority in the National Assembly and was
succeeded by Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, founder of the Awami League of Pakistan was
headed by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and it chose the seaport of Karchi as its capital.
Jinnah, considered the founder of Pakistan and hailed as the Quaid-i-Azam (Great Leader),
became head of state as governor-general. The government faced many challenges in setting
up new economic, judicial, and political structures. It endeavored to organize the bureaucracy
and the armed forces, resettle the Mohajirs (Muslim refugees fromIndia), and establish the
distribution and balance of power in the provincial and central governments. Undermining
these efforts were provincial politicians who often defied the authority of the central
government, and frequent communal riots. Before the government could surmount these
difficulties, Jinnah died in September 1948.
In foreign policy, Liaquat established friendly relations with the United Stateswhen he visited
President Harry S. Truman in 1950. Pakistans early foreign policy was one of nonalignment,
with no formal commitment to either the United States or the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics (USSR), the two major adversaries in the Cold War. In 1953,
however, Pakistan aligned itself with theUnited States and accepted military and economic
assistance.
Liaquat was assassinated in 1951. Khwaja Nazimuddin, an East Pakistani who had succeeded
Jinnah as governor-general, became prime minister. Ghulam Muhammad became governorgeneral. Nazimuddin attempted to limit the powers of the governor-general through
amendments to the Government of India Act of 1935, under which Pakistan was governed
pending the adoption of a constitution. Ghulam Muhammad dismissed Nazimuddin and
replaced him with Muhammad Ali Bogra, Pakistans ambassador to the United States, who
subsequently was elected president of the Muslim League.
In the 1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan, the Muslim League was routed by the
United Front coalition, which supported provincial autonomy. The coalition was dominated
by the Awami League. However, Ghulam Muhammad imposed governors rule in the
province, preventing the United Front from taking power in the provincial legislature. After
the constituent assembly attempted to curb the governor-generals power, Ghulam
Muhammad declared a state of emergency and dissolved the assembly. A new constituent
assembly was indirectly elected in mid-1955 by the various provincial legislatures. The
Muslim League, although still the largest party, was no longer dominant as more parties,
including those of the United Front coalition, gained representation. Bogra, who had little
support in the new assembly, was replaced by Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, a former civil
servant in West Pakistan and a member of the Muslim League. At the same time, General

Iskander Mirza became governor-general.

The new constituent assembly enacted a bill, which became effective in October 1955,
integrating the four West Pakistani provinces into one political and administrative unit,
known as the One Unit. This change was designed to giveWest Pakistan parity with the more
populous East Pakistan in the national legislature. The assembly also produced Pakistans
first constitution, which was adopted on March 2, 1956. It provided for a unicameral (singlechamber) National Assembly with 300 seats, evenly divided between East and West Pakistan.
It also officially designated Pakistan an Islamic republic. According to its provisions, Mirzas
title changed from governor-general to president

Allama Iqbal and Ideology of Pakistan

ALLAMA IQBAL AND IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN

The Two-Nation Theory on the basis of which Pakistan came into being was first
presented by sir Syed Ahmad Khan in 1857. According to this theory the Muslims of
India
considered themselves to be a separate nation from Hindus. However some
questions in regard to
Two-Nation theory were still to be explained,like;
What was the ideological basis on which the Muslims should be considered a
separate nation?
If they were separate nation then what was the nature of their allegiance to the
Indian soil?
Were the factors that Hindus and Muslims had been living togather for centuries not
strong enough
to merge the two communities into one nation?
These questios were answered by allama Iqbal in his presidential address delivered
in the annual
meeting of All India Muslim league at Allahabad in december 1940.
Allama iqbal considered Islam as complete code of life. He said that i am fully
convinced that
the Muslims of India will ultimately have to establish a separate state for themselves.
He openly
negated the concept of natiion in india. On the occasion of a meeting of a
cosmopolitan
organization he said;
"I have been myself of the view that religious differences should disappear from
this country and even now act on this principle in my private life. But now I think that
the
preservation of their separate entities is desirable foe both the Hindus and the

Muslims. The
vision of a common nationhood for India is a beautiful ideal and has a poetic
appeal,but
lookig into the present conditions and the unconscious trends of the two communities
appears
incapable of fulfilment."
Allama iqbal closely observed the political development in India and come to the
conclusion that both the communities cannot live togather peacefully and amicably.
Thus he openly
declared;
"we suspect each others antentions and inwardly aim at dominating each other.
Perhapes
in the higher intrest of mutual co-operation,we cannot afford to part with the
monopolies which
the circumstance have placed in our hands and conceal our egoism under the cloak
of nationalism,
outward simulating a large hearted patriotism but inwardly as narrow-minded as a
caste or a
tribe. Perhapes we are unwilling to recognize that each group has a right to free
development
according to its own cultural traditions."
In his allahabad presidential address he said;
"The various caste units and religious units in India have shown no inclination to
lose their individualities in a large whole. Each group is intensly jealous of its
separate
existence. The formation of the kind of moral consciousness constitute the essence
of a nation
is not possible in India."
Allama Iqbal defined the Muslims of India as a nation and suggested that there
would
be no possibility of peace in the country unless and untill they were recognized as a
nation.
Allama believed in the federal system and thoyght it as an ideal system for India. He
said;
"A unitary form of government is inconcivable for India. The residuary powers must
be
left to the self governing units. I would never like the muslims of India to agree on a
system
which negates the principles of a true federation or fails to distinguish the as a
separate
political unit. In this way only the Muslims of India will have maximum opportunities
of
development and in return would be able to render best services for the defence of
the country

against foreign invasion,be the invasion of ideas or of guns and bayonets."

Allama Iqbal expressed the Muslim sentiments and ideas in true spirit by defining
them as aseparate nation. His Presidential address washed away all the confusions
from the muslim
minds and showed them new dimensions in their struggle for freedom. The spirit
which allama Iqbal
infused in the Muslims developed into an ideological basis for the Pakistan
movement. Thus ALLAMA
IQBAL was truly a great advocate of Two-Nation theory or Ideology of Pakistan.

Ideology of Pakistan and Quaid-e-Azam

IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN AND QUAID-E-AZAM
Post Independence Problems
Pakistan was carved out in desperate urgency. It came into existence with horrible
loss of life and property, and the migration of millions of dazed and destitute men,
women, and children. The cost was heavy in terms of human suffering. But what the
Muslims wanted and what they achieved was a homeland of their own. They now
had the freedom to worship, practice their religious faith and develop their culture.
Moreover, independence had opened up a bright future for the Muslims, who hoped
for a better standard of living, economic development, prosperity and a fuller life.
But it seemed in those early years (1947-58) that the immense sacrifices might have
been in vain for Pakistan had been struggling from one major crisis to another,
fighting to ward off the multiple problems that threatened the nation.
Quaid e azam was perhapes the first statesman in the world who carved an
independent
sovereign state purely on the basis of an ideology i-e two-nation theory. quaid was a
great
suporter of two-nation theory. In his Presidential address at lahore on 23rd march
1940 he said;
"India is not a nation nor a country.It is a sub-continent,composed of nationalities,
Hindus and Muslims being the two major nations. The Hindus and the Muslims
belong to two
different religions,philosophies,social customs and literatue. They neither
intermarries nor
interdine and indeed they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly
on
conflicting ideas and conceptions.their aspects on life and of life are different. It is
quite
clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their inspirations from different sources of
history. They
have different epois,their heroes are different and have different epitodes."
Quaid e azam after entering into politics, joine All India National Congress with a
view of securing self-rule for india through constitutional means. For this objective
he

advocated Hindu-Muslim Unity. He came to be known as the "ambassodor of HinduMuslim unity."

However he was greatly disapointed to see the prejudicial and partisan attitude of
the
congress and Hindus towards the muslims. The publication of the nehru report did
the last damage.
Quai e azam at last chaged his views about Hindu-Muslim unity.
In september 1944, Quaid e azam held talks with gandhi at simla to discuss the
Rajgopalacharia formula. During these negotiations Jinnah stuck to his declared
stand on the
two-nation theory and said;
"we maintain and held that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any
definition or
test of a nation. We are a nation of a hundred million and what is more we are a
nation with
our own distinctive culture and civilization,language and literature,art and
architicture,
names and nomenclature,sense of values and proportions, legal laws and moral
codes, customs and
calendar, history and traditions, aptitudes and ambitions. In short we have owr own
distinctive
outlook on life and of life. By all canons of internationallaw we are a nation."
while addressing the students of Muslim university,Alligarh on march 8,1944 he said;
"Hindus and Muslims though living in the same towns and villages,had never been
banded
into one nation; they were always two separate entities."
On the same occasion he said;
"Pakistan started the moment the first non-muslim was converted to Islam in India
long
before the Muslims established their rule. Through out the ages Hindus had
remained Hindus and
Muslims had remained Muslims,and they had not merged their entities--that was the
basis of
Pakistan."
On 14th february 1942,he declared;
"we should base our democracy on the principles and concepts of Islam."
He wanted to see Pakistan as a country where every individual enjoyed equal rights
and
privileges. He said;
"islam teaches equality,justice and fairplay to every one."

Addressing at Islamia college peshawar in 1940,the quaid said;

"we didnot demand Pakistan simply to have apiece of land but we wanted a
laboratory where
we could experiment on Islamic principles."
Quaid e azam was very much optimistic about the future of Pakistan. He said;
"Pakistan has come into existence to stay forever."
According to K.B saeed;
"Another popular view regards Pakistan as splely the creation of Quaid
e azam. It was his dogged determination and sheer fanaticism which brought about
the partition
of the sub-continent."

Ideology of Pakistan
IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN
INTRODUCTION AND DEFINITION
The word ideology is defined as the science of ideas or system of ideas,especially
concerning social and political life.It may be defined as the set of beliefs,especially
the
political beliefs on which people,parties or countries base their actions.
DAVID APTER: Ideology helps to make more explicit the moral basis of action.
GABRIEL ALMOND: Ideology plays the adhessive role of linking thought to
behaviour.
CHAMBER'S DICTIONARY: The word Ideology means the science of
ideas,metaphysics,abstract
speculation,visionary speculation,body of ideas,way of thinking.
An ideology presents a particular code of life which influence the
social,political,cultural,
and economic aspects of human life and thus brings a harmony among the people
believing in a
particular ideology.
Reo M.Christension writes in his book: IDEOLOGIES AND MODERN POLITICS: An
ideology emerges when
people feel strongly that they are being mistreated under an existing order when their
status
is threatend by fundamental changes occurring in society and when the prevailing
ideology no
longer satisfies them.

The word ideology is composed of two Greek words 'ideo' and 'logos'. It literally
means the
science or study of ideas.
Ideology is any thing kept before us in constant view as our ideal.It means people's
ideas,
objetives. Ideology is a motivating force for a nation which is striving hard to bring
stability and homogenity to its nationhood.It brings scattered groups in a society
closer to
each other on a common platform.Ideologies give shape to the revelotions and give
birth to new
cultures and civilizations.
IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN
Pakistan is a state which came into being on ideological basis that is why
Pakistan is called an ideological state. Ideology of pakistan was actually the
ISLAMIC IDEOLOGY
on the basis of which the Muslims of the sub-continent claimed a separate sovereign
state for
themselves. The famous slogan 'PAKISTAN KA MATLAB KIA, LA ILLAHA
ILLALLAH.' became the
core of the freedom movement and the basis of pakistan.
The ideology of Pakistan took shape through a process of evolution.It started with
the
realization of the Muslims of south Asia that they are quite different from the Hindus
and
their future in a 'democratic India' dominated by Hindu majority was not safe. They
first
demanded separate electorates in 1906. Historical experience of the Muslims of
South Asia
provided the basis; Allam iqbal gave it a philosophical exposition; Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad
Ali jinnah translated it into a political reality; and the constitutional Assembly of
Pakistan
gave it legal sanction. In a nut shell the ideology of Pakistan is that;
1. The muslims of south asia are a nation in the modern sense of the word;
2.The basis of their nationhood is neither territorial,nor racial,lingustic or ethnic.
3.They are a nation because they profess the same faith ISLAM.
4.They are entitled to self-determination.
5.the areas where they are in dominant majority should be constituted into sovereign
state/
states.
6.Wherein they should be enabled to order their lives in individual and collective

spheres in
accordance with the teachings of Islam as set out in the holy Quran and Sunnah,
and
7.The state should endeavour to strengthen the bonds of unity among Muslim
countries.
TWO-NATION THEORY:
The ideology of Pakistan was based on the fact that the muslims were a separate
nation having their own culture,civilization,customs,literature,religion and way of life.
As the Muslims of India found it difficult to live according to the principles of Islam in
the
united India, they were forced to demand a separate homeland to safe guard their
national and
religious identity.
Pakistan ideology was erected on the two nation theory which meant that Hindus
and Muslims were
two separate and distinct nations whose understanding of life was totally different
from
each other.Sir syed Ahmad khan the pioneer of the Two-Nation Theory, used the
word two-nations
for hindus and Muslims, after being convinced of the Hindu and congress hatred and
prejudices
for the muslims.
AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF IDEOLOGY OF PAKISTAN
The ideology of Pakistan stems fom the instinct of the Muslim community of South
Asia
to maintain its individuality by resisting all attempts to absorb it by the Hindu society.
Pakistan ideology is based on Islamic code,which covers
social,political,economic,cultural and
all other aspects of human life. in Islam every Muslim of the world, no matter
wherever he lives
what ever the language he speaks, whatever the complexion he bears and whatever
the race he
belongs to, is a member of one MILLAT-E-ISLAMIA or UMMAH.
(1)TWO-NATION THEORY
Pakistan established on the basis of two-nation theory, which held that there were
two nations that is Hindus and Muslims--living in the sub-continent.They were totally
different

from each other in every walk of life. Ideology of pakistan was based on Two-Nation
theory in
order to give it a practicle shape.
(2)RELIGION
Hinduism and Islam are two different religions and the difference is very vast as
compared to other religions followed in the west. Hinduism believes in caste system,
while Islam
believes in the brotherhood and equality of all its followers. That is why the Muslims
of
sub-continent could not be absorbed into Hindu society.
(3)CULTURE
Islam is not only a religion but also a social system and a way of life. So the
Muslim culture has its roots deep into the teaching of Islam. This culture could in no
way be
named as "Indian" because there were many more Indians who owned so different
system of life
from that of Muslims.
(4)MODE OF LIFE
The Hindus and the Muslims had little in common in the day to day mode of life.
The houses,the utensils,the dress,the food,the festivals etc of both the people are
different
from each other.
(5)LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
The languages of the Muslims and Hindus are different from each other. The
Muslims
speaks urdu while Hindu speaks Hindi. Urdu is a modified script of arabic language
and include
a large percentage of Arabic,Persian and Turkish words. On the other hand Hindi
was written in
sanskrit script with a high percentage of sanskrit word.this difference went much
deeper in
poetry. The difference may also be noted in every branch of fine art e.g
music,painting etc.
(6) GENRAL ATTITUDE
Muslims had ruled over the sub-continent for eight hundred years. During this period
their attitude towards the Hindus was liberal and they protected their culture. Afte the
fall
of the Mughal empire, the musilms became the worst victims of both the british and
Hindu

hostilities, as the British was partial towards Hindus because of their numerical
superiority.
The Muslim apprehended that they would lose their entity if they remained the part of
Hindu society. They also demanded separte electorates on the ground they were a
different nation
from Hindus. The apprehension grew when the british decided to leave India. Now
Muslims resolved
to get an independent state even at the cost of their lives as it was the only way to
protect
their entity.

Titu Mir

Titu Mir was born on 14 Magh 1188 (Bangla calendar), 27 January 1782 at a village named
Chandpur under Bashirhat Thana of Chabbish Parguna District.
His father was Mir Hassan Ali and mother was Abeeda Rukaya Khatun.Mir Nisar Ali (Titu Mir)
was one of the greatest freedom fighters of Bangladesh.
Titu Mir become a Hafiz of Quran and scholar in Hadith. He completed his Madrassa education
at the age of 18 years.
Titu Mir was a renowned wrestler of his time. He defeated many of his contemporary boxers.
He went to Mecca in 1822 to perform Haj. There he met Saiyeed Ahmad Shaheed who inspired
him to preach the true teachings of Islam and fight for the freedom of Muslims.
Upon returning home, he started his struggle against Bidaat. He united Hindu peasants against
the Zaminders and the British occupiers and inspired them to fight for liberation of Bangladesh.
In 1822, Titu Mir went on a pilgrimage to Mecca, the Haj enjoined upon all Muslims, and on his
return he commenced organizing the peasants of his native village against the landlords or
Zamindars and the British colonialists. He also affected the 'tahband' a tube shaped garment
worn around the waist, in preference to the dhoti, seen as more overtly Hindu, and enjoined his
followers to do likewise.
Titu Mir opposed a number of discriminatory measures in force at that time which included taxes
on the earing of beards and on mosques. The rift between Titu Mir and his followers on one side,
and the local Zamindars supported by the British rulers on the other side, continued to widen,
and armed conflict broke out at several places. Titu Mir had himself served a Zamindar as a
'lathial or 'lethel' a fighter with the quarterstaff, (which in Bengal is made of bamboo, not wood)
and he was actively training his men in hand to hand combat and the use of the bamboo staff.
This weapon in skilled hands is deadly against anything except projectile weapons.
The followers of Titu Mir, believed to have grown to 5,000 by that time, readied themselves for
prolonged armed conflict, and they built their fort of bamboo at Narikelbaria, near the town
of Barasat. This was surrounded by a high double curtain wall of bamboo stakes filled in with
mud cladding and sun-baked.
Titu Mir declared independence from the British, and regions comprising the current districts of
24 Parganas, Nadia and Faridpur came under his control. The private armies of the Zamindars
and the forces of the British met with a series of defeats at the hands of his men as a result of his
strike-and-retreat guerrilla tactics.
Finally, the British forces, armed with cannon and muskets, mounted a concerted attacks on 14
November 1831, on Titu Mir and his followers.

Sheikh Ahmad Sarhindi

Sheikh Ahmad Sarhindi al-Farooqi an-Naqshbandi, was born in Sarhind on June 26,
1564.
His father Sheikh Abdul Ahad was a well-known sufi of his times.
Sheikh Ahmad received his basic education at home. His initial instructions in the
Holy Quran, Hadith and theology were rendered in Sarhind and Sialkot. Later, he
devoted most of his time to the study of Hadith, Tafseer and philosophy.

He was 36 years old that he went to Delhi and joined the Naqshbandiya Silsilah
under the discipleship of Khawaja Baqi Billah.
His aim was to rid Islam of the accretions of Hindu Pantheism. He was highly critical
of the philosophy of Wahdat-ul Wujud, against which he gave his philosophy of
Wahdat-ush-Shuhud.
He was imprisoned at Gwalior Fort for two years until the Emperor realized his
mistake. Jehangir then not only released Sheikh Ahmad, but also recalled him to
Agra. Jehangir thereafter retracted all un-Islamic laws implemented by Akbar.
He wrote many books, including his famous works, Isbat-ul-Nabat and Risal-iNabuwat. His greatest work on Islamic philosophy was the Tauheed-i-Shuhudi.
He passed away in 1624.
Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi's preaching and revival was a reaction to the secular policies
of Mughal emperor Akbar.
Sirhindi opposed innovation, or bid'ah, in religion, and even rejected the concept of
bid'ah hasanah or 'good innovation,' as stated in his epistles, the Maktbt. Notably,
he prohibited his followers from celebrating the Mawlid, a standard Sufi practice.
Syed Ab 'l-Hasan Nadw writes:
Most famous of his works are a collection of 536 letters, collectively entitled
Collected Letters or Maktbt, to the Mughal rulers and other contemporaries.

Allama Mohammad Iqbal

Allama Iqbal's Biography
Birth
Iqbal was born in the Punjab on February 22, 1873. His ancestors, who were
Kashmiri Brahmins, had embraced Islam two hundred years earlier. Iqbals own
father was a devout Muslim with Sufistic bent of mind.
Primary Education
He received his early education in Sialkot. After passing the entrance examination,
he joined Intermediary College. Mir Hassan, a great oriental scholar, had a special
aptitude for imparting his own literary taste and to his students. Under his influence,
Iqbal was drawn towards Islamic studies, which he regarded to be an outstanding
favor that he could not forget it all his life.
Higher Education
Passing on to the Government College of Lahore, Iqbal did his graduation with
English Literature, Philosophy and Arabic as his subjects. At the college he met Prof.
Arnold and Sir Abdul Qadir. Iqbals poem, Chand (moon) and other early poems
appeared in the journal (which belonged to Sir Abdul Qadir) in 1901 and were

acclaimed by critics as cutting a new path in Urdu poetry.

It did not take him long to win recognition as a rising star on the firmament of Urdu
literature.
In the mean time he had done his MA in Philosophy and was appointed as a Lecturer
in History, Philosophy and Political science at Oriental College, Lahore. He then
moved to Government College to teach Philosophy and English Literature.
Wherever Iqbal worked or thought his versatility and scholarship made a deep
impression on those around him.
In Europe
Iqbal proceeded to Europe for higher studies in 1905 and stayed there for three
years. He took the Honors Degree in Philosophy and taught Arabic at the Cambridge
University in the absence of Prof. Arnold. From England, he went to Germany to do
his doctorate in Philosophy from Munich and then returned to London to qualify for
the bar. He also served as a teacher in the London school of Commerce and passed
the Honors Examination in Economics and Political Science. During his stay in
Europe Iqbal not only read voraciously but also wrote and lectured on Islamic
subjects which added to his popularity and fame in literary circles.
Back in India
Iqbal returned to India in 1908. The poet had won all these academic laurels by the
time he was 32 or 33. He practiced as a lawyer from 1908 to 1934, when ill health
compelled him to give up his practice. In fact, his heart was not in it and he devoted
more time to philosophy and literature than to legal profession.
He attended the meetings of Anjuman Himayat-I-Islam regularly at Lahore. The
epoch making poems, Shikwa and Jawab-e-Shikwa, which he read out in the annual
convention of it one year after another, sparkled with the glow of his genius and
made him immensely popular. They became the national songs of Millet.
Iqbals other poems Tarana-e-Hind (The Indian anthem) and Tarana-e-Milli (the
Muslim Anthem) also became very popular among masses and used to be sung as
symbols of National or Muslim identity at public meetings.
The spirit of Change
The Balkan wars and the Battle of Tripoli, in 1910, shook Iqbal powerfully and
inflicted a deep wound upon his heart. In his mood of anger and frustration, he wrote
a number of stirring poems, which together with portraying the anguish of Muslims
were severely critical of the West.
The spirit of change is evident in poems like Bilad-e-Islamia (the lands of Islam),
Wataniat (Nationalism), Muslim, Fatima Bint Abdullah (who was killed in the siege of
Cyrainca, Siddiq, Bilal, Tahzib-e-Hazir (Modern civilization) and Huzoor-e-Risalat
Maab Mein (in the presence of Sacred Prophet).

In these poems, Iqbal deplores the attitude of Muslim leaders who lay a claim to
Islamic leadership and yet are devoid of a genuine spiritual attachment to the
blessed Prophet.
The turning point in Iqbals Life
Iqbal was shaken by the tragic events of World War I and the disaster the Muslims
had to face. The genius had passed through the formative period. He had attained
maturity as a poet, thinker, seer and crusader who could read the signs of tomorrow
in the happenings of today, make predictions, present hard facts and unravel
abstruse truths through the medium of poetry and ignite the flame of faith, Selfhood
and courage by his own intensity of feeling and force of expression. Khizr-e-Raah
(The Guide) occupies the place of pride among the poems he wrote during this
period. Bang-e-Dara (The caravan bell) published in 1929 has held a place of honor
in Urdu poetry and world poetry.
Iqbal preferred Persian for poetic expression because its circle was wider than that
of Urdu in Muslim India. His Persian works, Asrar-e-khudi (Secrets of the self),
Rumuz-e-Bekhudi (Mysteries of Selflessness), Payam-e-Mashriq (Message of the
East), Javed Nama (The Song of Eternity) belong to the same period of his life. And
so is Reconstruction of Religious Thoughts in Islam, which was extensively
appreciated and translated into many languages. Academies were set up in Italy and
Germany for the study of Iqbals poetry and philosophy.
Politics
In 1927 the poet was elected to the Punjab Legislative assembly. In 1930, he was
elected to preside over at the annual session of Muslim League. In his presidential
address at Allahabad, Iqbal for the first time introduced the idea of Pakistan. In 193031, he attended the Round Table conference, which met in London to frame a
constitution for India.
In Spain
While in England, Iqbal accepted the hospitality of Spain. He also went to Cordoba
and had the distinction of being the first Muslim to offer prayers at its historical
mosque after the exile of Moors. Memories of the past glory of Arabs and their 800year rule over Spain were revived in his mind and his emotions were aroused by
what he saw.
Meeting with Mussolini
In Italy Iqbal was received by Mussolini who had read some of his works and was
aquatinted with his philosophy. They had long meetings and talked freely to each
other.
The Universities of Cambridge, Rome and Madrid and the Roman Royal society
organized meetings in his honor. On his way back he also went to Jerusalem to

attend the International Conference of Motamar-i-Isalami.

In Afghanistan
At the invitation of King Nadir Shah, Iqbal visited Afghanistan in 1932. The king
received the poet with great honor and met hi privately, as well during which he laid
bare his heart. The two talked and wept.
Iqbals Death
The last phase of Iqbals life was embittered with constant illness. But as regards his
creative activities this product was most productive. He kept in touch with every
question of the day and continued composing beautiful verses.
A few minutes before his death he recited these touching lines:
The departed melody may return or not!
The zephyr from Hijaz may blow again or not!
The days of this Faqir has come to an end,

Liaquat Ali Khan Oct 1-1896-Oct 16-1951

Liaquat Ali Khan Oct 1, 1896 - Oct 16, 1951
Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan,was born on October 1, 1896, in a Madal Pathan
(Nausherwan) family.
He graduated in 1918 from M. A. O. College, Aligarh.
He married his cousin, Jehangira Begum in 1918.
In 1921, he obtained a degree in Law from Oxford and was called to Bar at Inner
Temple in 1922.
In1923, Liaquat Ali Khan decided to enter politics with the objective to help the Indian
Muslims so he joined the Muslim League in 1923.
Liaquat Ali started his parliamentary career from the U. P. Legislative Assembly in
1926 as an independent candidate. Later he formed his own party, The Democratic
Party, within the Legislative Assembly and was elected as its leader. He remained
the member of the U. P. Legislative Council till 1940 when he was elected to the
Central Legislative Assembly.
He was one of the members of the Muslim League delegation that attended the
National Convention held at Calcutta to discuss the Nehru Report in December
1928.
Liaquat Ali's second marriage took place in 1933. His wife Begum Ra'ana was a
distinguished economist and an educationist.
Liaquat was elected as the Honorary Sectary of the party on April 26, 1936. He held
the office till the establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In 1940, he was made the deputy
leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party.

Liaquat Ali Khan won the Central Legislature election in 1945-46 from the Meerut
Constituency in U. P. He was given the portfolio of finance.
After independence, Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim League appointed Liaquat to be the
head of the Pakistan Government as the first Prime Minister of the country.
He presented the Objectives Resolution in the Legislative Assembly. The house
passed this on March 12, 1949.
Under his leadership a team also drafted the first report of the Basic Principle
Committee.
His efforts in signing the Liaquat-Nehru pact pertaining to the minority issue in 1950
reduced tensions between India and Pakistan.
In May 1951, he visited the United States and set the course of Pakistan's foreign
policy towards closer ties with the West.
On October 16, 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated.Liaquat Ali Khan was
officially given the title of Shaheed-i-Millat.

Foreign relations of Pakistan

Foreign relations of Pakistan
The British Raj(1858 -1947)

The British Raj (Raj in Hindi/Urdu meaning Rule) refers to the British rule between
1858 and 1947 of the Indian Subcontinent, or present-day India, Bangladesh,
Pakistan, and Myanmar, during which period these lands were under the colonial
control of Britain as part of the British Empire.
Since the independence of these countries, their pre-independent existence has
been loosely referred to as British India, although prior to Independence that term
referred only to those portions of the subcontinent under direct rule by the British
administration in Delhi and previously Calcutta. Much of the territory under British
sway during this time was not directly ruled by the British, but were nominally
independent Princely States which were directly under the rule of the Maharajas,
Rajas, Thakurs and Nawabs who entered into treaties as sovereigns with the
British monarch as their feudal superior.This system was as Subsidiary Alliance.
Aden was part of "British India" from 1839, as was Burma from 1886; both became
separate crown colonies of the British Empire in 1937. It lasted from 1858, when
the rule of the British East India Company was transferred to the Crown, until
1947, when pre-independence India was partitioned into two sovereign states,
India and Pakistan due to inimical interests of the British and by the Divide and
Rule Policy. Although Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) is peripheral to the Indian
subcontinent, it is not counted part of the Raj, as it was ruled as a Crown Colony
from London rather than by the Viceroy of India as a part of the Indian Empire.
French India and Portuguese India consisted of small coastal enclaves governed
by France and Portugal, respectively; they were integrated into India after Indian
independence. allegra and cheslea won the war against idnia
History
On December 31, 1600, Queen Elizabeth I of England granted a royal charter to the
British East India Company to carry out trade with the East. Ships first arrived in
India in 1608, docking at Surat in modern-day Gujarat. Four years later, British
traders defeated the Portuguese at the Battle of Swally, gaining the favour of the

Mughal emperor Jahangir in the process. In 1615, King James I sent Sir Thomas
Roe as his ambassador to Jahangir's court, and a commercial treaty was
concluded in which the Mughals allowed the Company to build trading posts in
India in return for goods from Europe. The Company traded in such commodities
as cotton, silk, saltpetre, indigo, and tea.
By the mid-1600s, the Company had established trading posts or "factories" in
major Indian cities, such as Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras in addition to their first
factory at Surat (built in 1612). In 1670, King Charles II granted the company the
right to acquire territory, raise an army, mint its own money, and exercise legal
jurisdiction in areas under its control.
By the last decade of the 17th century, the Company was arguably its own
"nation" on the Indian subcontinent, possessing considerable military might and
ruling three presidencies.
The British first established a territorial foothold in the Indian subcontinent when
Company-funded soldiers commanded by Robert Clive defeated the Bengali
Nawab Siraj Ud Daulah at the Battle of Plassey in 1757. Bengal's riches were
expropriated, the East India Company monopolised Bengali trade and Bengal
became a British protectorate directly under its rule. Bengali farmers and
craftsmen were obliged to render their labour for minimal remuneration while their
collective tax burden increased greatly. Some believe that as a consequence, the
famine of 1769 to 1773 cost the lives of 10 million Bengalis. A similar catastrophe
occurred almost a century later, after Britain had extended its rule across the
Indian subcontinent, when 40 million Indians perished from famine.
Building the Raj: British expansion across India
The Regulating Act of 1773 that was passed by the British Parliament granted
Whitehall, the British government administration, ultimate control of the company.
It also established the post of Governor-General of India, the first occupant of
which was Warren Hastings. Further acts, such as the Charter Acts of 1813 and
1833, further defined the relationship of the Company and the British government.
At the turn of the 19th century, Governor-General Lord Wellesley began
expanding the Company's domain on a large scale, defeating Tippoo Sultan (also
spelled Tipu Sultan), annexing Mysore in southern India, and removing all French
influence from the subcontinent. In the mid-19th century, Governor-General Lord
Dalhousie launched perhaps the Company's most ambitious expansion, defeating
the Sikhs in the Anglo-Sikh Wars (and annexing Punjab with the exception of the
Phulkian States) and subduing Burma in the Second Burmese War. He also
justified the takeover of small princely states such as Satara, Sambalpur, Jhansi,
and Nagpur by way of the doctrine of lapse, which permitted the Company to
annex any princely state whose ruler had died without a male heir. The annexation
of Oudh in 1856 proved to be the Company's final territorial acquisition, as the
following year saw the boiling over of Indian grievances toward the so-called
"Company Raj".
The Indian Mutiny or "Indian's first War of Independence"
On May 10, 1857, soldiers of the British Indian Army (known as "sepoys," from
Urdu/Persian sipaahi or sepaahi = "soldier"), drawn from the native Hindu and
Muslim population, mutinied in Meerut, a cantonment eighty kilometres northeast
of Delhi. The rebels marched to Delhi to offer their services to the Mughal
emperor, and soon much of north and central India was plunged into a year-long
insurrection against the British East India Company. Many native regiments and
Indian kingdoms joined the revolt, while other Indian units and Indian kingdoms
backed the British commanders and the HEIC.
Causes of the rebellion

The uprising, which seriously threatened British rule in India, was undoubtedly
the culmination of mounting Indian resentment toward British social and political
policies over many decades. Until the rebellion, the British had succeeded in
suppressing numerous riots and "tribal" wars or in accommodating them through
concessions, but two factors one a trend and the other a single event
triggered the violent explosion of wrath in 1857.
The trend was the policy of annexation pursued by Governor-General Lord
Dalhousie, based mainly on his "Doctrine of Lapse", which held that princely
states would be merged into company-ruled territory in case a ruler died without
direct heir. This denied the native rulers the right to adopt an heir in such an
event; adoption had been pervasive practise in the Hindu states hitherto,
sanctioned both by religion and by secular tradition. The states annexed under
this doctrine included such major kingdoms as Satara, Thanjavur, Sambhal,
Jhansi, Jetpur, Udaipur, and Baghat. Additionally, the company had annexed,
without pretext, the rich kingdoms of Sind in 1843 and Oudh in 1856, the latter a
wealthy princely state that generated huge revenue and represented a vestige of
Mughal authority. This greed for land, especially in a group of small-town and
middle-class British merchants, whose parvenu background was increasingly
evident and galling to Indians of rank, had alienated a large section of the landed
and ruling aristocracy, who were quick to take up the cause of evicting the
merchants once the revolt was kindled.
The spark that lit the fire was the result of a very convincing, though untrue,
rumour about a British blunder in using new cartridges for the Pattern 1853
Enfield rifle that were greased with animal fat, rumoured to now be a combination
of pig-fat and cow-fat. This was offensive to the religious beliefs of both Muslim
and Hindu sepoys, who refused to use the cartridges and, under provocation,
finally mutinied against their British officers.
Course of the rebellion
The rebellion soon engulfed much of North India, including Oudh and various
areas that had lately passed from the control of Maratha princes to the company.
The unprepared British were terrified, without replacements for the casualties.
The rebellion inflicted havoc on Indians and the community suffered humiliation
and triumph in battle as well, although the final outcome was victory for the
British. Isolated mutinies also occurred at military posts in the centre of the
subcontinent. The last major sepoy rebels surrendered on June 21, 1858, at
Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh), one of the principal centres of the revolt. A final battle
was fought at Sirwa Pass on May 21, 1859, and the defeated rebels fled into Nepal.
Aftermath of the 1857 Rebellion and the formal initiation of the Raj
The rebellion was a major turning point in the history of modern India. In May
1858, the British exiled Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar II (r. 1837 57) to Rangoon,
Burma (now Yangon, Myanmar), after executing most of his family, thus formally
liquidating the Mughal Empire. Bahadur Shah Zafar, known as the Poet King,
contributed some of Urdu's most beautiful poetry, with the underlying theme of
the freedom struggle. The Emperor was not allowed to return and died in solitary
confinement in 1862. The Emperor's three sons, also involved in the War of
Independence, were arrested and shot in Delhi by Major Hodson William Stephen
Raikes Hodson of the British Indian Army.
Cultural and religious centres were closed down, properties and estates were
confiscated. At the same time, the British abolished the British East India
Company and replaced it with direct rule under the British Crown. In proclaiming
the new direct-rule policy to "the Princes, Chiefs, and Peoples of India", Queen
Victoria (who was given the title Empress of India in 1877) promised equal

treatment under British law, but Indian mistrust of British rule had become a
legacy of the 1857 rebellion.
Many existing economic and revenue policies remained virtually unchanged in the
post-1857 period, but several administrative modifications were introduced,
beginning with the creation in London of a cabinet post, the Secretary of State for
India. The governor-general (called viceroy when acting as representative to the
nominally sovereign "princely states" or "native states"), headquartered in
Calcutta, ran the administration in India, assisted by executive and legislative
councils. Beneath the governor-general were the governors of Provinces of India,
who held power over the division and district officials, who formed the lower
rungs of the Indian Civil Service. For decades the Indian Civil Service was the
exclusive preserve of the British-born, as were the superior ranks in such other
professions as law and medicine. This continued until the 1910s when a small but
steadily growing number of native-born Indians, educated in British schools on
the Subcontinent or in Britain, were able to assume such positions.
The Viceroy of India announced in 1858 that the government would honour former
treaties with princely states and renounced the "Doctrine of Lapse", whereby the
East India Company had annexed territories of rulers who died without male heirs.
About 40 percent of Indian territory and 20 25 percent of the population
remained under the control of 562 princes notable for their religious (Islamic,
Hindu, Sikh and other) and ethnic diversity. Their propensity for pomp and
ceremony became proverbial, while their domains, varying in size and wealth,
lagged behind socio-political transformations that took place elsewhere in Britishcontrolled India. A more thorough re-organisation was effected in the constitution
of army and government finances. Shocked by the extent of solidarity among
Indian soldiers during the rebellion, the government separated the army into the
three presidencies. The Indian Councils Act of 1861 restored legislative powers to
the presidencies, which had been given exclusively to the governor-general by
the Charter Act of 1833.
British attitudes toward Indians shifted from relative openness to insularity and
xenophobia, even against those with comparable background and achievement as
well as loyalty. British families and their servants lived in cantonments at a
distance from Indian settlements. Private clubs where the British gathered for
social interaction became symbols of exclusivity and snobbery that refused to
disappear decades after the British had left India. In 1883 the government of India
attempted to remove race barriers in criminal jurisdictions by introducing a bill
empowering Indian judges to adjudicate offences committed by Europeans.
Public protests and editorials in the British press, however, forced the viceroy
George Robinson, First Marquess of Ripon, (who served from 1880 to 1884), to
capitulate and modify the bill drastically. The Bengali "Hindu intelligentsia"
learned a valuable political lesson from this "white mutiny": the effectiveness of
well-orchestrated agitation through demonstrations in the streets and publicity in
the media when seeking redress for real and imagined grievances.
Post-1857 India also experienced a period of unprecedented calamity when the
region was swept by a series of frequent and devastating famines, among the
most catastrophic on record. Approximately 25 major famines spread through
states such as Tamil Nadu in South India, Bihar in the north, and Bengal in the
east in the latter half of the 19th century, killing between 30 40 million Indians.
Contemporary observers of the famines such as Romesh Dutt as well as presentday scholars such as Amartya Sen attributed the famines both to uneven rainfall
and British economic and administrative policies, which since 1857 had led to the
seizure and conversion of local farmland to foreign-owned plantations,

restrictions on internal trade, inflationary measures that increased the price of

food, and substantial exports of staple crops from India to the United Kingdom
(Dutt, 1900 and 1902; Srivastava, 1968; Sen, 1982; Bhatia, 1985). Some British
citizens such as William Digby agitated for policy reforms and better famine relief,
but Lord Lytton, son of the poet Edward Bulwer-Lytton and the governing British
viceroy in India, opposed such changes in the belief that they would stimulate
shirking by Indian workers. The famines continued until independence in 1947,
with the Bengal Famine of 1943 44 among the most devastating killing 3
4 million Indians during World War II.
Native industries in India were also decimated in the aftermath of the 1857
rebellion, particularly during the three decades from 1870 to 1900 (with the
notable exception of the jute industry, which benefited from the global industrial
revolution), as the mercantilist policies of the Raj flooded India with imports while
minimising native production and exports. Economic historians estimate that
India commanded roughly 25% of world GDP by 1800, but perhaps a tenth of that
by the 20th century, due in large part to the severe and rapid decline in the
Subcontinent's native industries (Maddison, Bairoch, Frank).
Beginnings of self-government
The first steps were taken toward self-government in British India in the late 19th
century with the appointment of Indian counsellors to advise the British viceroy
and the establishment of provincial councils with Indian members; the British
subsequently widened participation in legislative councils with the Indian
Councils Act of 1892.
The Government of India Act of 1909 also known as the Morley-Minto Reforms
(John Morley was the secretary of state for India, and Gilbert Elliot, fourth earl of
Minto, was viceroy) gave Indians limited roles in the central and provincial
legislatures, known as legislative councils. Indians had previously been
appointed to legislative councils, but after the reforms some were elected to them.
At the centre, the majority of council members continued to be governmentappointed officials, and the viceroy was in no way responsible to the legislature.
At the provincial level, the elected members, together with unofficial appointees,
outnumbered the appointed officials, but responsibility of the governor to the
legislature was not contemplated. Morley made it clear in introducing the
legislation to the British Parliament that parliamentary self-government was not
the goal of the British government.
The Morley-Minto Reforms were a milestone. Step by step, the elective principle
was introduced for membership in Indian legislative councils. The "electorate"
was limited, however, to a small group of upper-class Indians. These elected
members increasingly became an "opposition" to the "official government".
Communal electorates were later extended to other communities and made a
political factor of the Indian tendency toward group identification through religion.
The practice created certain vital questions for all concerned. The intentions of
the British were questioned. How humanitarian was their concern for the
minorities? Were separate electorates a manifestation of "divide and rule"?
For Muslims it was important both to gain a place in all-India politics and to retain
their Muslim identity, objectives that required varying responses according to
circumstances, as the example of Muhammed Ali Jinnah illustrates. Jinnah, who
was born in 1876, studied law in England and began his career as an enthusiastic
liberal in Congress on returning to India. In 1913 he joined the Muslim League,
which had been shocked by the 1911 annulment of the partition of Bengal into
cooperating with Congress to make demands on the British. Jinnah continued his
membership in Congress until 1919. During this dual membership period, he was

described by a leading Congress spokesperson, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, as the

"ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity".
After World War I
India's important contributions to the efforts of the British Empire in World War I
stimulated further demands by Indians and further response from the British. The
Congress Party and the Muslim League met in joint session in December 1916.
Under the leadership of Jinnah and Pandit Motilal Nehru (father of Jawaharlal
Nehru), unity was preached and a proposal for constitutional reform was made
that included the concept of separate electorates. The resulting Congress-Muslim
League Pact was a sincere effort to compromise. Congress accepted the separate
electorates demanded by the Muslim League, and the Muslim League joined with
Congress in demanding self-government. The pact was expected to lead to
permanent and constitutional united action.
In August 1917 the British government formally announced a policy of "increasing
association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual
development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive
realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British
Empire." Constitutional reforms were embodied in the Government of India Act
1919, also known as the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms (Edwin Samuel Montagu
was the United Kingdom's Secretary of State for India; the Viscount Chelmsford
was viceroy). These reforms represented the maximum concessions the British
were prepared to make at that time. The franchise was extended, and increased
authority was given to central and provincial legislative councils, but the viceroy
remained responsible only to London.
The changes at the provincial level were significant, as the provincial legislative
councils contained a considerable majority of elected members. In a system
called "dyarchy", based on an approach developed by Lionel Curtis, the nationbuilding departments of government agriculture, education, public works, and
the like were placed under ministers who were individually responsible to the
legislature. The departments that made up the "steel frame" of British rule
finance, revenue, and home affairs were retained by executive councillors who
were often (but not always) British, and who were responsible to the governor.
The 1919 reforms did not satisfy political demands in India. The British repressed
opposition and restrictions on the press and on movement were re-enacted. An
apparently unwitting example of violation of rules against the gathering of people
led to the massacre at Jalianwala Bagh in Amritsar in April 1919. This tragedy
galvanized such political leaders as Jawaharlal Nehru (1889 1964) and
Mohandas Karamchand "Mahatma" Gandhi (1869 1948) and the masses who
followed them to press for further action.
The Allies' post-World War I peace settlement with Turkey provided an additional
stimulus to the grievances of the Muslims, who feared that one goal of the Allies
was to end the caliphate of the Ottoman sultan. After the end of the Mughal
Empire, the Ottoman caliph had become the symbol of Islamic authority and unity
to Indian Sunni Muslims. A pan-Islamic movement, known as the Khilafat
Movement, spread in India. It was a mass repudiation of Muslim loyalty to British
rule and thus legitimated Muslim participation in the Indian nationalist movement.
The leaders of the Khilafat Movement used Islamic symbols to unite the diverse
but assertive Muslim community on an all-India basis and bargain with both
Congress leaders and the British for recognition of minority rights and political
concessions.
Muslim leaders from the Deoband and Aligarh movements joined Gandhi in
mobilising the masses for the 1920 and 1921 demonstrations of civil disobedience

and non-cooperation in response to the massacre at Amritsar. At the same time,

Gandhi endorsed the Khilafat Movement, thereby placing many Hindus behind
what had been solely a Muslim demand.
Despite impressive achievements, however, the Khilafat Movement failed. Turkey
rejected the caliphate and became a secular state. Furthermore, the religious,
mass-based aspects of the movement alienated such Western-oriented
constitutional politicians as Jinnah, who resigned from Congress. Other Muslims
also were uncomfortable with Gandhi's leadership. The British historian Sir
Percival Spear wrote that "a mass appeal in his Gandhi's hands could not be
other than a Hindu one. He could transcend caste but not community. The Hindu
devices he used went sour in the mouths of Muslims". In the final analysis, the
movement failed to lay a lasting foundation of Indian unity and served only to
aggravate Hindu-Muslim differences among masses that were being politicised.
Indeed, as India moved closer to the self-government implied in the MontaguChelmsford Reforms, rivalry over what might be called the spoils of independence
sharpened the differences between the communities.
World War II and the End of the Raj
By 1942, Indians were divided over World War II, as the British had unilaterally
and without consultation entered India into the war. Some wanted to support the
British during the Battle of Britain, hoping for eventual independence through this
support. Others were enraged by the British disregard for Indian intelligence and
civil rights, and were unsympathetic to the travails of the British people, which
they saw as rightful revenge for the enslavement of Indians. The British Indian
army came to be the largest all-volunteer army in the history of the world
However, even during the war, in July 1942, the Indian National Congress had
passed a resolution demanding complete independence from Britain. The draft
proposed that if the British did not accede to the demands, massive civil
disobedience would be launched. In August 1942 the Quit India Resolution was
passed at the Bombay session of the All India Congress Committee (AICC)
marking the start of what was the Quit India Movement. The movement was to see
massive, and initially peaceful demonstrations and denial of authority,
undermining the British War effort. Large-scale protests and demonstrations were
held all over the country. Workers remained absent en masse and strikes were
called. The movement also saw widespread acts of sabotage, Indian underground organization carried out bomb attacks on allied supply convoys,
government buildings were set on fire, electricity lines were disconnected and
transport and communication lines were severed.
The movement soon became a leaderless act of defiance, with a number of acts
that deviated from Gandhi's principle of non-violence. In large parts of the
country, the local underground organizations took over the movement. However,
by 1943, Quit India had petered out.
However, at the time the war was at its bloodiest in Europe and Asia, the Indian
revolutionary leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose escaped from house arrest in
Calcutta and ultimately made his way to Germany, and then to Japanese south
asia to seek Axis help to raise an army to fight the shackles of the Raj. Bose
formed what came to be known as the Azad Hind Government as the Provisional
Free Indian Government in exile, and organized the Indian National Army with
Indian POWs and Indian expatriates Southeast Asia with the help of the Japanese.
Its aim was to reach India as a fighting force that would inspire public resentment
and revolts within the Indian soldiers to defeat the Raj. The INA fought hard in the
forests of Assam, Bengal and Burma, laying siege to Imphal and Kohima with the
Japanese 15th Army. It would ultimately fail, owing to disrupted logistics, poor

arms and supplies from the Japanese, and lack of support and training However,
Bose's audacious actions and radical initiative energized a new generation of
Indians. Many historians have argued that it was the INA and the mutinies it
inspired among the British Indian Armed forces that was the true driving force for
India's independence. The stories of the Azad Hind movement and its army that
came to public attention during the trials of soldiers of the INA in 1945, were seen
as so inflammatory that, fearing mass revolts and uprisings not just in India,
but across its empire the British Government forbade the BBC to broadcast
their story. Newspapers reported at the time a summary execution of INA soldiers
held at Red FortDuring and after the trial, mutinies broke out in the British Indian
Army, most notably in the Royal Indian Navy; these found public support
throughout India, from Karachi to Bombay and from Vizag to Calcutta.
These revolts, faced by the weakened post-war Raj, coupled with the fact that the
faith in the British Indian Armed forces had been lost, ultimately shaped the
decision to end the Raj. By early 1946, all political prisoners had been released.
British openly adopted a political dialogue with the Indian National Congress for
the eventual independence of India. On August 15, 1947, the transfer of Power
took place. At midnight on August 14, 1947 Pakistan (including modern
Bangladesh) was granted independence. India was granted independence the
following day.
Most people would give these dates as the end of the British Raj. However, some
people argue that it continued until 1950 in India when it adopted a republican
constitution.
Provinces
At the time of independence, British India consisted of the following provinces:
Ajmer-Merwara-Kekri
Andaman and Nicobar Islands
Assam
Baluchistan
Bengal
Bihar
Bombay Province - Bombay
Central Provinces and Berar
Coorg
Delhi Province - Delhi
Madras Province - Madras
North-West Frontier Province
Panth-Piploda
Orissa
Punjab
Sindh
United Provinces (Agra and Oudh)
Eleven provinces (Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Bombay, Central Provinces, Madras,
North-West Frontier, Orissa, Punjab, and Sindh) were headed by a governor. The
remaining six (Ajmer Merwara, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Baluchistan, Coorg,
Delhi, and Panth-Piploda) were governed by a chief commissioner.
There were also several hundred Princely States, under British protection but
ruled by native rulers. Among the most notable of these were Jaipur, Hyderabad,
Mysore, and Jammu and Kashmir.
Pakistan is the second largest Muslim country in terms of population (behind Indonesia),
and its status as a declared nuclear power, being the only Islamic nation to have that

status, plays a part in its international role. Pakistan is also an important member of the
Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC).
Pakistan is an active member of the United Nations. Historically, its foreign policy has
encompassed difficult relations with India, a desire for a stable Afghanistan, longstanding close relations with China, extensive security and economic interests in the
Persian Gulf and wide-ranging bilateral relations with the United States and other
Western countries.
Wary of Soviet expansion, Pakistan had strong relations with both the United States of
America and the People's Republic of China during much of the Cold War. It was a
member of the CENTO and SEATO military alliances. Its alliance with the United States
was especially close after the Soviets invaded the neighboring country of Afghanistan. In
1964, Pakistan signed the Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) Pact with
Turkey and Iran, when all three countries were closely allied with the U.S., and as
neighbors of the Soviet Union, wary of perceived Soviet expansionism. To this day,
Pakistan has a close relationship with Turkey. RCD became defunct after the Iranian
Revolution, and a Pakistani-Turkish initiative led to the founding of the Economic
Cooperation Organisation (ECO) in 1985. Pakistan's relations with India have improved
recently and this has opened up Pakistan's foreign policy to issues beyond security. This
development might completely change the complexion of Pakistan's foreign relations.
Bilateral and regional relations
China
In 1950, Pakistan was among the first countries to break relations with the
Republic of China on Taiwan and recognize the People's Republic of China.
Following the Sino-Indian hostilities of 1962, Pakistan's relations with the PRC
became stronger; since then, the two countries have regularly exchanged highlevel visits resulting in a variety of agreements. The PRC has provided economic,
military, and technical assistance to Pakistan. The alliance remains strong.
Favorable relations with China have been a pillar of Pakistan's foreign policy.
China strongly supported Pakistan's opposition to Soviet involvement in
Afghanistan and was perceived by Pakistan as a regional counterweight to India
and the USSR. The PRC and Pakistan also share a close military relation, with
China supplying a range of modern armaments to the Pakistani defence forces.
Lately, military cooperation has deepened with joint projects producing
armaments ranging from fighter jets to guided missile frigates. Chinese
cooperation with Pakistan has reached high economic points with substantial
investment from China in Pakistani infrastructural expansion, including the noted
project in the Pakistani port in Gwadar.
Republic of India
Since independence, relations between Pakistan and India have been
characterized by rivalry and suspicion. Although many issues divide the two
countries, the most sensitive one since independence has been the status of
Kashmir.
At the time of partition, the princely state of Kashmir, though ruled by a Hindu

Maharajah, had an overwhelmingly Muslim population. When the Maharajah

hesitated in acceding to either Pakistan or India in 1947, some of his Muslim
subjects, aided by tribesmen from Pakistan, revolted in favor of joining Pakistan.
India has long alleged that regular troops from Pakistan had participated in the
partial occupation of Kashmir from the Western front. In exchange for military
assistance in containing the revolt, the Kashmiri ruler offered his allegiance to
India. Indian troops occupied the central & eastern portion of Kashmir, including
its capital, Srinagar, while the west-north western part came under Pakistani
control.
India addressed this dispute in the United Nations on January 1, 1948. One year
later, the UN arranged a cease-fire along a line dividing Kashmir, but leaving the
northern end of the line undemarcated and the vale of Kashmir (with the majority
of the population) under Indian control. India and Pakistan agreed with Indian
resolutions which called for an UN-supervised plebiscite to determine the state's
future.
Full-scale hostilities erupted in September 1965, when insurgents who were
trained and supplied by Pakistan were operating in India-controlled Kashmir. (See
Operation Gibraltar) Hostilities ceased three weeks later, following mediation
efforts by the UN and interested countries. In January 1966, Indian and Pakistani
representatives met in Tashkent, U.S.S.R., and agreed to attempt a peaceful
settlement of Kashmir and their other differences.
Following Pakistan's defeat in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, Pakistan President
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi met in the mountain
town of Shimla, India, in July 1972 for the Shimla Accord. They agreed to a line of
control in Kashmir resulting from the December 17, 1971 cease-fire, and endorsed
the principle of settlement of bilateral disputes through peaceful means. In 1974,
Pakistan and India agreed to resume postal and telecommunications linkages, and
to enact measures to facilitate travel. Trade and diplomatic relations were restored
in 1976 after a hiatus of five years.
India's nuclear test in 1974 generated great uncertainty in Pakistan and is
generally acknowledged to have been the impetus for Pakistan's nuclear weapons
development program. In 1983, the Pakistani and Indian governments accused
each other of aiding separatists in their respective countries, i.e., Sikhs in India's
Punjab state and Sindhis in Pakistan's Sindh province. In April 1984, tensions
erupted after troops were deployed to the Siachen Glacier, a high-altitude desolate
area close to the China border left undemarcated by the cease-fire agreement
(Karachi Agreement) signed by Pakistan and India in 1949.
Tensions diminished after Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister in November 1984
and after a group of Sikh hijackers was brought to trial by Pakistan in March 1985.
In December 1985, President Zia and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi pledged not to
attack each other's nuclear facilities. (A formal "no attack" agreement was signed
in January 1991) In early 1986, the Indian and Pakistani governments began highlevel talks to resolve the Siachen Glacier border dispute and to improve trade.
Bilateral tensions increased in early 1990, when Kashmiri militants began a
campaign of violence against Indian Government authority in Jammu and
Kashmir. Subsequent high-level bilateral meetings relieved the tensions between

India and Pakistan, but relations worsened again after the destruction of the Babri
Mosque by Hindu extremists in December 1992 and terrorist bombings in Bombay
in March 1993. Talks between the Foreign Secretaries of both countries in January
1994 resulted in deadlock.
In the last several years, the Indo-Pakistani relationship has veered sharply
between rapprochement and conflict. After taking office in February 1997, Prime
Minister Nawaz Sharif moved to resume official dialog with India. A number of
meetings at the foreign secretary and prime ministerial level took place, with
positive atmospherics but little concrete progress. The relationship improved
markedly when Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee traveled to Lahore for a summit
with Sharif in February 1999. There was considerable hope that the meeting could
lead to a breakthrough. Unfortunately, in spring 1999 infiltrators from Pakistan
occupied positions on the Indian side of the Line of Control in the remote,
mountainous area of Kashmir near Kargil, threatening the ability of India to supply
its forces on Siachen Glacier. By early summer, serious fighting flared in the
Kargil sector. The fighting lasted about a month and Indian forces were able to
push back the infiltrators (India accused that it was Pakistan's military which had
occupied Indian posts in the region. Indian Army left their posts in winter). The
Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif fearing that Indian Army might enter into
Pakistan chasing the infiltrators held a meeting with the US president Bill Clinton
in July and offered the withdrawal of Pakistan's army from remaining posts with
India, which India later on accepted. The Kargil war was a severe blow to the
image of Pakistan because of the army involvement in the war.
Relations between India and Pakistan have since been particularly strained,
especially since the October 12, 1999 Pakistani coup d'tat in Islamabad. India has
time and again alleged that Pakistan provides monetary and material support to
Kashmiri terrorists, a charge which Pakistan has always denied. The last few
years have been particularly cantankerous in this regard, with India accusing
Pakistan of abetting cross-border terrorism from its territory. Pakistan claims to
provide only moral support to the fighters and maintains that the conflict is
indigenous in nature. However, many of the terrorist outfits like Lashkar-e-Taiba
and others operating in Jammu and Kashmir have their offices in Pakistan. The
terrorist Maulana Masood Azhar, released from the Indian prison in 1999 in
exchange of Indian nationals, who were on board in an Indian Airlines Aeroplane,
which was going to New Delhi from Kathmandu, Nepal. It was hijacked by four
Militants (all Pakistani nationals, though Pakistan denied this) and was taken to
Kandhar in Afghanistan. After release from the Indian prison, Maulana Masood
Azhar made a public appearance in Pakistan and formed another terrorist outfit
named Jaish-e-Mohammed. Hopes of peaceful resolution of issues through
dialogue have met a stalemate a number of times over the issue. On June 20,
2004, both countries agreed to extend a nuclear testing ban and to set up a hotline
between their foreign secretaries aimed at preventing misunderstandings that
might lead to a nuclear war.
Pakistan shares a long and porous border with Afghanistan (also called the
Durand Line). The border is poorly marked. The problem is exacerbated by close
relations between the fiercely-independent Pashtun peoples who live on both
sides of the border.
Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, the Pakistani Government

played a vital role in supporting the Afghan resistance movement and assisting
Afghan refugees. After the Soviet withdrawal in February 1989, Pakistan, with
cooperation from the world community, continued to provide extensive support
for displaced Afghans. In 1999, the United States provided approximately $70
million in humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan and Afghan refugees in
Pakistan, mainly through multilateral organizations and NGOs.
The overthrow of the Taliban Regime in November 2001 has seen somewhat
strained relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The present administration
in Kabul feels that the remnants of the former Taliban government are being
supported by certain factions within Pakistan.
A large share of Afghanistan's foreign trade is either with, or passes through,
Pakistan.
Bangladesh
Pakistan enjoys warm relations with Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan), despite
the strained early days of their relationship. Landmarks in their reconciliation are:
An August 1973 agreement between Bangladesh and Pakistan on the repatriation
of numerous individuals, including 90,000 Pakistani prisoners of war stranded in
Bangladesh as a result of the 1971 conflict;
A February 1974 accord by Bangladesh and Pakistan on mutual diplomatic
recognition, followed more than 2 years later by establishment of formal
diplomatic relations on January 18th 1976;
The organization by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) of an
airlift that moved almost 250,000 Bengalis from Pakistan to Bangladesh, and nonBengalis from Bangladesh to Pakistan; and
Exchanges of high-level visits, including a visit by Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto
to Bangladesh in 1989 and visits by Prime Minister khalida Zia to Pakistan in 1992
and in 1995.
Still to be resolved are the division of assets from the pre-1971 period and the
status of more than 250,000 non-Bengalis who are ethnically Biharis also known
as Stranded Pakistanis remaining in Bangladesh but seeking resettlement in
Pakistan.
Soviet Union/Russian Federation
Under military leader Ayub Khan, Pakistan sought to improve relations with the
Soviet Union; trade and cultural exchanges between the two countries increased
between 1966 and 1971. However, Soviet criticism of Pakistan's position in the
1971 war with India weakened bilateral relations, and many Pakistanis believed
that the August 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Peace and Cooperation
encouraged Indian belligerency. Subsequent Soviet arms sales to India,
amounting to billions of dollars on concessional terms, reinforced this argument.
During the 1980s, tensions increased between the Soviet Union and Pakistan
because of the latter's key role in helping to organize political and material
support for the Afghan rebel forces. The withdrawal of Soviet forces from
Afghanistan and the collapse of the former Soviet Union resulted in significantly
improved bilateral relations, but Pakistan's support for and recognition of the
Taliban regime in neighboring Afghanistan remained an ongoing source of
tension. Later on, government of Pakistan changed its policy towards Taliban

when it joined US forces in helping to overthrow them following attacks in the US

on the 11th of September 2001.
In 2007, the relations between Pakistan and the Russian Federation were
reactivated after the 3-day official visit of Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov.
He is the first Russian prime minister to visit Pakistan in the post Soviet Union era
in 38 years. He had "in-depth discussions" with President Pervez Musharraf and
Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz. The major focus of the visit was to improve bilateral
relations with particular emphasis on ways and means to enhance economic
cooperation between the two countries. During the visit, two Memorandum of
understanding were signed, under an MOU, the Russian Federation will cooperate
with Pakistan Railways for construction of new railway tracks, supply of sleepers
and signaling system, up-gradation of a railway workshops and setting up of
Metro Railways in major cities of Pakistan. Under another MOU, the two countries
will work for promoting cultural, educational and scientific changes.
Iran
Historically, Iran was the first nation to recognize Pakistan. Since then, Pakistan
has had close geopolitical and cultural-religious linkages with Iran. However,
strains in the relationship appeared in the 1990s, when Pakistan and Iran
supported opposing factions in the Afghan conflict. Also, some Pakistanis
suspect Iranian support for the sectarian violence which has plagued Pakistan.
Nevertheless, Pakistan pursues an active diplomatic relationship with Iran,
including recent overtures to seek a negotiated settlement between Afghanistan's
warring factions. Pakistan also supports Iran's use of Nuclear Technology for
peaceful purposes. On January 27th 2006, Pakistan, Iran, and India agreed to start
work on IPI gas line which Pakistan needs to shrink the gap of Demand and
supply of energy in Pakistan to maintain economic growth.
North Korea
It is still not exactly clear when Pakistan opened diplomatic ties to North Korea. It
is said to be somewhere in the 1970s. Recent developments indicate that their
relations were kept secretive to avoid suspicion from the west and the risk of
economic sanctions.
United Kingdom & Commonwealth
Pakistan has been a member of the Commonwealth of Nations since
independence in 1947. It was not a member of the British Commonwealth from
1972 until 1989, because of the Commonwealth's recognition of Bangladesh. It
was readmitted to full membership of the Commonwealth in October 1989. It was
suspended with the overthrow of the democratically elected government in 1999.
Its full membership has been reinstated with the backing of the United Kingdom
and Australia for Pakistan's support in the War on Terrorism. Pakistan maintains
diplomatic relations with all Commonwealth countries even though it does not
have its own High Commission in each capital.
Persian Gulf and Arab states
Despite popular support by many people in Pakistan for Saddam Hussein in the
1991 Gulf War, the Pakistani government supported the coalition against Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait and sent 11,600 troops. Pakistan enjoys close ties with the

governments of the Persian Gulf particularly Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates,
and Jordan.
United States of America
Historically, no ally of the United States has faced as many sanctions from the US
as Pakistan. The United States established diplomatic relations with Pakistan in
1949; reluctantly, at first. Since the Eisenhower administration, however, Pakistan
and the US began developing more cosy relations. The American agreement to
provide economic and military assistance to Pakistan and the latter's partnership
in the Baghdad Pact, CENTO and SEATO strengthened relations between the two
nations. At the time, its relationship with the U.S. was so close and friendly that it
was called the United States "most-allied ally" in Asia. Pakistanis felt betrayed
and ill-compensated for the risks incurred in supporting the U.S. - after the U-2
Crisis of 1960, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev had threatened the nuclear
annihilation of Pakistani cities. The U.S. suspension of military assistance during
the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war generated a widespread feeling in Pakistan that the
United States was not a reliable ally. Even though the United States suspended
military assistance to both countries involved in the conflict, the suspension of
aid affected Pakistan much more severely. Gradually, relations improved and arms
sales were renewed in 1975. Then, in April 1979, the United States cut off
economic assistance to Pakistan, except food assistance, as required under the
Symington Amendment to the U.S. Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, due to
concerns about Pakistan's nuclear program.
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 highlighted the common
interest of Pakistan and the United States in peace and stability in South Asia. In
1981, the United States and Pakistan agreed on a $3.2-billion military and
economic assistance program aimed at helping Pakistan deal with the heightened
threat to security in the region and its economic development needs. With U.S.
assistance - in the largest covert operation in history - Pakistan armed and
supplied anti-Soviet fighters in Afghanistan, eventually defeating the Soviets, who
withdrew in 1988.
Recognizing national security concerns and accepting Pakistan's assurances that
it did not intend to construct a nuclear weapon, Congress waived restrictions
(Symington Amendment) on military assistance to Pakistan. In March 1986, the
two countries agreed on a second multi-year (FY 1988-93) $4-billion economic
development and security assistance program. On October 1, 1990, however, the
United States suspended all military assistance and new economic aid to Pakistan
under the Pressler Amendment, which required that the President certify annually
that Pakistan "does not possess a nuclear explosive device."
India's decision to conduct nuclear tests in May 1998 and Pakistan's matching
response set back U.S. relations in the region, which had seen renewed U.S.
Government interest during the second Clinton Administration. A presidential visit
scheduled for the first quarter of 1998 was postponed and, under the Glenn
Amendment, sanctions restricted the provision of credits, military sales,
economic assistance, and loans to the government. An intensive dialogue on
nuclear nonproliferation and security issues between Deputy Secretary Talbott
and Foreign Secretary Shamshad Ahmad was initiated, with discussions focusing
on CTBT signature and ratification, FMCT negotiations, export controls, and a

nuclear restraint regime. The October 1999 overthrow of the democratically

elected Sharif government triggered an additional layer of sanctions under
Section 508 of the Foreign Appropriations Act which include restrictions on
foreign military financing and economic assistance. U.S. Government assistance
to Pakistan was limited mainly to refugee and counter-narcotics assistance.
Pakistan moved decisively to ally itself with the United States in its war against
Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. It provided the U.S. a number of military airports
and bases, for its attack on Afghanistan. It has arrested over five hundred AlQaeda members and handed them over to the United States; senior U.S. officers
have been lavish in their praise of Pakistani efforts. Since this strategic realignment towards U.S. policy, economic and military assistance has been flowing
from the U.S. to Pakistan and sanctions have been lifted. In the three years before
the attacks of September 11, Pakistan received approximately $9 million in
American military aid. In the three years after, the number increased to $4.2 billion.
In June 2004, President Bush designated Pakistan as a major non-NATO ally,
making it eligible, among other things, to purchase advanced American military
technology. In May, 2006, The Bush administration announced a major sale of
missiles to Pakistan, valued at $370 Million USD.
International disputes
Durand line issue with Afghanistan.
Status of Kashmir with the Indian Republic.
Boundary issues in the Rann of Kutch and the Ferozepur and Pathankot issues
of the Radcliffe Line with the Republic of India.
Please note: northern boundaries have been in dispute more or less since the
end of the colonial era in 1947. Maps representing a Pakistani perspective indicate
the nation's boundaries (and the status of Kashmir) quite differently from maps
representing the perspective of the Government of India. The matter both reflects
and generates conflicts.
Water-sharing problems with India over the Indus River (Wular Barrage)
Illicit drugs
o Pakistan is also a producer of illicit opium and hashish for the international drug
trade (poppy cultivation in 1999 - 15.7 km&sup2, a 48% drop from 1998 because of
eradication and alternative development); key transit area for Southwest Asian
heroin moving to Western markets; narcotics still move from Afghanistan into
Balochistan, Pakistan.

Problems of Pakistan after inndependence

Pakistan faced a large number of problems after its independence. Karachi was chosen as the
capital of Pakistan. Quaid-e-Azam took the office of the Governor General, Liaquat Ali Khan
was appointed as Prime Ministe.
1. Boundary Distribution
A boundary commission was set up under a British Chairman, Sir Cyril Redcliff for
distribution of Punjab and Bengal but he handed over some Muslims majority areas like
Gurdaspur, Ferozpur and Junagarh. Kashimr problem is also the result of that unfair
distribution.
2. Refugees
Millions of refugees were killed before they reached Pakistan. Many migrants were looted

and had to be provided boarding immediately as they reached Pakistan.To settle them in
Pakistan was a big problem but the leadership resolved it soon.
3. Division of Assets
Pakistan received only 200 million. Pakistan also did not receive the due share of the military
assets. This dishonest attitude put Pakistan into great difficulties.
4. Canal Water Dispute
Most of the rivers flowing in Pakistan have their origin in India. In 1948, India stopped water
supply to Pakistani canals to damage the Pakistani agriculture. However on 9th September,
1960 on agreement called Indus Basin Treaty was signed between the two countries.
5. Kashmir Dispute
Kashmir dispute is the most important and unsolved problem. Kashmir is the natural part of
Pakistan because at the time of partition 85% of the Kashmirs total population was Muslim.
But the India captured the area by force against Kashmir Muslims desire. Three wars have
been taken between the two countries due to this issue. UNO has also not resolved this issue
due to Indian aggression.
6. Constitutional Problems
The constituent assembly failed to frame a constitution from 1947 to 1955. Lack of a
permanent constitution created chances of unscrupulous interference in democratic progress
of Pakistan.
7. Annexation of Princely States
All Indian princely states were given the right to link up with either of dominions. However,
the fate of some states remained undecided. The Muslim Nawab governing Junagadh
favoured in acceding to Pakistan. But Indian Government sent Army troops towards
Junagadh and occupied the State by force in November, 1947.Hyderabad Deccan was the
largest and richest state ruled by Muslim leader Nizam who decided to remain independent.
But pressure tactics began to the applied by Indian Government and Mountbatten. India
attacked Hyderabad on 13th September 1948 and forcibly annexed this state to India.
8. Economic Problems
When Pakistan came into existence,agricultural,the major industries,the communication and
transportation system,railways ets were in poor condition. The power resources in the two
wings were scarce and negligible which were insufficient to meet the national requirement.so
Pakistan faced various economical problems.
9. Administrative Problems
The Government of Pakistan could not get enough time to set up workable administrative
machinery because of the great difficulties created by Congress.The biggest administrative
problem facing Pakistan was the acute shortage of competent and experienced personnel in
the Central and Provincial Governments.

Pakistan and Afghanistan

PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN
The nature of relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan is a very delicate one.
Leaving aside the recent realities (past 20 years) of the close brotherly relationship
between Pakistan and Afghanistan during the Jehad against the Soviets/Communists,

the emergence of the former-Taliban, and now the post 9-11 Afghan govt., prior to the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan many Afghans were uneasy towards the region of
Pakistan. What had embittered the feelings of the Afghans was the taking away of
Pashtun inhabited territories by the Sikhs who perpetrated brutal atrocities on their
Muslim subjects and made their existence miserable.
Similarly, their successors the British, were no less antagonistic toward the Pashtuns
and waged constant war against them causing great hardships and miseries to the
inhabitants of the entire area. The Pashtuns of what is called today NWFP and the Tribal
Areas of Pakistan had to make tremendous sacrifices for about 130 years both under the
Sikhs and the British (1818-1947). It was this misfortune of the Pashtuns of this belt that
was partly responsible for the attempts made by the Kabul rulers to get it back.
But from August 14, 1947 things have taken a different turn and the entire perspective
has changed. The Pashtuns of neither the settled regions nor the Tribal Areas are
subjected to any discrimination nor any expeditions sent against them or armies
deployed to suppress them. They are citizens of a free state where they enjoy the same
rights as people of other provinces. Pashtuns hold positions of highest responsibilty in
civil as well as military services of Pakistan. They are today proud citizens of a Muslim
state and have so much endeared themselves to the other people of the country that
one cannot think of Pakistan without the Pashtun element forming part of it. They have
produced great leaders of national stature with large followings in the Punjab, Sind and
Baluchistan.
Since the day Mahmud Ghaznavi entered this sub-continent, Pashtuns have been a
constant factor in political, social and military life of Muslims of this sub-continent. In
terms of time from 1000 AD onwards for about a thousand years, and in terms of space
from Chitral to Chittagong and from the Himalayas to Cape Comorin, the ubiquitous
Pashtun has always been there. There is no city or town in this sub-continent with
Muslim population without Pashtun 'mohallas' or neighborhoods and there is hardly a
Muslim family which has not entered into matrimonial relations with Pashtun.
As far as Afghanistan is concerned we can very well understand the feelings of Amir
Dost Mohammed, Sher Ali, Abdur Rehman Khan and King Amanullah toward fellow
Pashtuns east of Durand Line living under non-Muslim rule during their time. But today
they are not living under non-Muslim rule. Similarly today the problem is not of "divided
Pashtuns" as Kabul was inclined to look at it in the past, but on the contrary Pashtuns
playing a leading role in two Muslim states..... in Afghanistan as well as Pakistan. There
was a time when Durand Line divided Pashtuns to weaken them but today the Line
makes them partners-in-power in two states. No decision on any issue can be taken by
the government of Pakistan without the consent of the Pashtuns living in Pakistan.
Further, since they are spread over NWFP and Quetta division of Baluchistan, they will
weild power in the governments of both provinces in any constitutional setup. Would the
Afghan government and the supporters of 'Pakhtunistan' movement like to deprive the
Pashtuns of this important role in Pakistan? Wise counsel is: they should not. Moreover,
Pashtuns are the connecting link between the two brotherly Muslim states whose
geographical and economic necessities may, in the near future, bring about their fusion.
A few words about the fusion of the two brotherly countries. The idea of Afghanistan
forming an autonomous province of Pakistan is not an unfamiliar or impracticable one.
The letter 'alif' in the Urdu (or 'A' in English) word Pakistan stands for Afghans. Both

Jamaluddin Afghani and Allama Iqbal cherished the concept of North-West British India
and Afghanistan together forming a single Muslim state. Moreover, Pakistan, as at
present constituted is poor in minerals but rich in food and fibres while Afghanistan has
tremendous untapped mineral and manpower resources. Plus, Afghans would be able to
get direct access to Pakistan's ports of Arabian sea, while Pakistanis will be able to get
direct access to Central Asian markets.
A fusion of the two would be pregnant with immense possibilities not only for the people
of the two countries but for the entire Muslim world. There is nothing wrong or repugnant
in this idea. The combined strength of the Pashtuns from the Indus to the Oxus and from
Dir to Herat would ensure their internal autonomy as well as a strong voice and a
powerful say in the Central Government of Pakistan. Furthermore, such confederation
will be a diluting factor to the predominant groups of Pashtuns in Afghanistan and
Punjabis in Pakistan, thus creating stronger equity among all groups. World trends are
towards greater integration and larger pooling of resources. Let the Afghans give the
idea a calm and cool consideration in the larger interests of Muslim unity. There is plenty
of commonality between Pakistan and Afghanistan in respect to their religion, culture,
race, history, geography, etc.
Here I would like to quote a paragraph relevant to this aspect from W.K. Frazer Tytler's
book "Afghanistan: A Study of Political Developments in Central and Southern Asia". He
writes: "It is indeed a strange feature of this complicated situation that there exists, like a
cancer in the body politic of northern South Asia, this collection of 'independent' tribes,
well armed, intractable and formidable, who may at anytime disturb relations and disrupt
the economy of either of the states in whose midst they dwell. It is an anachronism and a
danger to the stability of northern South Asia and the peace of Central Asia. The remedy
is the fusion of the two states of Afghanistan and Pakistan in some way or other. It may
be argued that, given the differences in mental and political outlook of the two states,
such fusion is impossible. This may be so; I am in no position to argue the matter. But
history suggests that fusion will take place, if not peacefully, then by force." This is the
view of an eminent western author.
The above study brings out two alternatives for the solution of Pak-Afghan problems.
Either the Durand line remains, enabling the people of Pashtun race to play a leading
role in both Afghanistan and Pakistan which should lead to the shelving of 'Pakhtunistan'
issue forever and the establishment of amicable relations between the two, Or, since one
of the objectives of setting up an independent state (Pakistan) in the north-western parts
of British India was to include in its fold Muslims living up to the Hindu Kush or the Oxus
which have been the traditional boundaries of all the Muslim and pre-Muslim dynasties
of this area, a fusion of Afghanistan and Pakistan is highly desirable. Such a
development would be natural, normal and extremely welcome. It will benefit both,
strengthen both, and open up new vistas for both. As the present boundaries of
Afghanistan skip the Hindu Kush and lie along the Oxus, the possiblities are
considerably broader and potentialities exceedingly brighter.
The whole issue needs to be studied in historical, cultural and religious perspective and
not in terms of modern, recently nurtured ideas of parochial western nationalism. We
have to break the linguistic and racial barriers sometime and somewhere and
demonstrate to the world that Muslim nationalism does not brook petty ideas and does
not believe in tenuous bonds. The best place to demonstrate the superiority of Islamic
principles of nationalism is between the Sutlej and the Oxus and the best time is the 21st
century.

Common rule over Pakistan and Afghanistan is not a new or novel idea in the context of
history. The Sakas, Parthians, Graeco-Bactrians, Kushans, Ghaznavids, Abdalis and
many others were rulers of both the countries with their capital either at Peshawar,
Taxila, Ghazna or Qandahar.
Then, the territories now forming Afghanistan have great political significance for the
Muslims of South Asia. From its bosom have originated movements and monarchs who
established Muslim rule in Pakistan, and later in the entire sub-continent.
Mahmud Ghaznavi, though a Turk, was born and brought up in Ghazna in Afghanistan
and it was with the help of Afghan soldiers that he conquered several cities in northern
India and introduced Muslim rule in the areas now known as Pakistan (11th century AD).
Mohammad Ghori, though of Turko-Persian origin, was born and nurtured at Ghor in
Afghanistan. It was again with the help of Afghan soldiers that he extended Muslim sway
over the whole of northern India (12th-13th century AD).
It was again an Afghan, Alauddin Khilji, who extended Muslim rule for the first time to
southern India up to Cape Comorin (end of 13th and early 14th century AD).
Zahiruddin Baber, though a Barlas Turk, conquered parts of Afghanistan and stayed at
Kabul for no less a period than twenty years, making it a base for the conquest of the
sub-continent where he finally established Mughal rule.
It were the Afghan dynasties of Lodhis and Suris that strengthened the base of Muslim
rule in India by introducing land reforms, by bringing the rulers (Muslims) and the ruled
(Hindus) closer to each other and by encouraging cultural and literary activities.
It will be noticed that almost all the Muslim dynasties that ruled over this sub-continent
sprang up from the territories now constituting the state of Afghanistan...... Ghaznavids,
Ghorids, Khiljis, Lodhis, Suris and Mughals, not to speak the various Afghan dynasties
that ruled over the provinces.
And finally when the Mughals were facing extinction, being stangulated to death by the
Marathas and the Sikhs, it was again an Afghan, Ahmed Shah Abdali, who came to their
rescue (middle of 18th century) and allowed them a brief respite. But since the Mughals
were a spent force and unable to rise again, the support and succour provided by Abdali
proved of no avail.
However, Abdali being a shrewd and sensible leader, aware of the huge anti-Muslim
forces raising their head, and conscious of the limitations of his own power, established
his hold, as a first step, in the north-western corner naming it Afghanistan (1747 AD).
Pakistan is merely an extension of Abdali's kingdom..... in fact Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan
and Kashmir formed part of it during reigns of Abdali, his son Taimur Shah and during
short period of the latter's sons Shah Zaman and Shah Shuja. In view of this historical
background, Pakistan and Afghanistan cannot remain separate from each other for long
especially when the same forces that Abdali had faced and crushed in the 18th century
(Sikhs and Marathas) are again, in a different garb (India), posing a threat to the
independence of this entire region.
Since Afghans have made glorious contribution to the development of the administration,

education and culture of this sub-continent, instead of remaining isolated with closed
minds within the boundaries of Afghanistan, they can come out again play a leading and
constructive role in the whole of Pakistan extending their area of activity up to Sea of
Arabia. They have been known throughout history for their valour, broad-mindedness
and tolerance. Instead of thinking on racial lines let them demonstrate these fine
qualities once again for the benefit of their co-religionists.

History of Punjab
Area:
Population:
Capital:
Largest City:
Language:
Literacy Rate:
Temperature:
Main Crops:
Government Body:
Assembly Seats:
Districts:
Tehsils Towns:
Animal:

205,344 sq km
7,25,85,000
Lahore
Lahore (6,658,393 people)
Punjabi
59.6%
-2o-to 40o C
Cotton, Wheat and Rice
Provincial Assembly
371
36
127
Punjab Urial

Bird:

Peacock

Tree:
Flower:

Shisham
Bhekkar

The history of Punjab dates back to the Indus civilization. The region has been invaded and
ruled by many different empires and races including the Aryans, Persians, Greeks,
Egyptians, Afghans, and Mongols.
The population of Punjab had been pre-dominantly Hindu with large Buddhist minorities
before it was conquered by Muhammad bin Qasim in 712 AD. He was the first to bring the
message of Islam to the region. It was later spread through the teachings of various Sufi
saints. The Mughals controlled the region from 1524-1739. It was their reign that saw the
construction of the great architectural wonders such as the Badshahi Mosque and the
Shalimar Gardens.
Following the decline and subsequent fall of the Mughal Empire, Maharaja Ranjeet Singh
was the most prominent ruler of the Punjab. He established the Sikh Empire that lasted from
1799-1849. During his time a lot of importance was given to the landed aristocracy and he
relied upon their loyal support to retain power. However, after his death, political chaos
ensued and two of his successor maharajas were assassinated in the succession struggle.
The British Empire took control and annexed Punjab in 1849 after two Anglo Sikh Wars.
By virtue of its geo-political position, Punjab was one of Great Britains most important
assets in colonial India allowing it to execute control over the numerous princely states that
made up the country. The British rule saw a series of measures being introduced including
the introduction of western education, a new revenue system and the establishment of a new
administrative system. However, the increasing resentment of the people towards their
colonial masters brought Punjab at the center of the rising rebellion. The Jallianwala Bagh
Massacre of 1919 took place in Amritsar and following the Pakistan Resolution of 1940,
Punjab was at the heart of the independence struggle of modern day Pakistan. During the
partition of India in 1947, most of the Muslim dominated areas went on to form the present

day province of Punjab while the Sikh and Hindu dominated regions formed the Indian states
of Punjab, Haryana, and Himachal Pradesh.
In 1955 due to the rising tensions between East and West Pakistan, Punjab lost it province
status. In 1972 however, following the secession of East Pakistan and formation of
Bangladesh, it regained its standing. In 1965 and 1971, Punjab witnessed the two wars
between India and Pakistan.
Today, Punjab remains the heartbeat of the nation and is at the center of all political and
economic progress.

History of baluchistan
Balochistan has an eventful history dating back to the Stone Age. Recent research
and archaeological excavations at Mehrgarh have revealed 9000 years old
civilization. Human settlement pattern at Mehrgarh was unparalleled and unique,
inaugurating the distinct shift from a hunting gathering to a settled life for the first
time in human history. Domestication of animals, cultivation of plants, and perfume
export were modern features of Mehrgarh civilization. Alexander the great passed
through Balochistan in 325 B. C. After his death Balochistan came under the rule of
Selecus Nicator whose descendents lost power to the Graeco-Bactrians. The
province has also witnessed the march of a number of great conquerors and warriors
such as Macedonians, Arabs, Ghaznavies, Mangols and Mughals in the past.
The Muslim rule began in 712 A.D. The parts of Balochistan which were ruled by the
Arabs were called by them Turan (Jhallawan area) having capital at Khuzdar and
Nudha or Buddha (Kachhi). In the 11th century, Balochistan fell into the hands of
Nasir-ud-din Subuktagin marking the beginning of Ghaznivid dynasty. Ghorids
succeeded the Ghaznivids. In 1219, it was annexed to the dominion of Sultan
Mohammad Khan of Khwarizm (Khiva). The year 1223 saw the danger of the Yellow
Peril, the Mongols, in the south of Mekran. In the 1595 it became a part of the
Mughal Empire and later Nadir Shah of Persia captured it . Ahmed Shah Durrani of
Afghanistan was successful to establish his rule in 1747. The Khanate of Kalat
emerged in 1758 when Nasir Khan-I revolted against the Afghans.
The Muslim rule was followed by the British rule in 1839. Two Afghan wars between
1839 and 1879 helped the British to consolidate their power in Balochistan. Sir
Robert Sandeman, who later became the Chief Commissioner of Balochistan, was
the architect of British strategy in the region and he negotiated a number of treaties
with the Khan of Kalat during 1854 to 1901. Through these treaties the British
Government gained control over the leased territory of Chaghi, Bolan Pass, Quetta
and other areas. The princely states of Mekran, Kharan, Lasbela and a little later
Kalat state acceded to Pakistan after it came into being in 1947. In 1955, Balochistan
was merged into one unit of West Pakistan. After the dissolution of one-Unit,
Balochistan emerged as one of the four new provinces of Pakistan.

Islamia College Peshawar

Islamia College Peshawar, the symbol of academic excellence is rich in history. Its

building, which is the best embodiment of Muslim civilization in south Asia and its
lush green lawns attract visitors from all over the country and abroad. It is not only
the culminating point of the Aligarh Movement, it is in fact the beautiful combination
of Aligarh and Deoband Schools of Thought. Being the breeding ground of the
Pashtun intelligentsia, this great seat of learning is the place, where diamonds are
skimmed since 1913. Moreover, Islamia College Peshawar was destined to become
mother institution of the three universities and several colleges on its campus. The
credit of this goes to Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum, who is commonly called The Sir
Sayyed of the Frontier and his sincere colleagues, who founded Islamia College
Peshawar in 1913.
Islamia College Peshawar is the best example of endowments. According to the
Board of Trustees, the College, which is spread over 300 acres of land, has 1089
Jaribs cultivable land in Harichand, Rai Killi and Tarnab, (District Charsadda). In
addition to this there are 395 shops and flats in the Khyber Bazaar Peshawar and
main bazaar Charsadda.
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited this College in 1936, 1945 and 1948.
Quaid-e-Azam who became lifelong honorary member of the Khyber Union ICP in
1936 made the College one of the heirs of his property in 1939. The Quaid Trust
later on paid an amount of Rs.1, 08, 11, 600 /- in different installments to the College.

Faraizi Movement 1830-57

Faraizi Movement [1830-57]

Faraizi Movement was started in East Bengal.

The founder of this movement was Haji Shariatullah.

His movement basically targeted the most depressed class of the Muslims.

He asked them to give up un-Islamic customs and practices and to act upon the
commandments of the religion called Faraiz or duties.

He died in 1840.
His son Muhammad Mohsin, known as Dadhu Mian, succeeded Haji Shariatullah.

He died in 1860.

 Muslim League 1906

Muslim League:
MCQS
After the successful meeting of Simla deputation, the annual meeting of the
Muhammadan Educational conference was held at Decca on 30th December,
1906.

After the session, the Muslim leaders approved a resolution of Salim Ullah
which proposed the formation of a political organization for the Muslims
named as All-India Muslim League.

Mohammad Ali Johar, Hakim Ajmal Khan, Maulana Zafar Ali supported the
resolution.
Then Jinnah in 1913 injected a new vigour to this Muslim political organization

Simla Deputation 1906

Simla Deputation:
MCQS
Introduction:
The Hindu opposition of Urdu and partition of Bengal revealed it to the Muslims that they
only as organized endeavour would lead them to success.

On October 1st, 1906, when a delegation of 35 Muslim leaders met Lord Minto to present
the demands of the Muslim community.

The delegation consisted of 35 members representing all parts of the country.

It was led by His Excellency Sir Agha Khan

Main demands

i) The Muhammadans may be granted the right of a separate electorate to choose their
representatives.

ii) Muslim judges may be appointed more frequently.

iii) The Muslims may be given due representation in the imperial legislative council.

iv) At least one Muslim may be appointed in Viceroys Executive council.

v) Muslims may be given due representation in Gazetted and Sub-ordinated Ministerial

Services.

Lord Minto expressed his complete agreement with the principles of the separate
electorates

Partition Of Bengal 1905

Partition Of Bengal
MCQS

Lord Curzon felt the need of the partition of Bengal and submitted the scheme to the
British government in February, 1905.

The Secretary of state for India, St. John Brodick approved the plan in June and
consequently the province of Bengal was partitioned on 16th October, 1905.

According to this scheme, the province was divided into two provincesEastern
Bengal with Decca s its capital and Western Bengal withCalcutta as its capital.

The province of Eastern Bengal had an area of 10,640 square miles and a population of
31 million out of which 18 million were Muslims.

On the other hand Western Bengal had a population of 54 million out of which 45 million
were Hindus.

The Eastern Bengal became a Muslim majority province because out of its 31 million
population 18 million were Muslims.
The Muslims gladly welcomed the partition because it gave them majority in the Eastern
province.

On the other hand, the Hindus showed violent reaction to the partition

Nadva-Tul-Ulema Lucknow

Nadva-Tul-Ulema Lucknow:
MCQS
Nadva-tul-Ulema Lucknow was established by Maulana Abdul Ghafoor,
Maulana Shibli Naumani and Maulana Abdul Haq in 1894.

Nadva aimed at producing the graduate well versed in both Western

knowledge and religious education.

Nadva started functioning in 1898 and in the beginning faced financial

difficulties which were removed with the progress of time.

The nobles of Shah Jehan Pur provided land and then State of Hyderabad in
1900 and Bhopal in 1905 fixed annual grants for this Muslim seat of learning. Later
on, the government also sanctioned a monthly grant of 500 rupees for the Nadva.

Objectives of The Nadva:

Nadva had the following objectives.

i) Nadva aimed at the reformation of the Muslims by producing the graduates

well equipped with both Western and secular knowledge.

ii) One of its main objectives was the promotion of Islamic knowledge and
thought.

iii) Nadva aimed at the reformation of the curriculum of Islamic education.

iv) To end the mutual differences of the Muslim religious scholars.

v) To work for the welfare of the Muslims.

vi) To evaluate Nadva to the status of Muslim seat of learning where students
may be imparted the knowledge of the modern science subjects along with
educational knowledge.

Darul Musanafeen" Azamgarh was the product of Nadva movement.

Maulana Shibli Naumani who was the main force behind the Nadva
Movement wrote many books and influences the contemporary writers. "Al-Nadva"
was the magazine of Nadva.

Anjuman-i-Himayat-e-Islam

Establishment Of The Anjuman-i-Himayat-i-Islam:

MCQS
On September 24, 1884 Anjuman was found in the mosque Bakan Khan
gate, Lahore.
When this Anjuman was found there were about 250 members of it.
Khalifa Hameed-ud-Din was the founder of this Anjuman
Abdur Rahim, Dr. Mohammad Din Nazir, Maulvi Charagh Din, Maulvi
Ghulam Mohammad, Haji Meer Shams-ud-Din and Khan Najam-ud-din
were other active members of the Anjuman-i-Himayat-Islam Lahore.
The objectives of the Anjuman were as follows.
i) To furnish modern and Islamic education to the Muslims.
ii) Prevention of the propaganda of Christianity.
iii) Establishment of an Islamic Society on sound foundations.
iv) Protection of orphan children and to give them education.
v) Protection and development of the Muslims social, political, economic,
and educational rights.
In 1884, two schools were established under the administration of this
Anjuman. The primary school for girls was also established. In 1925, a
girls primary school was upgraded to high school. In 1938, Islamia college
for women, Cooper road, Lahore was started by the Anjuman.
In boys sector, in 1889, a boys school named Madrassa-tul-Musalamin in
Sheranwala Gate,Lahore was established. In 1905, Islamia College Railway
Road, Lahore for boys was also established by the Anjuman.
Islamia College Civil Line, Lahore, Islamia college Lahore Cantt, Himayat-iIslamia college,Lahore and Islamia Degree College, Kasur were other
institutions really quenched the thirst of education of the students of
the Punjab.
Sir Syed, Allama Iqbal, Nawab Mohsin-ul-Malik, Sheikh Abdul Qadir, Justice
Shah Din and Maulana Altaf Hussain Hali attended its sessions and
supported its activities.
Muthi Bhar Atta Scheme:
Muthi Bhar Atta Scheme was introduced for raising funds for the Anjuman.

Darl-Ul-Uloom-I-Deoband OR Deoband Movement

Darl-Ul-Uloom-I-Deoband OR Deoband Movement
MCQS

Maulana Mohammad Qasim Nanautvi started this movement by establishing

Darl-UL-Uloom Deoband in the Chattah Mosque, in Deoband (Sharanpur) on30th
May 1866
A managing committee consisting Maulan Mohammad Qasim, Maulana
Zulifqar Ali, Maulana Fazul-ur-Rehman and Maulana Muhammad Mahmood was
formed to look after the affairs of the madrasah.
Maulvi Muhammad was appointed as its first teacher with a monthly salary of
fifteen rupees.
Haji Muhammad Abid was also the founder member
Reasons Of Establishment Of Deoband Movement:
Main causes of the Deoband Movement were as under:
i) After the 1857 war of Independence the Christian missionaries had started
preaching their religion unhindered under the disguised patronage of the
government. Under these circumstances, preaching of Islam was the need of the
hour.
ii) The Deoband Movement was the corollary of the Muslim desire for
renaissance.
iii) The Indian Ulema wanted to give a proper position to the teachings of the
Quran and Hadith which enjoyed secondary importance of Darse Nizami. Thus the
Syllabus of Deoband comprised of Tafseer, Hadith, and Arabic literature, Fiqah, Ilmul
Kalam, Serf-o-Nehv and Tajveed.
Syllabus Of Deoband Madrassah:
i) In the first four years the Holy Quran was memorized.
ii) Then the disciplines of Urdu, Diniyat, Social Studies, geography, Islamic
Civilization and Fiqah were Taught to the students for four years.
iii) In the Arabic course the students were taught Arabic literature, Hadith,
Logic, Philosophy, fiqah, Tafseer, Ilmul Kalam, Mathematics and Manazara. In
addition, the students of Urdu language, Arabic language and Translations were
taught in three year Arabic course.
iv) In the five year Persian and Mathematics course, the students of Persian
language, History of Islam, Geography, Mathematics and Translation were taught to
the students.
Deoband, in fact, was a movement which focused on Islamic teachings rather
than materialism. The pioneers of Deoband Movement were against
the Aligarhmovements of Sir Syed and considered him a materialistic who was
imparting only modern knowledge to the Muslims and drifting them away from Islam.
That was why; the Deoband Movement was started parallel to Aligarh Movement

Sir Syed Ahmed khan 1817-1898 Aligarh Movement

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (17 Oct, 1817 27 Mar 1898)

Got knowledge from Farid ud Din (maternal-grandfather Ex Mughal PM)
Got knowledge of Quran, Arabic, Persian, History, Maths and Medicine
Joined govt in 1839 after fathers death in a clerical job 1841 promoted as
Sub-Judge 1846 transferred to Delhi Chief judge in 1846 was offered an estate for
services rendered to British during war 1857 but he rejected 1877 member of

imperial council 1886 University of Edinburgh LL.D degree 1888 Knighthood

Educational Aspect of Aligarh Movement
Objective:
1. Modern education for Muslims to compete Hindus
2. Cooperation with the British government
1. Schools
Muradabad (1859)
Ghazipur (1863)
2. Scientific society at Gahazipur (1864)
(to translate modern work from English to urdu and Persian)
1866 Society published Aligarh Gazette (to arouse sentiments of goodwill &
friendship)
Muhammadan Educational Conference
Established in 1866 held public meetings, discussed modern education techniques
Nawab Mohsan al Malik, Vaqar ul Malik, Maulana Shibli and Maulana Hali as
members
3. Muhammadan Educational Conference
Established in 1866 held public meetings, discussed modern education techniques
Nawab Mohsan al Malik, Vaqar ul Malik, Maulana Shibli and Maulana Hali as
members
1869 went to England, studied education system of Oxford & Cambridge
4. Anjuman-i-Taraqi-i-Musalmanan-i-Hind (1870)
to impart modern knowledge to Muslims
5. Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College
On pattern of Oxford Fund raising committee formed 24th May, 1874, MAO High
school established 1877 got status of college western, eastern and Islamic
education 1920 status of University
Political Aspects of Aligarh Movement
1. Muslims should avoid active politics
2. Sir Syed wrote Risala-i-Asbab-Baghawqat-i-Hind
Causes of WOI 1857
1. Non representation of Indian in legislative councils
2. Conversion of Indian into Christianity
3. Mismanagement of Indian army
4. Ill advised measure of govt
Consequence: Indian membership in Act 1861
3. 1866 Sir Syed formed British India Association at Aligarh to express grievances
of Indians to govt
4. wrote Loyal Muhammadans of India
5. Indian Patriotic Association 1888 forum for those who did not join Congress
6. Muhammadan Political Association 1903 Against Hindu Revivalist movements
a. Arya Smaj Hindustan 1977
b. B G Tilak Cow Slaughter

c. Shudhi d. Shangtahn -

Religious Services of Aligarh Movement

1. Wrote Essay on the Life of Muhammad & Rebattle in response to William Muires
objectionable remarks in Life of Muhammad
2. Philosophical commentary Tabaeen-al-Kalam on bible point out similarities
3. Influenced by MBA Wahab and Shah Ismail Shaheed having positive attitude
towards religion
Social services of Aligarh Movement
1. Tahzib-ul-Akhlaq criticized conservative way of life and advised to adopt new
trend
2. Established Orphanage houses
3. Founded Anjuman-i-Tariki-i-Urdu protecting Urdu
4. Ahkam-i-Taham-i-Ahle-Kitab Muslims can eat with Christians
Pioneer of two nation theory
Advocate of Hindu Muslim unity
Urdu Hindi controversy 1867 in Banaras, changed his views
Shakespeare dialogue
Features of Aligarh
Western & Eastern Education
Islamic Education
Residential College
European and Indian staff
Non-Muslim students
Loyalist Disposition
Aligarh Movement after Sir Syeds death
1. 1889 Sir Syed proposed a trustee bill Sir Syed as Sec. of the trust & Syed
Mahmud (son) as joint sec.
2. After Sir Syeds death (1898), Syed Mahmud as Sec. was a weak manager
resigned
3. Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk as new sec devoted deposited six lac Rs to govt handled
the conflict b/t two groups Sahibzada Aftab Khan (in favor of European staff) &
Muhammad Ali Johar Died in 1907
4. Nwab Vaqar ul Malik took over tussle on European staff arouse Nawab resigned
in 1912 health
5. Nwab Muhammad Ishaq Khan deposited 20 lac for status of University 1919college student played role in Tehrik e Khilafat

Nehru Report 1928

Motilal Nehru Presented Nehru report in 1928

The committee worked for three months at Allahabad and its memorandum was
called the "Nehru Report".
The Nehru Report recommended that a Declaration of Rights should be inserted in
the constitution assuring the fullest liberty on conscience and religion.
The following are the recommendations advanced by the Nehru Report:
1. India should be given the status of a Dominion on a unitary basis with
parliamentary powers of seat.
2. Residuary powers should vested in the center.
3. India should have a parliamentary form of government headed by Prime Minister
and six ministers appointed by Governor General.
4. There should be no separate electorate or weightage for minorities.
5. Reservation of Muslim seats could be possible in the provinces where Muslim
population was at least 10%, but this was to be in strict proportion to the size of the
community.
6. Muslims should enjoy one fourth representation in the Central Legislature.
7. The N.W.F.P. should be given full provincial status and Sind should be taken away
from Bombay and made a separate province.
8. A new Canarese-Speaking province "Karnatak" be established in South India.
9. Hindi should be made the official language of India.
The recommendations of the Nehru Report went against the interest of the Muslim
community.
It was an attempt to serve Hindu predominance over Muslims.
A Muslim member of the Nehru Committee, Shoaib Qureshi disagreed with the
proposals, but his pleadings were simply rejected.

Shah Wali Ullah

Shah Wali Ullah was born on February 21, 1703 at Delhi

His real name was Qutb-ud-Din
His father, Shah Abdul Rahim, was a sufi
He was the founding member of the Madrasa-i-Rahimiyah in Delhi.
Shah Abdul Rahim was associated with the completion of the famous Islamic legal
text, Fatawa-i-Alamgiri.
Shah Wali Ullah received his academic and spiritual education from his father.
He memorized the Holy Quran and gained knowledge of Tafseer, Hadith, spiritualism,
mysticism, metaphysics, logic, and Ilm-ul-Kalam
He left for Arabia in 1730 for higher education.
During his stay in Arabia, he was influenced by Sheikh Abu Tahir bin Ibrahim, a
renowned scholar of the time.

He studied in Medina for 14 years

he returned to Delhi in July 1732
He trained a number of students who were entrusted with the task of spreading
Islam.
He translated the Quran to Persian known as Fathur Rahman fi Tarjumatul Quran
He eventually wrote 51 books; 23 in Arabic and 28 in Persian.
His famous works are the Hujjat-ullah-il-Balighah and Izalat-ul-Khifa.
Shah Wali Ullah also made efforts for the political uplift of Muslims of India.
He wrote to Ahmad Shah Abdali to help the Muslims of India in crushing the
Marhattas
In 1761, Ahmad Shah Abdali, in response to Shah Wali Ullahs call, inflicted a
crushing defeat on the Marhattas at Panipat.
Shah Waliullah had a son and 5 daughters from his first wife. His second wife bore
him four sons: Shah Abdul Aziz Muhaddis Dehlvi, Shah Rafiuddin, Shah Abdul Qadir,
and Shah Abdul Ghani.

On August 20, 1762, Shah Waliullah died and was buried in the graveyard
of Munhadian, beside his father. His shrine known as Dargah Shah Waliullah is
present near Moulana Azad Dental College and Lok Nayak Hospital Delhi.