Download ebooks file Reliability engineering. Probabilistic models and maintenance methods Second Edition Nachlas all chapters
Download ebooks file Reliability engineering. Probabilistic models and maintenance methods Second Edition Nachlas all chapters
com
https://textbookfull.com/product/reliability-engineering-
probabilistic-models-and-maintenance-methods-second-edition-
nachlas-2/
OR CLICK BUTTON
DOWNLOAD NOW
https://textbookfull.com/product/reliability-engineering-
probabilistic-models-and-maintenance-methods-second-edition-nachlas-2/
textboxfull.com
https://textbookfull.com/product/reasoning-with-probabilistic-and-
deterministic-graphical-models-exact-algorithms-second-edition-rina-
dechter/
textboxfull.com
https://textbookfull.com/product/reliability-based-aircraft-
maintenance-optimization-and-applications-a-volume-in-aerospace-
engineering-he-ren/
textboxfull.com
Graph Searching Games and Probabilistic Methods 1st
Edition Bonato
https://textbookfull.com/product/graph-searching-games-and-
probabilistic-methods-1st-edition-bonato/
textboxfull.com
https://textbookfull.com/product/learning-probabilistic-graphical-
models-in-r-1st-edition-david-bellot/
textboxfull.com
https://textbookfull.com/product/advanced-maintenance-policies-for-
shock-and-damage-models-1st-edition-xufeng-zhao/
textboxfull.com
https://textbookfull.com/product/asset-maintenance-engineering-
methodologies-first-edition-farinha/
textboxfull.com
RELIABILITY
ENGINEERING
Probabilistic Models and
Maintenance Methods
Second Edition
RELIABILITY
ENGINEERING
Probabilistic Models and
Maintenance Methods
Second Edition
JOEL A. NACHLAS
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable
efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot
assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and
publishers have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication
and apologize to copyright holders if permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any
copyright material has not been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any
future reprint.
Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced,
transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information stor-
age or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers.
For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, please access www.copy-
right.com (http://www.copyright.com/) or contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222
Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, 978-750-8400. CCC is a not-for-profit organization that pro-
vides licenses and registration for a variety of users. For organizations that have been granted a photo-
copy license by the CCC, a separate system of payment has been arranged.
Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are
used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Visit the Taylor & Francis Web site at
http://www.taylorandfrancis.com
and the CRC Press Web site at
http://www.crcpress.com
Dedicated to the memory of Betty Nachlas
Contents
1 Introduction .....................................................................................................1
vii
viii Contents
The motivation for the preparation of a second edition was my wish to expand
the treatment of several topics while maintaining an integrated introductory
resource for the study of reliability evaluation and maintenance planning.
The focus across all of the topics treated is the use of analytical methods to
support the design of dependable and efficient equipment and the planning
for the servicing of that equipment. The orientation of the topical develop-
ment is that probability models provide an effective vehicle for portraying
and evaluating the variability that is inherent in the performance and lon-
gevity of equipment.
The book is intended to support either an introductory graduate course
in reliability theory and preventive maintenance planning or a sequence of
courses that address these topics. A fairly comprehensive coverage of the
basic models and of various methods of analysis is provided. An under-
standing of the topics discussed should permit the reader to comprehend
the literature describing new and advanced models and methods.
Notwithstanding the emphasis upon initial study, the text should also
serve well as a resource for practicing engineers. Engineers who are involved
in the design process should find a coherent explanation of the reliability
and maintenance issues that will influence the success of the devices they
create. Similarly, engineers responsible for the analysis and verification of
product reliability or for the planning of maintenance support of fielded
equipment should find the material presented here to be relevant and easy
to access and use.
In preparing this second edition, the treatment of statistical methods for
evaluating reliability has been expanded substantially. Several methods for
constructing confidence intervals as part of the parametric estimation effort
are described and methods for treating data derived from operating repair-
able devices have also been added. In addition, the analysis of nonstation-
ary models of repairable equipment maintenance has been updated and
expanded. These expansions along with numerous other minor improve-
ments to the text should make this book an even more useful resource for
both students and practitioners.
The background required of the reader is a sound understanding of prob-
ability. This subsumes capability with calculus. More specifically, the reader
should have an understanding of distribution theory, Laplace transforms,
convolutions, stochastic processes, and Markov processes. It is also worth
mentioning that the use of the methods discussed in this book often involves
substantial computational effort, so facility with numerical methods and
access to efficient mathematical software is desirable.
xiii
xiv Preface
One caveat concerning the coverage here is that the treatment is strictly
limited to hardware. Reliability and maintenance models have been devel-
oped for applications to software, humans, and services systems. No criti-
cism of those efforts is intended but the focus here is simply hardware.
The organization of the text is reasonably straightforward. The elemen-
tary concepts of reliability theory are presented sequentially in Chapters 1
through 6. Following this, the commonly used statistical methods for eval-
uating component reliability are described in Chapters 7 and 8. Chapters
9 through 13 treat repairable systems and maintenance planning models.
Here again the presentation is sequential in that simple failure models pre-
cede those that include preventive actions and the renewal cases are treated
before the more realistic nonrenewal cases. In the final chapter, four inter-
esting special topics, including warranties, are discussed. It is worth noting
that four appendices that address aspects of numerical computation are pro-
vided. These should be quite useful to the reader.
Naturally, many people have contributed to the preparation of this text.
The principal factor in the completion of this book was the support and
encouragement of my wife Beverley. An important practical component of
my success was the support of Virginia Tech, especially during sabbaticals
when progress with writing is so much easier.
I acknowledge the significant computational capability provided to me by
the Mathematica software. Many of the analyses included in this text would
have been much more taxing or even impossible without the strength and
efficiency the Wolfram software provides.
I also wish to extend my thanks directly to three of my students, each of
whom contributed to my efforts. Edvin Beqari stimulated my increased inter-
est in and analysis of the diffusion models of degradation. He also directed
much of my analysis of that topic. Elliott Mitchell-Colgan helped to expand
the sets of exercises included at the end of the chapters. Paul D’Agostino
invested very many hours in verifying a majority of the complicated numeri-
cal analyses used for examples or for exercise solutions.
I express my profound gratitude to all of my graduate students who have
taught me so much about these topics over the years. May we all continue to
learn and grow and to enjoy the study of this important subject.
Author
Joel A. Nachlas received his BES from Johns Hopkins University in 1970, his
MS in 1972 and his PhD in 1976, both from the University of Pittsburgh. He
served on the faculty of the Grado Department of Industrial and Systems
Engineering at Virginia Tech for 41 years and retired in March 2016. His
research interests are in the applications of probability and statistics to prob-
lems in reliability and quality control. In addition to his normal teaching
activities during his time at Virginia Tech, he served as the coordinator for
the department’s graduate program in operations research and for their
dual master’s degree that is operated with École des Mines de Nantes in
France. From 1992 to 2011, he regularly taught reliability theory at the École
Polytechnique de l’Université Nice Sophia Antipolis. He is the coauthor of
more than 50 refereed articles, has served in numerous editorial and referee
capacities, and has lectured on reliability and maintenance topics through-
out North America and Europe.
xv
1
Introduction
Although we rarely think of it, reliability and maintenance are part of our
everyday lives. The equipment, manufactured products, and fabricated
infrastructure that contribute substantively to the quality of our lives have
finite longevity. Most of us recognize this fact, but we do not always fully
perceive the implications of finite system life for our efficiency and safety.
Many, but not all, of us also appreciate the fact that our automobiles require
regular service, but we do not generally think about the fact that roads and
bridges, smoke alarms, electricity generation and transmission devices, and
many other machines and facilities we use also require regular maintenance.
We are fortunate to live at a time in which advances in the understanding
of materials and energy have resulted in the creation of an enormous variety
of sophisticated products and systems, many of which (1) were inconceiv-
able 100 or 200 or even 20 years ago; (2) contribute regularly to our comfort,
health, happiness, efficiency, or success; (3) are relatively inexpensive; and
(4) require little or no special training on our part. Naturally, our reliance
on these devices and systems is continually increasing and we rarely think
about failure and the consequences of failure.
Occasionally, we observe a catastrophic failure. Fatigue failures of the fuse-
lage of aircraft [1], the loss of an engine by a commercial jet [1], the Three Mile
Island [1] and Chernobyl [1] nuclear reactor accidents, and the Challenger [2]
and Discovery [3] space shuttle accidents are all widely known examples of
catastrophic equipment failures. The relay circuit failure at the Ohio power
plant that precipitated the August 2003 power blackout in the northeastern
United States and in eastern Canada [4] is an example of a system failure
that directly affected millions of people. When these events occur, we are
reminded dramatically of the fallibility of the physical systems on which
we depend.
Nearly everyone has experienced less dramatic product failures such as
that of a home appliance, the wear out of a battery, and the failure of a light
bulb. Many of us have also experienced potentially dangerous examples of
product failures such as the blowout of an automobile tire.
Reliability engineering is the study of the longevity and failure of equip-
ment. Principles of science and mathematics are applied to the investiga-
tion of how devices age and fail. The intent is that a better understanding
of device failure will aid in identifying ways in which product designs can
be improved to increase life length and limit the adverse consequences of
failure. The key point here is that the focus is upon design. New product and
1
2 Reliability Engineering: Probabilistic Models and Maintenance Methods
system designs must be shown to be safe and reliable prior to their fabrica-
tion and use. A dramatic example of a design for which the reliability was
not properly evaluated is the well-known case of the Tacoma Narrows Bridge,
which collapsed into the Puget Sound in November 1940, a few months after
its completion [1].
A more recent example of a design fault with significant consequences is
the 2013 lithium-ion battery fire that occurred on a new Boeing 787 aircraft
while it was parked at the Boston airport [5]. Fortunately, the plane was
empty, so no one was injured, but the fire and two subsequent fires of the
same type resulted in all 787s being grounded until a modification to the
battery containment was made. The cost to the airlines using the planes was
estimated to be $1.1 million per day.
The study of the reliability of an equipment design also has important eco-
nomic implications for most products. As Blanchard [6] states, 90% of the life
cycle costs associated with the use of a product are fixed during the design
phase of a product’s life.
Similarly, an ability to anticipate failure can often imply the opportunity
to plan for an efficient repair of equipment when it fails or even better to per-
form preventive maintenance in order to reduce failure frequency.
There are many examples of products for which system reliability is far
better today than it was previously. One familiar example is the television
set, which historically experienced frequent failures and which, at present,
usually operates without failure beyond its age of obsolescence. Improved
television reliability is certainly due largely to advances in circuit technol-
ogy. However, the ability to evaluate the reliability of new material sys-
tems and new circuit designs has also contributed to the gains we have
experienced.
Perhaps the most well-recognized system for which preventive mainte-
nance is used to maintain product reliability is the commercial airplane.
Regular inspection, testing, repair, and even overhaul are part of the nor-
mal operating life of every commercial aircraft. Clearly, the reason for such
intense concern for the regular maintenance of aircraft is an appreciation of
the influence of maintenance on failure probabilities and thus on safety.
On a personal level, the products for which we are most frequently respon-
sible for maintenance are our automobiles. We are all aware of the inconve-
nience associated with an in-service failure of our cars and we are all aware
of the relatively modest level of effort required to obtain the reduced failure
probability that results from regular preventive maintenance.
It would be difficult to overstate the importance of maintenance and espe-
cially preventive maintenance. It is also difficult to overstate the extent to
which maintenance is undervalued or even disliked. Historically, repair and
especially preventive maintenance have often been viewed as inconvenient
overhead activities that are costly and unproductive. Very rarely have the
significant productivity benefits of preventive maintenance been recognized
and appreciated. Recently, there have been reports [7–9] that suggest that
Introduction 3
The point of departure for the study of reliability and maintenance planning
is the elementary definition of the term reliability. As mentioned in Chapter
1, the technical definition of reliability is similar to the colloquial definition
but is more precise. Formally, the definition is as follows:
Definition 2.1
Observe that there are four specific attributes of this definition of reliability.
The four attributes are (1) probability, (2) proper performance, (3) qualifica-
tion with respect to environment, and (4) time. All four are important. Over
this and the next several chapters, we explore a series of algebraic models
that are used to represent equipment reliability. We develop the models suc-
cessively by sequentially including in the models each of the four attributes
identified in the previous definition. To start, consider the representation of
equipment performance to which we refer as function.
5
6 Reliability Engineering: Probabilistic Models and Maintenance Methods
Note that this representation is intentionally binary. We assume here that the
status of the equipment of interest is either satisfactory or failed. There are
many types of equipment for which one or more derated states are possible.
Discussion of this possibility is postponed until the end of this chapter.
We presume that most equipment is comprised of components and that
the status of the device is determined by the status of the components.
Accordingly, let n be the number of components that make up the device and
define the component status variables, xi, as
ì1 if component i is functioning
xi = í
î0 if component i is failed
x = {x1 , x2 , , xn }
f = f( x ) (2.1)
and the specific form for the function is determined by the way in which the
components interact to determine system function. In the discussions that
follow, ϕ(x) is referred to as a “system structure function” or as a “system sta-
tus function” or simply as a “structure.” In all cases, the intent is to reflect the
dependence of the system state upon the states of the components that com-
prise the system. A parenthetical point is that the terms “device” and “sys-
tem” are used here in a generic sense and may be interpreted as appropriate.
An observation concerning the component status vector is that it is defined
here as a vector of binary elements so that an n component system has 2n pos-
sible component status vectors. For example, a three-component system has
23 = 8 component status vectors. They are
{1, 1, 1} {1, 0, 1}
{1, 1, 0} {1, 0, 0}
{0, 1, 1} {0, 0, 1}
{0, 1, 0} {0, 0, 0}
Each component status vector yields a corresponding value for the system
status function, ϕ.
System Structures 7
Definition 2.2
A coherent system is one for which the system structure function is nonde-
creasing in each of its arguments.
This means that for each element of the component status vector, xi, there
exists a realization of the vector for which
f( x1 , … , xi -1 , 0, xi +1 , … , xn ) < f( x1 , … , xi -1 , 1, xi +1 , … , xn ) (2.2)
Definition 2.3
1 2 3
FIGURE 2.1
Reliability block diagram for a series system.
f( x ) = Õx
i =1
i (2.4)
x1 = x2 = 1, x3 = 0, and f( x ) = 0
x1 = 1, x2 = x3 = 0, and f( x ) = 0
x1 = x2 = x3 = 1 and f( x ) = 1
Definition 2.4
A parallel system is one in which the proper function of any one component
implies system function.
System Structures 9
f( x ) = x
i =1
i (2.6)
FIGURE 2.2
Reliability block diagram for a three-component parallel system.
10 Reliability Engineering: Probabilistic Models and Maintenance Methods
n n
i =1
xi = 1 - Õ (1 - x )
i =1
i (2.7)
Once mastered, this shorthand is very convenient. Example cases for the
three-component parallel system are
x1 = x2 = 1, x3 = 0, and f( x ) = 1
x1 = 1, x2 = x3 = 0, and f( x ) = 1
x1 = x2 = x3 = 0, and f( x ) = 0
Definition 2.5
A k-out-of-n system is one in which the proper function of any k of the n com-
ponents that comprise the system implies proper system function.
System Structures 11
The usual approach to constructing the reliability block diagram for the
k-out-of-n system is to show a parallel diagram and to provide an additional
indication that the system is k out of n.
An example of a k-out-of-n system is the rear axle of a large tractor trailer
on which the functioning of any three out of the four wheels is sufficient to
assure mobility. Another example is the fact that some (1 – k) electronic mem-
ory arrays are configured so that the operation of any 126 of the 128 memory
addresses corresponds to satisfactory operation.
The algebraic representation of the structure function for a k-out-of-n sys-
tem is not as compact as those for series and parallel systems. Given the defi-
nition of the relationship between component and system status, the most
compact algebraic form for the structure function is
ì n
ï1
f( x ) = í
if åx ³ k
i =1
i
(2.8)
ï
î0 otherwise
x1 = x2 = x3 = 1, x4 = 0, and f( x ) = 1
x1 = x2 = 1, x3 = x4 = 0, and f( x ) = 0
x1 = x2 = x3 = 0, x4 = 1, and f( x ) = 0
Definition 2.6
1 4
2 5
FIGURE 2.3
Reliability block diagram for a Wheatstone bridge.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
[700] Donkin’s evidence, Court Martial Proceedings, p. 448.
[703] Mr. Fortescue has, I think, misinterpreted this order, when he says that it
told Clinton to march to the same spot as the first (British Army, ix. p. 63), for
Constanti is not in the direction of the Gaya, but on the opposite flank, west of the
Francoli river.
[704] A queer misprint in this dispatch makes it say ‘the enemy will march.’
[706] Mackenzie in his evidence says his men began at 2 p.m. to get into the
boats.
[707] Evidence of Bentinck, ibid., p. 176. The cavalry went off at 3 p.m.
[708] The hours of this belated work are stated very differently by various naval
witnesses, some of whom say that they worked till 1 a.m., others till 4 a.m., others
till 7; one thinks that embarkations continued till well into the forenoon of the 13th
—say 11 o’clock. At any rate, the hour must have been long after daylight had
come—which was at 4.15, as is recorded by one witness.
[709] The total loss of Murray’s Army during the Tarragona operations was:
Killed. Wounded. Missing. Total.
British, Germans, Calabrese, Italian Levy 14 60 5
Sicilians — 15 — 102
Whittingham’s Spaniards 1 7 —
Bertoletti’s garrison lost 13 killed and 85 wounded = 98. The enemies did each
other little harm!
[710] Not apparently the whole division, for Mackenzie calls it ‘a small body of
infantry.’
[712] Date stated by some as the 16th, but the earlier day seems correct. See
Mackenzie’s evidence, pp. 152-3: he was uncertain as to the date.
[713] Hallowell says on the evening of the 14th or the 15th, he forgets which. But
the latter date must be the true one.
[715] Pannetier’s rearguard followed on the 17th. See letter of the Alcalde of
Perello, Court Martial, p. 361.
[726] ‘We and the powers of Europe are interested in the success of the War in
the Peninsula. But the creatures who govern at Cadiz appear to feel no such
interest. All that they care about really is the praise of their foolish Constitution....
As long as Spain shall be governed by the Cortes, acting upon Republican
principles, we cannot hope for any permanent amelioration.’ Dispatches, x. p. 474,
Wellington to Bathurst, June 29.
[730] Ibid., x. pp. 553-4. When this letter was written to Lord William Bentinck,
Wellington had received no London dispatch for twenty days, mainly owing to bad
weather in the Bay of Biscay.
[731] Ibid., x. pp. 613-14, to Lord Bathurst.
[738] Lord Dalhousie was left in command—a great slight to Picton—all the more
so after what had happened at Vittoria. See Supplementary Dispatches, viii. p.
249.
[740] Pringle arrived and took command of this brigade a fortnight later.
Meanwhile the senior battalion commander led it.
[742] See the indignant letters of French officials quoted in Vidal de la Blache, i.
pp. 69 and 165-7.
[743] For the Army of Portugal only two chasseur regiments were left: for the
Army of the North only one: for the Army of the Centre only the weak Nassau
squadrons. But 13 out of the 14 cavalry regiments of the Army of the South
remained behind.
[744] Chassé’s brigade lost 850 men of 1,700 present, and the Nassau regiment
in the German brigade had similar casualties, though the Baden regiment got off
more lightly.
[745] It should be noted that Daricau’s 6th Division was now led by Maransin—its
old commander having been badly wounded at Vittoria. Maransin’s late brigade,
still extra-divisional as at Vittoria, had been made over to Gruardet.
[746] Jourdan answered that it was a false movement, but that on June 29th he
could not possibly foresee that the King would change his mind as to the
destination of the Army of the South. See Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 103.
[748] Under Cameron of the 92nd as senior colonel—Cadogan who fell at Vittoria
not having yet been replaced.
[749] Viz. Villatte’s and Maransin’s divisions, and Gruardet’s brigade of his own
army, and Braun’s brigade of the Army of the Centre.
[750] On May 1 the three 2nd Division brigades had shown 7,200 bayonets—they
had lost 900 men in action at Vittoria. If we allow for sick and stragglers and other
casual losses, they cannot possibly have had 6,000 men in line on July 5.
[751] All these absurd theories are to be found in Gazan’s reports to Jourdan of
July 4 and 5. See Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 106-7.
[752] The troops of the Army of the North which Foy had collected from the
Biscay garrisons, the brigades of Deconchy, Rouget, and Berlier of which we have
heard so much in a previous chapter.
[753] Foy, Lamartinière, Maucune and Fririon (late Sarrut). There were behind
them the King’s Spaniards and the raw Bayonne reserve.
[754] Dispatches, x. p. 512. The total losses having been 124 on all three days,
Wellington’s ‘no loss’ means, of course, practically no loss.
[755] The clearest proof of Gazan’s resolute resolve not to stand, and of the
complete mendacity of his dispatches concerning his heavy fighting on the 4th-5th
and 7th, is that he returned the total of his losses at 35 killed and 309 wounded. As
he had six brigades, or 13,000 men at least, engaged, it is clear that there was no
serious fighting at all—a fact borne out by Hill’s corresponding return of 8 killed,
119 wounded, and 2 missing in the whole petty campaign.
[756] Cf. Lecestre, Lettres inédites, ii. p. 1037, where the Emperor says on July 3
that he cannot make out what is happening; and that Joseph and Jourdan are
incapables.
[760] Even that he was withdrawing the British Army from Portugal. Lecestre, ii.
998, May 5.
[761] Though he did once make the observation that ‘on ne conduit pas des
campagnes à 500 lieues de distance,’ in a lucid interval.
[765] See the very interesting pages of Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 142-3.
[766] See Roederer’s account of the interview in Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 132-3.
Napoleon had suggested him as the best person for the errand.
[769] See especially the caustic paragraphs in Lecestre, ii. 1045, 1047, 1055, to
Clarke and Cambacérès.
[773] Bathurst to Wellington, June 23, Supplementary Dispatches, viii. pp. 17-18.
[776] Wellington to Lord Liverpool, July 23, from Lesaca, ibid., x. p. 568. Cf. same
to same, x. p. 596.
[780] Called the Mirador (’look-out’), Queen’s, and Principe batteries: there were
others facing sea-ward, which were of no account in this siege, as no attack from
the water-side took place.
[782] The governor surrendered the town on August 1, but retired into the castle
of La Mota, where he capitulated a few days later, just as Rey did in 1813.
[784] Dickson’s diary, July 12, 1813, p. 960 of Colonel John Leslie’s edition of the
Dickson Papers.
[792] See the interesting account of his cross-country ride on June 25-9 in his
Letters from the Peninsula, pp. 167-74.
[794] In detail Jones gives them as twenty 24-pounders, six 18-pounders, four 68-
pound cannonades, six 8-inch howitzers, and four mortars.
[799] Why does Belmas, who was very well informed, and used Jones’s book,
call the stormers ‘les Anglais’ and say that they lost 150 men? (Sièges, iv. p. 608).
He knew from Jones that they were Caçadores only (Jones, ii. p. 21), and that
their loss was under 70.
[800] Right column, to attack the cemetery and fortified houses—150 of 5th
Caçadores, 150 13th Portuguese Line, three companies 1/9th Foot, three
companies 3/1st Foot (Royal Scots) all under Hay, Brigadier of the 5th Division.
Left column: 200 of 5th Caçadores, 200 of 13th Portuguese Line, three companies
1/9th Foot—all under Bradford commanding Portuguese independent brigade.
Why did not Oswald use his own Portuguese brigade, but draw on Bradford?
Possibly because Spry’s brigade were discouraged by the failure of their Caçador
battalion on the 15th.
[801] Generally in British narratives called the Cask Redoubt, because wine
casks had been used to revet the shifting sand of which the soil was there
composed.
[806] There is a curious contradiction between Jones and Belmas as to the fate of
the Cask Redoubt. The latter says that the British took it—the former that the
garrison abandoned it, though not attacked.
[807] ‘From the looseness of the sand in which the battery was constructed, it
was found impossible to keep the soles of the embrasures sufficiently clear to use
the three short 24-pounders mounted on ship carriages—after a few rounds they
had to cease firing.’ Jones, ii. p. 28.
[808] Burgoyne’s Life and Correspondence, i. p. 267.
[809] Burgoyne, who took out the flag of truce, says that the French officer who
met him on the glacis used very angry words (ibid.).
[810] See Dickson Papers, ed. Col. Leslie, p. 970. The second breach is marked
as ‘Lesser Breach’ on the map.
[811] Burgoyne, whose diary of the siege is one of the primary authorities, says
that in his opinion the mine could have been much more useful than it was. ‘On the
discovery of the drain, I should have immediately have altered the whole plan of
attack. I would have made a “globe of compression” to blow in the counterscarp
and the crest of the glacis, and then at low water have threatened an attack on the
breaches, exploded the mine, and have made the real assault on the hornwork,
which not being threatened had few people in it, and would undoubtedly have
been carried easily.’ There was, he says, good cover in the hornwork, which would
have been easily connected with the parallel, and used as the base for attacking
the main front, with breaching batteries in its terre-plein and the crest of the glacis.
Burgoyne, i. p. 271. But this is wisdom after the event.
[813] For all these details see Belmas, iv. pp. 620-1.
[814] Burgoyne says (i. 369) that the engineers on the 24th settled that the mine
was no more than a signal ‘with a chance of alarming them’. On the 25th it would
seem that a little more attention, but not nearly enough, was given to this useful
subsidiary operation.
[816] This is slurred over in the British narratives except Dickson’s Diary, p. 973.
Belmas gives some account of it, however, though he calls the assailants British
instead of Portuguese (iv. p. 623). They were some companies of the 8th
Caçadores.
[817] Most of this narrative is from Colin Campbell’s long and interesting letter to
Sir J. Cameron, printed on pp. 25-30 of his Life by General Shadwell.
[820] The 38th lost 53 men, the 9th 25, the Portuguese 138 in the side-attack.
Why need Belmas, who had Jones’s book before him, give the total of British
losses as 2,000? (Sièges, iv. 625).
[824] ‘The men, panic stricken, turned and could never be rallied,’ writes Frazer
next day (p. 204). ‘One party, I believe of the 9th and 38th, went up to the breach
and then turned and ran away,’ says Larpent (p. 200). Neither saw the actual
assault in the dark.
[825] So at least he wrote to Castaños on the 24th: ‘j’espère que cette affaire est
finie.’ Dispatches, x. p. 564.
[828] Permission was given to leave four guns behind in the main breaching
batteries and two on Monte Olia, to keep up a semblance of continued attack.
Dispatches, x. p. 566.
[829] The British officer in command in the trenches, Major O’Halloran, was court
martialled, but acquitted. It was proved that he had given the correct orders to the
Portuguese captains of the companies on guard, who had not obeyed them. All the
prisoners except 30 were Portuguese.
[837] The gendarmerie were those who had come from the ‘legions’, employed in
1811-12-13 as garrisons in Northern Spain. They were embodied in units, horse
and foot, and used as combatants (as at the combat of Venta del Pozo, for which
see p. 71).
[838] As Table XVI in the Appendix shows, Foy’s division received two of Sarrut’s
regiments: Cassagne’s (now Darmagnac’s) took all the French infantry of the old
Army of the Centre: Villatte’s (now Abbé’s) was given two of Abbé’s regiments of
the Army of the North: Conroux’s division absorbed Maransin’s independent
brigade: Barbot’s (now Vandermaesen’s) received two regiments of the Army of
the North: Daricau’s (now Maransin’s) got half Leval’s ‘scrapped’ division, Taupin
the other half of it: Maucune absorbed one of Vandermaesen’s old regiments,
Lamartinière one of Sarrut’s.
[840] 2nd Léger of same, which suffered heavily at Vittoria while under Sarrut.
[842] Not only the Afrancesados but some of the Army of the North troops
withdrawn from the Biscay garrisons had a poor record, and had disgusted Foy in
his recent Tolosa fight. These were high-numbered battalions, recently made up
from the Bayonne conscript reserve.
[843] The best proof of the efficiency of the bulk of Villatte’s corps is that when
Vandermaesen’s and Maucune’s divisions were cut to pieces in the battles of the
Pyrenees, Soult made up a new brigade for each of them out of the Reserve.
Joseph’s French Guards fought splendidly at San Marcial. The Germans were very
steady veteran troops.
[845] See above, p. 533. Jourdan to Joseph, July 5. The memorandum had been
made over to Soult. Cf. Clere, Campagne du Maréchal Soult, p. 46, and Vidal de la
Blache, i. p. 182.
[846] One asks oneself why Soult did not give Reille the Maya attack, saving him
two-thirds of his journey, and send D’Erlon to join Clausel at St. Jean-Pied-du-Port,
by a march much shorter than Reille was asked to make.
[847] It is said that persons acquainted with the country told Soult to send the
whole column round by Bayonne, on account of the artillery, but that he refused.
As a matter of fact, Lamartinière’s division and some of the guns did go that
détour, owing to the broken bridge.
[857] Vittoria and light companies of Doyle, La Union, and Legion Estremena.
[861] See the very interesting letter of Bainbrigge of the 20th, printed as an
Appendix to the regimental history of that corps, p. 390.
[862] Bainbrigge says that it was 7 a.m. before the regiment reached the Linduz,
but that it was an hour earlier is demonstrated by the fact that they heard firing at
Roncesvalles after arriving. Now Byng’s fight on the Leiçaratheca began at 6 a.m.
Therefore Ross was on the Linduz earlier.
[863] What became of this Spanish company? Captain Tovey of the 20th (see
history of that corps, p. 408) says that the French ‘made the Spanish picquet, who
were posted to give us intelligence, prisoners, without their firing a shot’. Another
account is that having seen Ross arrive, they quietly went off to rejoin their
brigade, without giving any notice.
[864] There is a curious and interesting account of all this in the Memoirs of
Lemonnier-Delafosse, aide-de-camp to Clausel, who was twice sent to stir up
Barbot, whose conduct he describes in scathing terms (pp. 212-14). Clausel says
that the 50th stormed the Leiçaratheca. That it stormed an abandoned position is
shown by the figure of its losses. What Clausel does not tell can be gathered from
Byng’s workmanlike dispatch to Cole, in Supplementary Dispatches, viii. pp. 128-9.
[866] I confess that I doubt these figures. Martinien’s lists show the 27th Line with
seven officer-casualties, the 1st Line with two, the 25th Léger with three, the 130th
with two. Fourteen officer-casualties ought to mean more like 280 than 100
casualties of all ranks. In the whole Pyrenean campaign the French army lost 120
officers to 12,300 men—nearly 30 men to each officer. Clausel asks us to believe
that at Roncesvalles the proportion was one officer to twelve men! Yet, of course,
such disproportion is quite possible.
[867] While we have quite a number of good personal narratives of the fight on
the Linduz, I have found for the fight on the Leiçaratheca nothing but the official
reports of Clausel, Byng, and Morillo, save the memoirs of George L’Estrange of
the 31st and of Lemonnier-Delafosse, who is interesting but obviously inaccurate,
since he says that the French regiment which carried the hill was the 71st. Not
only was it the 50th, as Clausel specially mentions, but 71 was a blank number in
the French Army List.
[868] Four, not five, because the light company of the 20th was absent with the
other light companies far to the right: so the wing was only four companies strong,
or three deducting Tovey’s men. Wachholz forgets this.
[870] Tovey fortunately wrote a narrative of this little affair, which may be found in
the history of the 20th, p. 408. He says: ‘The enemy’s light troops opened so
galling a fire that Major-General Ross called out for a company to go to the front.
Without waiting for orders I pushed out with mine, and in close order and double-
quick cleared away the skirmishers from a sort of plateau. They did not wait for us:
on reaching its opposite side we came so suddenly on the head of the enemy’s
infantry column, which had just gained a footing on the summit of the hill, that the
men of my company absolutely paused in astonishment, for we were face to face
with them. The French officer called to us to throw down our arms: I replied
“bayonet away,” and rushing on them we turned them back down the descent.
Such was the panic and confusion caused by the sudden onset, that our small
party (for such it was compared to the French column) had time to regain the
regiment, but my military readers may rest assured that it required to be done
double quick.’
[871] This ditch had been cut by the Spaniards in 1793 as an outer protection to
their redoubt on the Linduz.
[873] The 6th Léger, 69th (2 battalions), 76th, and 36th show casualties, the rear
regiments (39th and 65th) none. Nor does Maucune’s division. Similarly on the
British side none of Anson’s or Stubbs’s battalions contribute to the list.
[874] As we have seen already, Clausel puts his loss at the Leiçaratheca at 160,
to Byng’s and Morillo’s 120. At the other end of the line Ross’s brigade had lost
216 men—139 of them in the 20th, 31 in the 7th, 42 in the 23rd, 4 in the Brunswick
company. [I know not where Napier got his strange statement that this company
lost 42 men: their captain, Wachholz, reports 2 killed and 2 wounded.] Foy’s six
front battalions had lost 10 officers and 361 men. The total Allied loss was about
350, there having been a few casualties among Campbell’s Portuguese and
among the Spaniards at Orbaiceta. The total French loss was not less than 530.
Both figures are very moderate. Cole estimated the French casualties at 2,000
men! Soult wrote that he had almost exterminated the 20th, whose total loss had
been 139.
[878] Cole to Murray, Linzoain, July 26th. Wrongly dated July 27th in
Supplementary Dispatches, viii. p. 124.
[879] See diary of Dr. Henry, who was at Elizondo, and notes how all the senior
officers rode out eastward (p. 161).
[881] One from each battalion plus the odd company of the 5/60th attached to
each 2nd Division brigade.
[882] See Hope’s Military Memoirs, p. 319. Sceptical observers with telescopes
said that the objects seen were droves of bullocks.
[885] Mr. Fortescue (History of the Army, ix. p. 258) thinks that the 34th got up in
time to join in their last struggle. But Bell of that regiment says ‘we laboured on, but
all too late—a forlorn hope—our comrades were all killed, wounded, or prisoners.
The enemy had full possession of the ground.’ Bell’s Rough Notes, i. p. 103.
[888] All this is most difficult to follow, our numerous sources contradicting each
other in matters of detail in the most puzzling fashion. For this part of the narrative
I have used, beside the dispatch of William Stewart, the books of Moyle Sherer of
the 34th, who commanded the Aretesque picquet and was taken prisoner—Sir
George Bell of the same regiment, Cadell of the 28th, Hope and Sergeant
Robertson of the 92nd, Patterson of the 50th, the two anonymous diarists ‘J. S.’
and the ‘Scottish Soldier’ of the 71st, besides D’Erlon’s and Darmagnac’s original
dispatches, lent me by Mr. Fortescue. I take it that each authority may be followed
for the doings of his own corps, but is of inferior weight for those of other units.
Patterson says that the 34th was at one time in close touch with the 50th, Cadell
that the 28th and 92nd worked together, while Hope says that the 28th was only
seen by the 92nd right wing after it had ended its terrible first entry into the fight.
Patterson says that he saw O’Callaghan of the 39th fighting along with the 50th in
the third episode of the combat, when, according to other sources, that regiment
had already retreated south toward the valley with the 34th. Stewart’s dispatch
only speaks of the 28th and 34th retiring in that direction, not the 39th. A confused
fight has left confused memories. I cannot be sure of all the details.
[889] The statement in Napier and succeeding writers that the wounded of the
right wing of the 92nd formed a bank behind which the French advance halted,
and stood to receive the fire of the left wing of that same corps, whose bullets hit
many of its comrades, comes from the narrative of Norton of the 34th (Napier, V.
appendix, p. 442), who was some way off. That the troops which came up were
the right wing 71st, and not the left wing 92nd, seems to me proved by the
narrative of Hope of the 92nd, who distinctly says that the right wing were relieved
by the 71st, and that the left wing were still holding the Maya position and under
Stewart, who had just arrived, along with the left wing of the 71st (Military
Memoirs, p. 210).
[890] He himself in his dispatch only says that it was after 1 p.m.
[894] Stewart’s dispatch says that it was the 82nd who fought with stones.
[895] This was not the brigade to which the 82nd belonged, but the reserve
brigade of the 7th Division, short of one of its units, the 3rd Provisional.
[899] Wellington’s letter to Graham, giving the false report that D’Erlon had been
repulsed at Maya, is dated at 10 p.m. The letter to O’Donnell must be a little later,
as it repeats this error, but adds that a note has come in from Cole, saying that he
was heavily engaged at noon. Dispatches, x. pp. 566-7.
[900] The dispatch giving this information (Dispatches, x. p. 570) is wrongly dated
in the Wellington correspondence. It should be July 26th at 4 a.m. The hour of the
receipt of Hill’s and Stewart’s reports is not given.
[904] This letter in Supplementary Dispatches, viii. pp. 124-5, is there wrongly
dated July 27th (for 26th). Cole, of course, was no longer at Linzoain on the 27th.
[906] Picton to Murray, 8.30 p.m., Supplementary Dispatches, xviii. pp. 121-2.
[912] The tall hat is vouched for by George L’Estrange of the 31st, and Wachholz
from Ross’s brigade, the furled umbrella by Bainbrigge of the 20th, all eye-
witnesses, whose narratives are among the few detailed accounts of this retreat.
[914] See Quartermaster-General to Picton, enclosing letter for Cole, sent off
from Lesaca on July 23 (Supplementary Dispatches, viii. pp. 112-13), which must
have reached Picton at Olague on the 24th.
[915] This seems a more controvertible plea. Orders went out from Lesaca on the
23rd, and must have reached Picton not very late in the day on the 24th.
Supposing he had marched from Olague on the afternoon of the 24th, he would
have been at Zubiri (only 6 miles off) on that same night, or even at Viscarret. And
from Zubiri to Roncesvalles is not an excessive day’s march for the 25th,
especially when firing was to be heard at the front.
[916] The remaining four were in the Caçador battalion of Stubbs’s Portuguese
brigade.
[917] Unfortunately all French losses are given en bloc for the six days July 27 to
August 1, and the casualties of each day cannot be disentangled. The casualties
of Maya and Roncesvalles can be ascertained, but not those of the subsequent
days.
[918] Viz. about 6,000 of Cole’s division, 5,000 of his own, 1,700 of Byng’s
brigade, 2,500 of Campbell’s Portuguese at Eugui, only a few miles away, and
something under 4,000 of Morillo’s Spaniards.
[920] Napier says (v. p. 225), and all subsequent historians have followed him,
that Picton originally intended to place Cole on a line between Oricain and Arleta, i.
e. on the low back-slope of the ridge. This seems to me almost incredible, as this
ground is all running downhill, completely commanded by the much loftier crests
about the Col. Surely no one, according to the tactical ideas of 1813, would take
up a defensive position half-way down a slope whose summit is abandoned to the
enemy. I can find no authority save Napier (who was not in the battle) for this
curious statement. And I am justified, I think, in holding that the San Miguel hill was
the place where Picton intended to place Cole, by the narrative and sketch-map of
Wachholz of Ross’s brigade, who places the first position of the 4th Division on a
well-marked hill immediately to the right of Villaba, and close to the 3rd Division’s
ground at Huarte. This must mean San Miguel.
[924] Clausel in his report says that he arrived in time to see the 4th Division
cross the hill of Oricain.
[926] All this from the very interesting narrative of Clausel’s aide-de-camp
Lemonnier Delafosse (p. 220), who bore the first message to Soult, and was (like
his chief) much irritated by the Marshal’s caution and refusal to commit himself.
Clausel had got a completely erroneous notion of the enemy’s intentions—like Ney
at Bussaco.
[931] French critics expressed surprise that Wellington did not tell Pack to fall on
Clausel’s flank and rear. But the 6th Division, attacking from Olague, would have
been out of touch with the rest of the army, and Wellington did not believe in
attacks by isolated corps uncombined with the main army, and unable to
communicate with it. See Dumas’ Campagne du Maréchal Soult, p. 163.
[942] There is a most curious and difficult point in this history of the first phase of
the action. Clausel says, and he is of course a primary authority, that though
Conroux was already deeply engaged with the 6th Division, ‘was being fired on
from all sides, was suffering severe losses, and had already had one of his
brigadiers disabled’ [Schwitter], he told him that he must join in the attack
‘swerving to the left so as to mount the hill in the direction originally assigned to
him’, which was done and Conroux immediately repulsed. I cannot see how this
was physically possible. How could Conroux, if already disadvantageously
engaged with the 6th Division, and ‘fired at from all sides’, break off this fight and
attack any point of the hill of Oricain? If he had gone away in that direction, who
was there to hold Sorauren against Pack’s people, who were pressing in on it, and
(as Clausel says) only a musket-shot away from it? As far as I can make out,
Conroux must have been sufficiently employed in fending off Pack and maintaining
Sorauren, so as to cover the flank of the other divisions, for the next hour or two.
No other authority but Clausel gives any hint that Conroux got away from Pack and
joined in the general assault. And I am constrained to think that Clausel (strange
as it may seem) is making a misstatement—and that when Conroux is said to have
been ordered to attack the hill by swerving to the left, he can only have been
keeping off Pack. I note that Vidal de la Blache and Mr. Fortescue try to accept
Clausel’s story, but that General Beatson (With Wellington in the Pyrenees, pp.
170-2) ignores it.
[943] I include, in reckoning Picton’s force at Bussaco, his own division and the
three battalions of Leith’s first brigade which brought him help. In Cole’s Oricain
figures are reckoned the 4th Division, Byng’s brigade, Campbell’s Portuguese, and
two Spanish regiments.
[945] This exceptional use of grenadiers in the skirmishing line, I get from an
observation of Bainbrigge of the 20th, who expresses his surprise that the troops
with whom he was engaged, though acting as tirailleurs, were not light infantry, but
men in tall bearskin caps like the Guard, ‘some of the finest-looking soldiers I ever
met’ (p. 400).
[946] The 10th Caçadores, Campbell’s light battalion, was a very weak unit of
only 250 bayonets.
[949] The fourth battalion of the brigade, the 1/40th was detached below on the
Spaniards’ Hill.
[951] The Buffs lost only 2 men, the 1st Provisional (2/31st and 2/66th) only 5—so
can hardly have been engaged,—but the 1/57th had 63 casualties.
[952] The above narrative is reconstructed from Reille’s two reports (the divisional
report of Lamartinière, however, is useless) and from narratives of Stretton of the
40th in Maxwell’s Peninsular Sketches, and Mills in the history of the regiment by
Smythies.
[953] There is little about this affair in the British narratives. Diarists were rare in
the 6th Division. The only point of interest I found in them is the mention of mule-
guns used by the French.
[954] Larpent, p. 221. Cf. Napier, v. p. 226: ‘That will give time for the 6th Division
to arrive, and I shall beat him’—words true in thought but perhaps never spoken by
Wellington.
Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
textbookfull.com