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HIGH‐DENSITY AND DE‐DENSIFIED SMART
CAMPUS COMMUNICATIONS
HIGH‐DENSITY AND DE‐DENSIFIED
SMART CAMPUS COMMUNICATIONS

Technologies, Integration, Implementation, and

Applications

Daniel Minoli
DVI Communications
New York, NY, USA
Red Bank, NJ, USA

Jo‐Anne Dressendofer
Slice Wireless Solutions
New York, NY, USA
This edition first published 2022
© 2022 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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The right of Daniel Minoli and Jo‐Anne Dressendofer to be identified as the authors of this work has been asserted in accord-
ance with law.

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Library of Congress Cataloging‐in‐Publication Data:

Names: Minoli, Daniel, 1952– author. | Dressendofer, Jo-Anne, author.

Title: High-density and de-densified smart campus communications :
technologies, integration, implementation and applications / Daniel
Minoli, Jo-Anne Dressendofer.
Description: Hoboken, NJ : Wiley, 2022. | Includes bibliographical
references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021050372 (print) | LCCN 2021050373 (ebook) | ISBN
9781119716051 (hardback) | ISBN 9781119716068 (adobe pdf) | ISBN
9781119716082 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Wireless communication systems. | Smart materials.
Classification: LCC TK5103.2 .M5665 2021 (print) | LCC TK5103.2 (ebook) |
DDC 621.384–dc23/eng/20211110
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021050372
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021050373

Cover design by Wiley

Cover image: © enjoynz/Getty Images

Set in 10/12pt TimesTenLTStd by Straive, Pondicherry, India

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
In loving memory of my wife Anna (Dan)
Era una santa e completò la sua missione con passione, pur giovane.
“E se dal caro oggetto, Lungi convien che sia, convien che sia, Sospirerò
penando, Ogni momento” (from a stanza in Vivaldi’s “Vedrò con mio
diletto”)
In loving memory of my mother Helene (Jo‐Anne)
Who was there for every tear along my not‐so‐easy career and pushed me to
dream even bigger
CONTENTS

PREFACE xi
ABOUT THE AUTHORS xiii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xv

1 Background and Functional Requirements for High‐Density Communications 1

1.1 Background 1
1.2 Requirements for High‐Density Communications 4
1.2.1 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Airports 5
1.2.2 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Stadiums 7
1.2.3 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Convention Centers 7
1.2.4 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Open Air Gatherings
and Amusement Parks 10
1.2.5 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Classrooms 11
1.2.6 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Train and Subway Stations 12
1.2.7 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Dense Office Environments 12
1.2.8 Ongoing Requirements for Dense Smart Warehouses
and Distribution Centers 14
1.2.9 Pre‐pandemic/Long‐term Requirements for Dense Smart Cities 14
1.3 Pandemic‐Driven Social Distancing 16
1.3.1 Best Practices 16
1.3.2 Heuristic Density for the Pandemic Era 20
1.4 The Concept of a Wireless SuperNetwork 20
References 22

2 Traditional WLAN Technologies 26

2.1 Overview 26
2.2 WLAN Standards 28
2.3 WLAN Basic Concepts 29
2.3.1 PHY Layer Operation 32
2.3.2 MAC Layer Operation 36
2.4 Hardware Elements 40
2.5 KEY IEEE 802.11ac Mechanisms 42
2.5.1 Downlink Multi‐User MIMO (DL‐MU‐MIMO) 42
2.5.2 Beamforming 45
2.5.3 Dynamic Frequency Selection 45
2.5.4 Space–Time Block Coding 46
2.5.5 Product Waves 48
2.6 Brief Preview of IEEE 802.11ax 48
References 49

vii
viii ContentS

3 Traditional DAS Technologies 51

3.1 Overview 51
3.2 Frequency Bands of Cellular Operation 56
3.2.1 Traditional RF Spectrum 56
3.2.2 Citizens Broadband Radio Service (CBRS) 60
3.2.3 Freed‐up Satellite C‐Band 62
3.2.4 5G Bands 64
3.2.5 Motivations for Additional Spectrum 65
3.2.6 Private LTE/Private CBRS 66
3.2.7 5G Network Slicing 68
3.2.8 Supportive Technologies 68
3.3 Distributed Antenna Systems (DASs) 70
3.3.1 Technology Scope 70
3.3.2 More Detailed Exemplary Arrangement 76
3.3.3 Traffic‐aware DAS 81
3.3.4 BBU and DAS/RRU Connectivity 82
3.3.5 Ethernet/IP Transport Connectivity of DAS 84
References 84

4 Traditional Sensor Networks/IoT Services 87

4.1 Overview and Environment 87
4.2 Architectural Concepts 93
4.3 Wireless Technologies for the IoT 96
4.3.1 Pre‐5G Wireless Technologies for the IoT 100
4.3.2 NB‐IoT 104
4.3.3 LTE‐M 105
4.3.4 5G Technologies for the IoT 106
4.3.5 WAN‐Oriented IoT Connectivity Migration Strategies 108
4.4 Examples of Seven‐Layer IoT Protocol Stacks 109
4.4.1 UPnP 109
4.4.2 ZigBee 115
4.4.3 Bluetooth 116
4.5 Gateway‐Based IoT Operation 117
4.6 Edge Computing in the IoT Ecosystem 118
4.7 Session Establishment Example 121
4.8 IoT Security 121
4.8.1 Challenges 121
4.8.2 Applicable Security Mechanisms 125
4.8.3 Hardware Considerations 127
4.8.4 Other Approaches: Blockchains 132
References 132

5 Evolved Campus Connectivity 139

5.1 Advanced Solutions 140
5.1.1 802.11ax Basics 143
5.1.2 Key 802.11ax Processes 154
5.1.3 Summary 156
5.2 Voice Over Wi‐Fi (VoWi‐Fi) 158
 ContentS ix

5.3 5G Technologies 163

5.3.1 Emerging Services 164
5.3.2 New Access and Core Elements 165
5.3.3 New 5GC Architecture 168
5.3.4 Frequency Spectrum and Propagation Challenges 169
5.3.5 Resource Management 170
5.3.6 Requirements for Small Cells 175
5.3.7 Comparison to Wi‐Fi 6 178
5.4 IoT 178
5.5 5G DAS Solutions 179
5.6 Integrated Solutions 179
References 181

6 De‐densification of Spaces and Work Environments 184

6.1 Overview 184
6.2 Basic Approaches 189
6.3 RTLS Methodologies and Technologies 194
6.3.1 RFID Systems 202
6.3.2 Wi‐Fi‐based Positioning System (WPS) 205
6.3.3 Bluetooth 206
6.3.4 UWB 207
6.3.5 Automatic Vehicle Location (AVL) 207
6.4 Standards 207
6.5 Applications 209
References 212

7 UWB‐Based De‐densification of Spaces and Work Environments 222

7.1 Review of UWB Technology 223
7.2 Carriage of Information in UWB 226
7.2.1 Pulse Communication 226
7.2.2 UWB Modulation 228
7.3 UWB Standards 232
7.4 IoT Applications for UWB 237
7.5 UWB Applications for Smart Cities and for Real‐Time Locating Systems 239
7.5.1 Applications for Smart Cities 239
7.5.2 UWB Applications to Real‐Time Location Systems 240
7.6 OSD/ODCMA Applications 248
References 253

8 RTLSs and Distance Tracking Using Wi‐Fi, Bluetooth, and Cellular Technologies 258
8.1 Overview 258
8.2 RF Fingerprinting Methods 260
8.3 Wi‐Fi RTLS Approaches 261
8.3.1 Common Approach 261
8.3.2 Design Considerations 266
8.3.3 Drawbacks and Limitations 267
8.3.4 Potential Enhancements 267
8.3.5 Illustrative Examples 269
x ContentS

8.4 BLE 271

8.4.1 Bluetooth and BLE Background 271
8.4.2 RTLS Applications 273
8.4.3 BLE‐Based Contact Tracing 278
8.4.4 Illustrative Examples 280
8.5 Cellular Approaches 283
8.6 Summary 286
References 288

9 Case Study of an Implementation and Rollout of a High‐Density

High‐Impact Network 291
9.1 Thurgood Marshall BWI Airport Design Requirements 292
9.1.1 Broad Motivation 293
9.1.2 Status Quo Challenges 294
9.1.3 RFP Requirements 295
9.2 Overview of the Final Design 298
9.2.1 DAS Solutions 300
9.2.2 Broadband, BLE, IoT 305

10 The Age of Wi‐Fi and Rise of the Wireless SuperNetwork (WiSNET)TM 312
10.1 What Preceded the WiSNET 312
10.2 What Comes Next 313
10.3 The Super‐Integration Concept of a Wireless SuperNetwork (WiSNET) 314
10.4 The Multidimensionality of a SuperNetwork (WiSNET) 317
10.5 The Genesis of the WiSNET Concept Defined in this Text 317
10.6 The Definition and Characterization of a WiSNET 320
10.6.1 Architectural Aspects of a WiSNET 321
10.6.2 Technology Aspects of a WiSNET 325
10.6.3 Management Aspects of a WiSNET 328
10.7 Economic Advantages of a WiSNET System 331
10.8 5G Slice Capabilities 332
10.8.1 Motivations and Approaches for 5G Network Slicing 332
10.8.2 Implementation 335
10.8.3 Wi-Fi Slicing 335
10.9 Conclusion 335
References 336
Index337
PREFACE

High‐density campus communications have traditionally been important in many environments,

including airports, stadiums, convention centers, shopping malls, classrooms, hospitals, cruise
ships, train and subway stations, evangelical megachurches, large multiple dwelling units,
boardwalks, (special events in) parks, dense smart cities, and other venues. These communications
span several domains: people‐to‐people, people‐to‐websites, people‐to‐applications, sensors‐to‐
cloud analytics, and machines‐to‐machines/device‐to‐device. While the later Internet of Things
(IoT) applications are generally (but not always) low speed, the former applications are typically
high speed. In many settings, people access videos (a la Over The Top [OTT] mode) or websites
and applications that often include short videos or other high data‐rate content. Deploying
optimally performing high‐density campus communication systems is desired and required in
many cases, but it can, at the same time, be a complex task to undertake successfully.
High‐density campus communications play a role in the evolution of Smart Campuses but
also drive the Smart City and Smart Building use cases. Connectivity is now considered a fourth
utility (in addition to gas, water, and electricity). In fact, massive‐type communication is a
recognized requirement of 5G, even if just in the machine‐type communication environment. In
the campus applications just cited, people‐to‐people, people‐to‐websites, and people‐to‐
applications connectivity is increasingly important, given that nearly everyone now carries a
smartphone and many apps entail high‐throughput transmissions.
There are unique requirements and unique designs required for high‐density communications,
particularly because of the relative scarcity of available spectrum. In addition, there has been
and continues to be a set of transitions, even transformations, of the underlying technologies.
The world has moved to IP for all data, voice, and video communications. Additionally, there is
a trend toward the use of Wi‐Fi‐based hotspot communication in all practical situations, due to
near ubiquity of service, lower end‐user costs, higher bandwidth, technical simplicity, lower
infrastructure costs, decentralized administration, regulation relief, and non‐bureaucratic
delivery of service (without the reliance of large institutional providers). While 5G promises to
deliver a set of new capabilities, neither 3G nor 4G displaced Wi‐Fi as a common access
technology in the office, in the campus, on the street, and in travel. The technologies per se used
for high‐density communications are not new (perhaps with the exception of 5G), but the
requirements, as well as the design and system synthesis, are relatively unique.
As the second decade of the twenty‐first century rolled along, however, a new requirement
presented itself due to the worldwide pandemic: physical/desk distancing in support of Office
Social Distancing (OSD) and Office Dynamic Cluster Monitoring and Analysis (ODCMA).
Wireless technologies have been harvested to address and manage these pressing issues. Real‐
Time Locating Systems (RTLS) have been employed for a number of years to automatically
identify and then track the location of objects or people in real‐time, within a building, or in
other constrained locations are seeing renewed interest and applications. Even if effective
vaccines are found and distributed globally, the common opinion is that many (but not all)
societal and workplace changes driven by the pandemic may become permanent.
This book assesses the requirements, technologies, designs, solutions, and trends associated
with High‐Density Communications (HDC). We believe this to be the first book that specifically

xi
xii Preface

synthesizes the topic of applied high‐density communications. Chapter 1 looks at the functional
requirements for high‐density communications. Chapter 2 discusses the traditional data/Wi‐Fi
Internet access, including OTT video. Chapter 3 addresses the traditional voice/cellular design
for campus applications, especially the Distributed Antenna System (DAS). Chapter 4 peruses
the traditional sensor networks/IoT services approaches. Chapter 5 is the core of this text and
examines evolved Wi‐Fi hotspot connectivity and related technologies (Wi‐Fi 5, Wi‐Fi 6, spec-
trum, IoT, VoWiFi, DASs, microcells issues, 5G versus Wi‐Fi issues), as well as intelligent integra-
tion of the discrete set of campus/venue networks into a cohesive platform usable in airports,
stadiums, convention centers, classrooms, hospitals, and the like.
Chapter 6 starts the discussion on de‐densification, using the same kind of technologies
discussed in part one of the book; it considers the topic of office social distancing and discusses
one of the available technologies. Chapter 7 covers the use of Ultra‐Wideband (UWB)
technologies. Chapter 8 addresses the office social distancing challenge using Wi‐Fi, Bluetooth,
and cellular/smartphone methodologies. Chapter 9 provides a use case for HDC systems, and
Chapter 10 offers a pragmatic view for some of the economics of broad deployment of HDC.
The book is targeted to networking professionals, technology planners, campus administrators,
service providers, equipment vendors, and educators. It is not a research monograph, but rather
it aims at integrating the real‐world deployment of technologies, strategies, and implementation
issues related to delivering an actual working HDC environment in any of the key venues listed
above. It is important to note that the composition of this book started in February 2020. While
social distancing in the office and public venues was a crucial short‐term goal at press time, the
business‐ and public‐venue density requirements will likely resurge over time, likely with some
yet to be foreseen modifications.
Many books delve extensively on general technologies of all types; however, they fall short
in terms of the economics of such technologies, deployment challenges, associated security
issues, and most lack tangible case studies. This book addresses these key aspects, based on
actual deployment by the team associated with this writing, at a top US airport.
Some portions of this text make use of patent material filed with the United States Patent
Office. All inventors cited are implicitly acknowledged for their contribution to this synthesis.

Daniel Minoli
DVI Communications

Jo‐Anne Dressendofer
Slice Wireless Solutions
30 December 2020
ABOUT THE AUTHORS

DANIEL MINOLI

Mr. Minoli is the principal consultant at DVI Communications. He has published 60 technical
telecom and IT books, many are the first in their field (e.g., the first‐ever book on VoIP, the
first‐ever on outsourcing of telecom services, the first‐ever book on metro Ethernet, the first‐
ever book on green networks, the first‐ever book on IPv6 security, the first book on public
hotspots, and the first book on IPv6 support of IoT, among others); he has also published 340
other papers (the majority of which are peer‐reviewed). Many books focus on raw technologies
and fail to address Return on Investment (ROI), deployment, security considerations, and to
provide case studies; Mr. Minoli’s books aim to address these key issues when documenting the
applicability of the underlying technologies.
Mr. Minoli started to work on wireless LANs in the late 1970s as part of ARPANet‐spon-
sored R&D and continued wireless work in the form of Geo/Meo satellite transmission, micro-
wave, free space optics, mmWaves/“wireless fiber,” cellular, Wi‐Fi WLANs, sensor networks,
wireless IoT, crowdsensing, 900 MHz SCADA, BMSs, UltraWideband, and 5G. He has written
two books on LANs and several long book chapters on WLANs in other books; and, as noted,
he has written a book on public hotspots and a book on metroEthernet/VPLS. At press time,
over 225 published US patents, as well as 38 US patent applications, cite his work. Additionally,
5917 academic researchers cite his work in their own publications, according to Google Scholar,
including 1887 citations of his books on Wireless Sensor Networks, 569 of his books/papers on
IoT, 344 of his books on enterprise architectures, 262 of his books on video, and 259 of his books
on VoIP. Mr. Minoli is a reviewer for several publishers, including Elsevier, Springer, IEEE, and
Wiley. He has taught (adjunct) over 75 college graduate/undergraduate courses at New York
University, Stevens Institute of Technology, and Rutgers University. He has been affiliated with
Nokia, Ericsson, AT&T, SES, Prudential Securities, Capital One Financial, and AIG, and has been
an expert witness/testifying expert in about 20 patent lawsuits. He has undertaken Intellectual
Property (IP) work related to patent invalidity, infringement/non-infringement analysis, breach-
of-contract, dispute of equipment functionality, and IP portfolio valuation in the area of packet
video/IPTV, packet voice/VoIP, networking, imaging (scanned checks), IoT, and wireless. He has
provided Court testimony, sustained numerous depositions, and produced numerous Expert
Reports, Rebuttal Reports, and Post Grant Review Declarations.

JO‐ANNE DRESSENDOFER

Jo‐Anne (Josie) Dressendofer is the founder of SliceWiFi. The firm was launched in 2016 to
address the rapidly expanding need for fast, reliable Wi‐Fi service in permanent and temporary
locations. What started as a goal to become the first “Managed Wi‐Fi Brand” ended up becom-
ing the first company to compete with the goliath cellular companies, with Wi‐Fi and an all‐
inclusive technology, turning SliceWiFi into a telecommunications company overnight. SliceWiFi
initially achieved market recognition in New York City, as one of the leading Wi‐Fi providers
in the NY metro area, after successfully supporting difficult, densely populated networking

xiii
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Whereas, The Independent Greenback party, and other
associations more or less effective, have been unable, hitherto, to
make a formidable opposition to old party organizations; and
Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender quality of the
greenbacks, the changing of currency bonds into coin bonds, the
demonetization of the silver dollar, the exempting of bonds from
taxation, the contraction of the circulating medium, the proposed
forced resumption of specie payments, and the prodigal waste of the
public lands, were crimes against the people; and, as far as possible,
the results of these criminal acts must be counteracted by judicious
legislation:
Therefore, We assemble in national convention and make a
declaration of our principles, and invite all patriotic citizens to unite
in an effort to secure financial reform and industrial emancipation.
The organization shall be known as the “National Party,” and under
this name we will perfect, without delay, national, state, and local
associations, to secure the election to office of such men only as will
pledge themselves to do all in their power to establish these
principles:
First. It is the exclusive function of the general government to coin
and create money and regulate its value. All bank issues designed to
circulate as money should be suppressed. The circulating medium,
whether of metal or paper, shall be issued by the government, and
made a full legal-tender for all debts, duties, and taxes in the United
States, at its stamped value.
Second. There shall be no privileged class of creditors. Official
salaries, pensions, bonds, and all other debts and obligations, public
and private, shall be discharged in the legal-tender money of the
United States strictly according to the stipulations of the laws under
which they were contracted.
Third. The coinage of silver shall be placed on the same footing as
that of gold.
Fourth. Congress shall provide said money adequate to the full
employment of labor, the equitable distribution of its products, and
the requirement of business, fixing a minimum amount per capita of
the population as near as may be, and otherwise regulating its value
by wise and equitable provisions of law, so that the rate of interest
will secure to labor its just reward.
Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular government that
any species of private property should be exempt from bearing its
proper share of the public burdens. Government bonds and money
should be taxed precisely as other property, and a graduated income
tax should be levied for the support of the government and the
payment of its debts.
Sixth. Public lands are the common property of the whole people,
and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to railroads or
other corporations, but should be donated to actual settlers, in
limited quantities.
Seventh. The government should, by general enactments,
encourage the development of our agricultural, mineral, mechanical,
manufacturing, and commercial resources, to the end that labor may
be fully and profitably employed; but no monopolies should be
legalized.
Eighth. All useless offices should be abolished, the most rigid
economy favored in every branch of the public service, and severe
punishment inflicted upon public officers who betray the trusts
reposed in them.
Ninth. As educated labor has devised means for multiplying
productions by inventions and discoveries, and as their use requires
the exercise of mind as well as body, such legislation should be had
that the number of hours of daily toil will be reduced, giving to the
working classes more leisure for mental improvement and their
several enjoyments, and saving them from premature decay and
death.
Tenth. The adoption of an American monetary system, as
proposed herein, will harmonize all differences in regard to tariff and
federal taxation, reduce and equalize the cost of transportation by
land and water, distribute equitably the joint earnings of capital and
labor, secure to the producers of wealth the results of their labor and
skill, and muster out of service the vast army of idlers, who, under
the existing system, grow rich upon the earnings of others, that every
man and woman may, by their own efforts, secure a competency, so
that overgrown fortunes and extreme poverty will be seldom found
within the limits of our republic.
Eleventh. Both national and state governments should establish
bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with the power of
gathering and publishing the same.
Twelfth. That the contract system of employing labor in our
prisons and reformatory institutions works great injustice to our
mechanics and artisans, and should be prohibited.
Thirteenth. The importation of servile labor into the United States
from China is a problem of the most serious importance, and we
recommend legislation looking to its suppression.
Fourteenth. We believe in the supremacy of law over and above all
perishable material, and in the necessity of a party of united people
that will rise above old party lines and prejudices. We will not
affiliate in any degree with any of the old parties, but, in all cases and
localities, will organize anew, as united National men—nominate for
office and official positions only such persons as are clearly believers
in and identified with this our sacred cause; and, irrespective of
creed, color, place of birth, or past condition of political or other
servitude, vote only for men who entirely abandon old party lines
and organizations.

1879.—National Liberal Platform.

Cincinnati, Ohio, September 14.

1. Total separation of Church and State, to be guaranteed by
amendment of the United States constitution; including the
equitable taxation of church property, secularization of the public
schools, abrogation of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chaplaincies,
prohibition of public appropriations for religious purposes, and all
measures necessary to the same general end.
2. National protection for national citizens in their equal civil,
political, and religious rights, to be guaranteed by amendment of the
United States constitution and afforded through the United States
courts.
 3. Universal education, the basis of universal suffrage in this
secular Republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United
States constitution, requiring every state to maintain a thoroughly
secularized public school system, and to permit no child within its
limits to grow up without a good elementary education.

1880.—Independent Republican Principles.

I. Independent Republicans adhere to the republican principles of

national supremacy, sound finances, and civil service reform,
expressed in the Republican platform of 1876, in the letter of
acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 1879; and they
seek the realization of those principles in practical laws and their
efficient administration. This requires,
1. The continuance on the statute book of laws protecting the
rights of voters at national elections. But national supremacy affords
no pretext for interference with the local rights of communities; and
the development of the south from its present defective civilization
can be secured only under constitutional methods, such as those of
President Hayes.
2. The passage of laws which shall deprive greenbacks of their
legal-tender quality, as a first step toward their ultimate withdrawal
and cancellation, and shall maintain all coins made legal tender at
such weight and fineness as will enable them to be used without
discount in the commercial transactions of the world.
3. The repeal of the acts which limit the terms of office of certain
government officials to four years; the repeal of the tenure-of-office
acts, which limit the power of the executive to remove for cause; the
establishment of a permanent civil service commission, or equivalent
measures to ascertain, by open competition, and certify to the
President or other appointing power the fitness of applicants for
nomination or appointment to all non-political offices.
II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should be
independent of party. The words Republican and Democrat should
have no weight in determining whether a school or city shall be
administered on business principles by capable men. With a view to
this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting for local
and for state officers upon separate ballots.
III. Independent Republicans assert that a political party is a co-
operation of voters to secure the practical enactment into legislation
of political convictions set forth as its platform. Every voter accepting
that platform is a member of that party; any representative of that
party opposing the principles or evading the promises of its platform
forfeits the support of its voters. No voter should be held by the
action or nomination of any caucus or convention of his party against
his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and
unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones; and if his party
no longer represents its professed principles in its practical
workings, it is his duty to vote against it.
IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations through
participation in the primaries and through the defeat of bad
nominees; they will labor for the defeat of any local Republican
candidate, and, in co-operation with those holding like views
elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican candidate whom
they do not deem fit.

1880. Republican Platform.

Chicago, Illinois, June 2.

The Republican party, in national convention assembled, at the
end of twenty years since the Federal government was first
committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United States
its brief report of its administration:
It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men
to subvert the national authority. It reconstructed the union of the
states with freedom, instead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It
transformed four million of human beings from the likeness of things
to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work
of hunting fugitive slaves, and charged it to see that slavery does not
exist.
It has raised the value of our paper currency from thirty-eight per
cent. to the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid basis, payment
in coin for all the national obligations, and has given us a currency
absolutely good and equal in every part of our extended country. It
has lifted the credit of the nation from the point where six per cent.
bonds sold at eighty-six to that where four per cent. bonds are
eagerly sought at a premium.
Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000
miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879.
Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to
$1,150,000,000 in the same time; and our exports, which were
$20,000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were $264,000,000
more than our imports in 1879.
Without resorting to loans, it has, since the war closed, defrayed
the ordinary expenses of government, besides the accruing interest
on the public debt, and disbursed, annually, over $30,000,000 for
soldiers’ pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the public debt, and,
by refunding the balance at lower rates, has reduced the annual
interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 to less than $89,000,000.
All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand,
wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is
evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed.
Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued
confidence and support of the people; and this convention submits
for their approval the following statement of the principles and
purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts:
1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such as
to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the
costly victories which we have achieved, through immense
difficulties, should be preserved; that the peace regained should be
cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should
be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation
should be transmitted, undiminished, to future generations; that the
order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired;
that the pensions promised should be paid; that the debt so much
reduced should be extinguished by the full payment of every dollar
thereof; that the reviving industries should be further promoted; and
that the commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged.
 2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a
mere contract; out of confederate states it made a sovereign nation.
Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to
states; but the boundary between the powers delegated and those
reserved is to be determined by the national and not by the state
tribunals.
3. The work of popular education is one left to the care of the
several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid
that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of
the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several
states; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the
genius of any one state, but by the average genius of all.
4. The constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law
respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the
nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while
each state is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend
that the constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition
upon the legislature of each state, to forbid the appropriation of
public funds to the support of sectarian schools.
5. We reaffirm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for
the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as to favor American
labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to
any railway or other corporation; that slavery having perished in the
states, its twin barbarity—polygamy—must die in the territories; that
everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of American birth
must be secured to citizens by American adoption. That we esteem it
the duty of Congress to develop and improve our water-courses and
harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or
corporations must cease. That the obligations of the republic to the
men who preserved its integrity in the day of battle are undiminished
by the lapse of fifteen years since their final victory—to do them
perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, the grateful privilege and
sacred duty of the American people.
6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse
between the United States and foreign nations rests with the
Congress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, the
Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the
Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that
power to restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of
such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce that
result.
That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early career
of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the
thoughts of our immediate predecessors to select him for a
presidential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as
chief executive, and that history will accord to his administration the
honors which are due to an efficient, just, and courteous discharge of
the public business, and will honor his interposition between the
people and proposed partisan laws.
8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of
patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and
patronage. That to obtain possession of the national and state
governments, and the control of place and position, they have
obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the
freedom of suffrage; have devised fraudulent certifications and
returns; have labored to unseat lawfully-elected members of
Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a majority of the states
in the House of Representatives; have endeavored to occupy, by force
and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine,
and rescued by the courageous action of Maine’s patriotic sons; have,
by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached
partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the
very movements of government depend; have crushed the rights of
the individual; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of
rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the
sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably
valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual
equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the laws, and
protection of all our citizens in the enjoyment of all privileges and
immunities guaranteed by the constitution, are the first duties of the
nation. The danger of a solid south can only be averted by the faithful
performance of every promise which the nation made to the citizen.
The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who
violate them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace
can be secured, and genuine prosperity established throughout the
south. Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must
perform; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty to the
states. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful agencies of
the ballot, and all opinions must there find free expression; and to
this end honest voters must be protected against terrorism, violence,
or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the
Republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the states
of this Union to the most perfect harmony which may be practicable;
and we submit to the practical, sensible people of the United States
to say whether it would not be dangerous to the dearest interests of
our country, at this time to surrender the administration of the
national government to a party which seeks to overthrow the existing
policy, under which we are so prosperous, and thus bring distrust
and confusion where there is now order, confidence, and hope.
9. The Republican party, adhering to a principle affirmed by its
last national convention, of respect for the constitutional rule
covering appointments to office, adopts the declaration of President
Hayes, that the reform of the civil service should be thorough,
radical, and complete. To this end it demands the co-operation of the
legislative with the executive department of the government, and
that Congress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper
practical tests, shall admit to the public service; and that the power
of removal for cause, with due responsibility for the good conduct of
subordinates, shall accompany the power of appointment.

1880.—National (Greenback) Platform,

Chicago, Illinois, June 9.

The civil government should guarantee the divine right of every
laborer to the results of his toil, thus enabling the producers of
wealth to provide themselves with the means for physical comfort,
and facilities for mental, social, and moral culture; and we condemn,
as unworthy of our civilization, the barbarism which imposes upon
wealth-producers a state of drudgery as the price of a bare animal
existence. Notwithstanding the enormous increase of productive
power by the universal introduction of labor-saving machinery and
the discovery of new agents for the increase of wealth, the task of the
laborer is scarcely lightened, the hours of toil are but little shortened,
and few producers are lifted from poverty into comfort and
pecuniary independence. The associated monopolies, the
international syndicates, and other income classes demand dear
money, cheap labor, and a strong government, and, hence, a weak
people. Corporate control of the volume of money has been the
means of dividing society into hostile classes, of an unjust
distribution of the products of labor, and of building up monopolies
of associated capital, endowed with power to confiscate private
property. It has kept money scarce; and the scarcity of money
enforces debt-trade, and public and corporate loans; debt engenders
usury, and usury ends in the bankruptcy of the borrower. Other
results are—deranged markets, uncertainty in manufacturing
enterprises and agriculture, precarious and intermittent employment
for the laborer, industrial war, increasing pauperism and crime, and
the consequent intimidation and disfranchisement of the producer,
and a rapid declension into corporate feudalism. Therefore, we
declare—
First. That the right to make and issue money is a sovereign
power, to be maintained by the people for their common benefit. The
delegation of this right to corporations is a surrender of the central
attribute of sovereignty, void of constitutional sanction, and
conferring upon a subordinate and irresponsible power an absolute
dominion over industry and commerce. All money, whether metallic
or paper, should be issued, and its volume controlled, by the
government, and not by or through banking corporations; and, when
so issued, should be a full legal tender for all debts, public and
private.
Second. That the bonds of the United States should not be
refunded, but paid as rapidly as practicable, according to contract.
To enable the government to meet these obligations, legal-tender
currency should be substituted for the notes of the national banks,
the national banking system abolished, and the unlimited coinage of
silver, as well as gold, established by law.
Third. That labor should be so protected by national and state
authority as to equalize its burdens and insure a just distribution of
its results. The eight hour law of Congress should be enforced, the
sanitary condition of industrial establishments placed under the rigid
control, the competition of contract convict labor abolished, a bureau
of labor statistics established, factories, mines, and workshops
inspected, the employment of children under fourteen years of age
forbidden, and wages paid in cash.
Fourth. Slavery being simply cheap labor, and cheap labor being
simply slavery, the importation and presence of Chinese serfs
necessarily tends to brutalize and degrade American labor; therefore,
immediate steps should be taken to abrogate the Burlingame treaty.
Fifth. Railroad land grants forfeited by reason of non-fulfillment of
contract should be immediately reclaimed by the government, and,
henceforth, the public domain reserved exclusively as homes for
actual settlers.
Sixth. It is the duty of Congress to regulate inter-state commerce.
All lines of communication and transportation should be brought
under such legislative control as shall secure moderate, fair, and
uniform rates for passenger and freight traffic.
Seventh. We denounce as destructive to property and dangerous to
liberty the action of the old parties in fostering and sustaining
gigantic land, railroad, and money corporations, and monopolies
invested with and exercising powers belonging to the government,
and yet not responsible to it for the manner of their exercise.
Eighth. That the constitution, in giving Congress the power to
borrow money, to declare war, to raise and support armies, to
provide and maintain a navy, never intended that the men who
loaned their money for an interest-consideration should be preferred
to the soldiers and sailors who periled their lives and shed their
blood on land and sea in defense of their country; and we condemn
the cruel class legislation of the Republican party, which, while
professing great gratitude to the soldier, has most unjustly
discriminated against him and in favor of the bondholder.
Ninth. All property should bear its just proportion of taxation, and
we demand a graduated income tax.
Tenth. We denounce as dangerous the efforts everywhere manifest
to restrict the right of suffrage.
Eleventh. We are opposed to an increase of the standing army in
time of peace, and the insidious scheme to establish an enormous
military power under the guise of militia laws.
 Twelfth. We demand absolute democratic rules for the
government of Congress, placing all representatives of the people
upon an equal footing, and taking away from committees a veto
power greater than that of the President.
Thirteenth. We demand a government of the people, by the people,
and for the people, instead of a government of the bondholder, by the
bondholder, and for the bondholder; and we denounce every attempt
to stir up sectional strife as an effort to conceal monstrous crimes
against the people.
Fourteenth. In the furtherance of these ends we ask the co-
operation of all fair-minded people. We have no quarrel with
individuals, wage no war on classes, but only against vicious
institutions. We are not content to endure further discipline from our
present actual rulers, who, having dominion over money, over
transportation, over land and labor, over the press and the
machinery of government, wield unwarrantable power over our
institutions and over life and property.

1880.—Prohibition Reform Platform,

Cleveland, Ohio, June 17.

The prohibition Reform party of the United States, organized, in
the name of the people, to revive, enforce, and perpetuate in the
government the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence,
submit, for the suffrage of all good citizens, the following platform of
national reforms and measures:
In the examination and discussion of the temperance question, it
has been proven, and is an accepted truth, that alcoholic drinks,
whether fermented, brewed, or distilled, are poisonous to the healthy
human body, the drinking of which is not only needless but hurtful,
necessarily tending to form intemperate habits, increasing greatly
the number, severity, and fatal termination of diseases, weakening
and deranging the intellect, polluting the affections, hardening the
heart and corrupting the morals, depriving many of reason and still
more of its healthful exercise, and annually bringing down large
numbers to untimely graves, producing, in the children of many who
drink, a predisposition to intemperance, insanity, and various bodily
and mental diseases, causing diminution of strength, feebleness of
vision, fickleness of purpose, and premature old age, and inducing,
in all future generations, deterioration of moral and physical
character. Alcoholic drinks are thus the implacable foe of man as an
individual.
First. The legalized importation, manufacture, and sale of
intoxicating drinks ministers to their use, and teaches the erroneous
and destructive sentiment that such use is right, thus tending to
produce and perpetuate the above mentioned evils.
Second. To the home it is an enemy—proving itself to be a
disturber and destroyer of its peace, prosperity, and happiness;
taking from it the earnings of the husband; depriving the dependent
wife and children of essential food, clothing, and education; bringing
into it profanity, abuse, and violence; setting at naught the vows of
the marriage altar; breaking up the family and sundering the
children from the parents, and thus destroying one of the most
beneficent institutions of our Creator, and removing the sure
foundation of good government, national prosperity, and welfare.
Third. To the community it is equally an enemy—producing vice,
demoralization, and wickedness; its places of sale being resorts of
gaming, lewdness, and debauchery, and the hiding-place of those
who prey upon society; counteracting the efficacy of religious effort,
and of all means of intellectual elevation, moral purity, social
happiness, and the eternal good of mankind, without rendering any
counteracting or compensating benefits; being in its influence and
effect evil and only evil, and that continually.
Fourth. To the state it is equally an enemy—legislative inquiries,
judicial investigations, and official reports of all penal, reformatory,
and dependent institutions showing that the manufacture and sale of
such beverages is the promoting cause of intemperance, crime, and
pauperism, and of demands upon public and private charity,
imposing the larger part of taxation, paralyzing thrift, industry,
manufactures, and commercial life, which, but for it, would be
unnecessary; disturbing the peace of streets and highways; filling
prisons and poor-houses; corrupting politics, legislation, and the
execution of the laws; shortening lives; diminishing health, industry,
and productive power in manufactures and art; and is manifestly
unjust as well as injurious to the community upon which it is
imposed, and is contrary to all just views of civil liberty, as well as a
violation of the fundamental maxim of our common law, to use your
own property or liberty so as not to injure others.
Fifth. It is neither right nor politic for the state to afford legal
protection to any traffic or any system which tends to waste the
resources, to corrupt the social habits, and to destroy the health and
lives of the people; that the importation, manufacture, and sale of
intoxicating beverages is proven to be inimical to the true interests of
the individual home, community, and state, and destructive to the
order and welfare of society, and ought, therefore, to be classed
among crimes to be prohibited.
Sixth. In this time of profound peace at home and abroad, the
entire separation of the general government from the drink-traffic,
and its prohibition in the District of Columbia, territories, and in all
places and ways over which, under the constitution, Congress has
control and power, is a political issue of the first importance to the
peace and prosperity of the nation. There can be no stable peace and
protection to personal liberty, life, or property, until secured by
national or state constitutional provisions, enforced by adequate
laws.
Seventh. All legitimate industries require deliverance from the
taxation and loss which the liquor traffic imposes upon them; and
financial or other legislation could not accomplish so much to
increase production and cause a demand for labor, and, as a result,
for the comforts of living, as the suppression of this traffic would
bring to thousands of homes as one of its blessings.
Eighth. The administration of the government and the execution of
the laws are through political parties; and we arraign the Republican
party, which has been in continuous power in the nation for twenty
years, as being false to duty, as false to loudly-proclaimed principles
of equal justice to all and special favors to none, and of protection to
the weak and dependent, insensible to the mischief which the trade
in liquor has constantly inflicted upon industry, trade, commerce,
and the social happiness of the people; that 5,652 distilleries, 3,830
breweries, and 175,266 places for the sale of these poisonous liquors,
involving an annual waste to the nation of one million five hundred
thousand dollars, and the sacrifice of one hundred thousand lives,
have, under its legislation, grown up and been fostered as a
legitimate source of revenue; that during its history, six territories
have been organized and five states been admitted into the Union,
with constitutions provided and approved by Congress, but the
prohibition of this debasing and destructive traffic has not been
provided, nor even the people given, at the time of admission, power
to forbid it in any one of them. Its history further shows, that not in a
single instance has an original prohibitory law been passed by any
state that was controlled by it, while in four states, so governed, the
laws found on its advent to power have been repealed. At its national
convention in 1872, it declared, as part of its party faith, that “it
disapproves of the resort to unconstitutional laws for the purpose of
removing evils, by interference with rights not surrendered by the
people to either the state or national government,” which, the author
of this plank says, was adopted by the platform committee with the
full and implicit understanding that its purpose was the
discountenancing of all so-called temperance, prohibitory, and
Sunday laws.
Ninth. We arraign, also, the Democratic party as unfaithful and
unworthy of reliance on this question; for, although not clothed with
power, but occupying the relation of an opposition party during
twenty years past, strong in numbers and organization, it has allied
itself with liquor-traffickers, and become, in all the states of the
Union, their special political defenders, and in its national
convention in 1876, as an article of its political faith, declared against
prohibition and just laws in restraint of the trade in drink, by saying
it was opposed to what it was pleased to call “all sumptuary laws.”
The National party has been dumb on this question.
Tenth. Drink-traffickers, having the history and experience of all
ages, climes, and conditions of men, declaring their business
destructive of all good—finding no support in the Bible, morals, or
reason—appeal to misapplied law for their justification, and intrench
themselves behind the evil elements of political party for defense,
party tactics and party inertia become battling forces, protecting this
evil.
Eleventh. In view of the foregoing facts and history, we cordially
invite all voters, without regard to former party affiliations, to unite
with us in the use of the ballot for the abolition of the drinking
system, under the authority of our national and state governments.
We also demand, as a right, that women, having the privileges of
citizens in other respects, be clothed with the ballot for their
protection, and as a rightful means for the proper settlement of the
liquor question.
Twelfth. To remove the apprehension of some who allege that a
loss of public revenue would follow the suppression of the direct
trade, we confidently point to the experience of governments abroad
and at home, which shows that thrift and revenue from the
consumption of legitimate manufactures and commerce have so
largely followed the abolition of drink as to fully supply all loss of
liquor taxes.
Thirteenth. We recognize the good providence of Almighty God,
who has preserved and prospered us as a nation; and, asking for His
Spirit to guide us to ultimate success, we all look for it, relying upon
His omnipotent arm.

1880.—Democratic Platform,

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 22.

The Democrats of the United States, in convention assembled,
declare:
First. We pledge ourselves anew to the constitutional doctrines
and traditions of the Democratic party, as illustrated by the teachings
and examples of a long line of Democratic statesmen and patriots,
and embodied in the platform of the last national convention of the
party.
Second. Opposition to centralization, and to that dangerous spirit
of encroachment which tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, a real despotism; no sumptuary laws; separation of the
church and state for the good of each; common schools fostered and
protected.
Third. Home rule; honest money, consisting of gold and silver, and
paper, convertible into coin on demand; the strict maintenance of
the public faith; state and national; and a tariff for revenue only; the
subordination of the military to the civil power; and a general and
thorough reform of the civil service.
Fourth. The right to a free ballot is a right preservative of all rights;
and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States.
Fifth. The existing administration is the representative of
conspiracy only; and its claim of right to surround the ballot-boxes
with troops and deputy marshals, to intimidate and obstruct the
elections, and the unprecedented use of the veto to maintain its
corrupt and despotic power, insults the people and imperils their
institutions. We execrate the course of this administration in making
places in the civil service a reward for political crime; and demand a
reform, by statute, which shall make it forever impossible for a
defeated candidate to bribe his way to the seat of a usurper by
billeting villains upon the people.
Sixth. The great fraud of 1876–7, by which, upon a false count of
the electoral votes of two states, the candidate defeated at the polls
was declared to be President, and, for the first time in American
history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military
violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of representative
government. The Democratic party, to preserve the country from the
horrors of a civil war, submitted for the time, in the firm and
patriotic belief that the people would punish the crime in 1880. This
issue precedes and dwarfs every other. It imposes a more sacred duty
upon the people of the Union than ever addressed the consciences of
a nation of freemen.
Seventh. The resolution of Samuel J. Tilden, not again to be a
candidate for the exalted place to which he was elected by a majority
of his countrymen, and from which he was excluded by the leaders of
the Republican party, is received by the Democrats of the United
States with deep sensibility; and they declare their confidence in his
wisdom, patriotism, and integrity unshaken by the assaults of the
common enemy; and they further assure him that he is followed into
the retirement he has chosen for himself by the sympathy and
respect of his fellow-citizens, who regard him as one who, by
elevating the standard of the public morality, and adorning and
purifying the public service, merits the lasting gratitude of his
country and his party.
 Eighth. Free ships, and a living chance for American commerce
upon the seas; and on the land, no discrimination in favor of
transportation lines, corporations, or monopolies.
Ninth. Amendments of the Burlingame treaty; no more Chinese
immigration, except for travel, education, and foreign commerce,
and, therein, carefully guarded.
Tenth. Public money and public credit for public purposes solely,
and public land for actual settlers.
Eleventh. The Democratic party is the friend of labor and the
laboring man, and pledges itself to protect him alike against the
cormorants and the commune.
Twelfth. We congratulate the country upon the honesty and thrift
of a Democratic Congress, which has reduced the public expenditure
$10,000,000 a year; upon the continuation of prosperity at home
and the national honor abroad; and, above all, upon the promise of
such a change in the administration of the government as shall
insure a genuine and lasting reform in every department of the
public service.
 Virginia Republican.

[Adopted August 11.]

Whereas, It is proper that when the people assemble in convention
they should avow distinctly the principles of government on which
they stand; now, therefore, be it,
Resolved, That we, the Republicans of Virginia, hereby make a
declaration of our allegiance and adhesion to the principles of the
Republican party of the country, and our determination to stand
squarely by the organization of the Republican party of Virginia,
always defending it against the assaults of all persons or parties
whatsoever.
Second. That amongst the principles of the Republican party none
is of more vital importance to the welfare and interest of the country
in all its parts than that which pertains to the sanctity of Government
contracts. It therefore becomes the special duty and province of the
Republican party of Virginia to guard and protect the credit of our
time-honored State, which has been besmirched with repudiation, or
received with distrust, by the gross mismanagement of various
factions of the Democratic party, which have controlled the
legislation of the State.
Third. That the Republican party of Virginia hereby pledges itself
to redeem the State from the discredit that now hangs over her in
regard to her just obligations for moneys loaned her for constructing
her internal improvements and charitable institutions, which,
permeating every quarter of the State, bring benefits of far greater
value than their cost to our whole people, and we in the most solemn
form pledge the Republican party of the State to the full payment of
the whole debt of the State, less the one-third set aside as justly
falling on West Virginia; that the industries of the country should be
fostered through protective laws, so as to develop our own resources,
employ our own labor, create a home market, enhance values, and
promote the happiness and prosperity of the people.
Fourth. That the public school system of Virginia is the creature of
the Republican party, and we demand that every dollar the
Constitution dedicates to it shall be sacredly applied thereto as a
means of educating the children of the State, without regard to
condition or race.
Fifth. That the elective franchise as an equal right should be based
on manhood qualification, and that we favor the repeal of the
requirements of the prepayment of the capitation tax as a
prerequisite to the franchise as opposed to the Constitution of the
United States, and in violation of the condition whereby the State
was re-admitted as a member of our Constitutional Union, as well as
against the spirit of the Constitution; but demand the imposition of
the capitation tax as a source of revenue for the support of the public
schools without its disfranchising effects.
Sixth. That we favor the repeal of the disqualification for the
elective franchise by a conviction of petty larceny, and of the
infamous laws which place it in the power of a single justice of the
peace (ofttimes being more corrupt than the criminal before him) to
disfranchise his fellow man.
Seventh. Finally, that we urge the repeal of the barbarous law
permitting the imposition of stripes as degrading and inhuman,
contrary to the genius of a true and enlightened people, and a relic of
barbarism.
[The Convention considered it inexpedient to nominate candidates
for State officers.]

Virginia Readjuster.

[Adopted June 2.]

First. We recognize our obligation to support the institution for the
deaf, dumb and blind, the lunatic asylum, the public free schools and
the Government out of the revenues of the State; and we deprecate
and denounce that policy of ring rule and subordinated sovereignty
which for years borrowed money out of banks at high rates of
interest for the discharge of these paramount trusts, while our
revenues were left the prey of commercial exchanges, available to the
State only at the option of speculators and syndicates.
Second. We reassert our purpose to settle and adjust our State
obligations on the principles of the “Bill to re-establish public credit,”