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1. Preface
a. How This Book Is Organized
b. Style
i. Conventions Used in This Book
c. Using Code Examples
d. O’Reilly Online Learning
e. How to Contact Us
f. Acknowledgments
2. 1. Introduction
3. 2. TypeScript: A 10_000 Foot View

a. The Compiler
b. The Type System
i. TypeScript Versus JavaScript

c. Code Editor Setup

i. tsconfig.json
ii. tslint.json
d. index.ts
e. Exercises

4. 3. All About Types

a. Talking About Types
b. The ABCs of Types
 i. any
ii. unknown
iii. boolean
iv. number
v. bigint
vi. string
vii. symbol
viii. Objects
ix. Intermission: Type Aliases, Unions,
and Intersections
x. Arrays
xi. Tuples
xii. null, undefined, void, and never
xiii. Enums
c. Summary
d. Exercises
5. 4. Functions
a. Declaring and Invoking Functions

i. Optional and Default Parameters

ii. Rest Parameters
iii. call, apply, and bind
iv. Typing this
v. Generator Functions
 vi. Iterators
vii. Call Signatures
viii. Contextual Typing
ix. Overloaded Function Types
b. Polymorphism
i. When Are Generics Bound?
ii. Where Can You Declare Generics?
iii. Generic Type Inference
iv. Generic Type Aliases
v. Bounded Polymorphism
vi. Generic Type Defaults

c. Type-Driven Development
d. Summary
e. Exercises
6. 5. Classes and Interfaces

a. Classes and Inheritance

b. super
c. Using this as a Return Type
d. Interfaces

i. Declaration Merging
ii. Implementations
iii. Implementing Interfaces Versus
Extending Abstract Classes
 e. Classes Are Structurally Typed
f. Classes Declare Both Values and Types
g. Polymorphism
h. Mixins
i. Decorators
j. Simulating final Classes
k. Design Patterns

i. Factory Pattern
ii. Builder Pattern
l. Summary
m. Exercises
7. 6. Advanced Types

a. Relationships Between Types

i. Subtypes and Supertypes
ii. Variance
iii. Assignability
iv. Type Widening
v. Refinement
b. Totality
c. Advanced Object Types

i. Type Operators for Object Types

ii. The Record Type
 iii. Mapped Types
iv. Companion Object Pattern
d. Advanced Function Types
i. Improving Type Inference for Tuples
ii. User-Defined Type Guards

e. Conditional Types
i. Distributive Conditionals
ii. The infer Keyword
iii. Built-in Conditional Types

f. Escape Hatches
i. Type Assertions
ii. Nonnull Assertions
iii. Definite Assignment Assertions

g. Simulating Nominal Types

h. Safely Extending the Prototype
i. Summary
j. Exercises
8. 7. Handling Errors
a. Returning null
b. Throwing Exceptions
c. Returning Exceptions
d. The Option Type
 e. Summary
f. Exercises
9. 8. Asynchronous Programming, Concurrency, and
Parallelism
a. JavaScript’s Event Loop
b. Working with Callbacks
c. Regaining Sanity with Promises
d. async and await
e. Async Streams
i. Event Emitters
f. Typesafe Multithreading

i. In the Browser: With Web Workers

ii. In NodeJS: With Child Processes
g. Summary
h. Exercises
10. 9. Frontend and Backend Frameworks
a. Frontend Frameworks

i. React
ii. Angular 6/7
b. Typesafe APIs
c. Backend Frameworks
d. Summary
11. 10. Namespaces.Modules

a. A Brief History of JavaScript Modules

b. import, export
i. Dynamic Imports
ii. Using CommonJS and AMD Code
iii. Module Mode Versus Script Mode
c. Namespaces

i. Collisions
ii. Compiled Output

d. Declaration Merging
e. Summary
f. Exercise
12. 11. Interoperating with JavaScript

a. Type Declarations

i. Ambient Variable Declarations

ii. Ambient Type Declarations
iii. Ambient Module Declarations

b. Gradually Migrating from JavaScript to

TypeScript

i. Step 1: Add TSC

ii. Step 2a: Enable Typechecking for
JavaScript (Optional)
 iii. Step 2b: Add JSDoc Annotations
(Optional)
iv. Step 3: Rename Your Files to .ts
v. Step 4: Make It strict
c. Type Lookup for JavaScript
d. Using Third-Party JavaScript

i. JavaScript That Comes with Type

Declarations
ii. JavaScript That Has Type Declarations
on DefinitelyTyped
iii. JavaScript That Doesn’t Have Type
Declarations on DefinitelyTyped

e. Summary
13. 12. Building and Running TypeScript

a. Building Your TypeScript Project

i. Project Layout
ii. Artifacts
iii. Dialing In Your Compile Target
iv. Enabling Source Maps
v. Project References
vi. Error Monitoring

b. Running TypeScript on the Server

c. Running TypeScript in the Browser
d. Publishing Your TypeScript Code to NPM
 e. Triple-Slash Directives

i. The types Directive

ii. The amd-module Directive
f. Summary
14. 13. Conclusion
15. A. Type Operators
16. B. Type Utilities
17. C. Scoped Declarations
a. Does It Generate a Type?
b. Does It Merge?

18. D. Recipes for Writing Declaration Files for Third-

Party JavaScript Modules
a. Types of Exports

i. Globals
ii. ES2015 Exports
iii. CommonJS Exports
iv. UMD Exports

b. Extending a Module

i. Globals
ii. Modules
19. E. Triple-Slash Directives

a. Internal Directives
 b. Deprecated Directives
20. F. TSC Compiler Flags for Safety
21. G. TSX
22. Index
Programming TypeScript
Making Your JavaScript Applications Scale

Boris Cherny
Programming TypeScript

by Boris Cherny

Copyright © 2019 Boris Cherny. All rights reserved.

Printed in the United States of America.

Published by O’Reilly Media, Inc., 1005 Gravenstein Highway

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 Development Editor: Angela Rufino Indexer: Margaret Troutman

Acquisitions Editor: Jennifer

Interior Designer: David Futato
Pollock

Cover Designer: Karen

Production Editor: Katherine Tozer
Montgomery

Copyeditor: Rachel Head Illustrator: Rebecca Demarest

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May 2019: First Edition

Revision History for the First Edition

2019-04-18: First Release

See http://oreilly.com/catalog/errata.csp?isbn=9781492037651
for release details.

The O’Reilly logo is a registered trademark of O’Reilly Media,

Inc. Programming TypeScript, the cover image, and related
trade dress are trademarks of O’Reilly Media, Inc.
The views expressed in this work are those of the author, and
do not represent the publisher’s views. While the publisher and
the author have used good faith efforts to ensure that the
information and instructions contained in this work are
accurate, the publisher and the author disclaim all
responsibility for errors or omissions, including without
limitation responsibility for damages resulting from the use of
or reliance on this work. Use of the information and
instructions contained in this work is at your own risk. If any
code samples or other technology this work contains or
describes is subject to open source licenses or the intellectual
property rights of others, it is your responsibility to ensure that
your use thereof complies with such licenses and/or rights.

978-1-492-03765-1

[LSI]
 Another Random Document on
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 Scarcely was he in his grave than the fulfilment of these dying
wishes was gravely imperilled. The Huguenots had sunk into almost
complete disfavour at Court. Death and disaffection had played sore
havoc with the leaders of their party. Du Plessis was in disgrace; one
reason for this, among others, being his close friendship with de
Thonars, who, in his turn, was a connection of the Duke de Bouillon,
still in rebellion. Why, demanded the Court party, did he mix himself
up with such persons? On the other hand, the disquiet of the
Protestants increased when the King gave orders for the little Duke
de Thonars to be brought to Court, so that he might be educated
with the Dauphin.
This was a great blow to Madame de la Trémoille; the child was
only five years old, and she had just lost her daughter Elizabeth. To
part with the boy now, was to lose him for ever. He would be severed
alike from every domestic tie, as entirely as he would be estranged
from Protestantism. She would sooner see him laid in his coffin than
this. Monsieur du Plessis bestirred himself to resist the project. He
represented to the King that its carrying out would create a real
grievance for the Protestants. Already the Prince de Condé had
been taken from them, and was it worth while, for the mere sake of
having the boy about the Court, to irritate the Huguenots further?
Henri yielded the point, and the child was allowed to remain at
Thonars, under his mother’s care. At the end of her first year of
widowhood, however, Madame de la Trémoille, in obedience to the
repeated commands of the King, repaired to Paris, leaving her
children at Thonars.
The mother’s heart was doubtless not a little cheered during this
enforced separation by the letters which reached her from her little
daughter, who was now about six years old. “In the midst,” says her
biographer, “of grave family documents relating to the family of de la
Trémoille—side by side with parchments filled with pompous titles, or
lengthy enumerations of estates and seignorial rights—one feels a
curious stirring of the heart at sight of the big round-hand characters,
written on ruled paper, which commemorate the first attempts of a
child destined to do great deeds.”
 Here is one of the letters:—
“Madame,—Since you have been gone, I have become very good, God
be thanked. You will also find that I know a great deal. I know seventeen
Psalms, all Pibrac’s quatrains, and the verses of Zamariel: and more than
that, I can talk Latin. My little brother[2] is so pretty, that he could not be
more so; and when people see him, they are able to talk of nothing else
but of him. It seems a long time since we had the honour of seeing you.
Madame, I pray you to love me. Monsieur de Saint Christophe tells me
that you are well, for which I have thanked God. I pray heartily to God for
you. I humbly kiss the hands of my good aunt, and of my little cousins.

2. The Count de Laval.

“I am, Madame, your very humble and very obedient and good
daughter,
“Charlotte de la Trémoille.”

In learning the Psalms by heart, Charlotte was taught to follow the

custom of all Protestant families of the time. For her Latin
attainments she had doubtless to thank the still older custom of
teaching the language to quite young children, in order that they
should be able to follow the celebration of the Mass and the other
services of the Roman Church; and though for young Huguenots the
knowledge for this purpose was not necessary, Latin was still
regarded as indispensable to the polite education of both sexes.
The children of Madame de la Trémoille occasionally accompanied
her in her frequent absences from Thonars at this time, but generally
they remained at home when she resided at Court or visited her
relations in Holland. Yet, although separated from them, she took
care to be informed of all their doings, so that she knew about their
faults as well as the progress they made; for when she is at the
Hague, in 1609, her daughter, then no more than eight years old,
writes to her as follows:—
“Madame,—I am exceedingly sorry to have disobeyed you; but I hope
henceforth you will not have occasion to complain of me, although
hitherto I have not been too good: but I hope in future to be so very much
so, that you will have reason to be satisfied, and that my Grandmama
and my uncles will not find me ungrateful any more, as I hope to be
 obedient, and mindful of them. They have shown me their great kindness
in having given me some beautiful New Year’s presents: that is to say,
Madame (the Princess of Orange) has given me a carcanet of diamonds
and rubies; the Princess of Orange, a pair of earrings; his Excellency,
three dozen pearl and ruby buttons. My Uncle has given me a gown of
cloth of silver. Monsieur Suart has done what you wished him to do.
“I beg you to love me always, and I shall all my life remain, Madame,
your very humble and very obedient daughter and servant,
“Charlotte de la Trémoille.”

In 1609 Charlotte and her mother were together again, without

being separated for any length of time for the next ten years. During
this period, all the letters extant are written to the Duke de la
Trémoille, her brother, who was generally absent from his family.
The young Duke was not such a good correspondent as his sister;
and to the great annoyance of his mother, frequently delegated the
writing of his letters home to some good-natured friend. He married
his cousin, Marie de la Tour d’Auvergne, the daughter of the Duke de
Bouillon and of Elizabeth of Nassau. In the young wife Charlotte
found a true sister, and their mutual affection lasted through life.
Charlotte remained with her brother and sister-in-law at Thonars,
and Monsieur du Plessis paid them occasional visits from his
château of Forêt-sur-Sèvres. Although by nature and from
circumstance a reserved and somewhat stern-mannered man, he
seems to have been regarded with affection as well as with
reverence by the family of his old friend.
Charlotte, when about nineteen years old, does not appear to
have been strong in health. Her spirit, even in girlhood as throughout
her life, was stronger than the flesh. It is unfortunate that her zeal as
a correspondent frequently outruns her caligraphic powers, since her
voluminous letters to her mother are full of interesting gossip; so
much of them, that is to say, as are decipherable. The paper
however, is no longer ruled, and the writing is not, as heretofore,
done under the eyes of “Ma Mie,” the careful governess. Equally
without heed to writing and spelling, she pours forth details of
neighbouring doings, tells who comes to and from the château, and
of what Monsieur du Plessis has said.
Always a very woman, the liking for dress occupies a prominent
place in her mind—if its expression on paper does not belie her.
Madame de la Trémoille’s mind’s eye is treated with word-pictures,
infinite in detail and variety, of her daughter’s gowns “of cloth of
silver, trimmed with gold fringe.” Mademoiselle’s jeweller and
mantua-maker are important members of the household at
sumptuous Thonars; and the young Duke de la Trémoille is no whit
behind his sister in his taste for magnificence.
A portrait by Rubens of Charlotte, painted at the time of her
marriage, shows us a bright, graceful girl. She wears a bodice of
scarlet satin, and her hat is adorned with white plumes; she is
looking over her shoulder with an arch smile.
The letters to her mother, though written in terms of the formal
respect which the times exacted, are full of gaiety and lively sallies,
and show that she enjoyed existence, sweetened as it was by close
intercourse with her brother’s wife, who still, when the sea divided
them, and the clouds of Charlotte de la Trémoille’s stormy life grew
dense and almost without a ray of hope, remained the recipient of
her confidences, till death severed the sisterly tie.
 CHAPTER II
AT THE HAGUE. A DREARY COURT. A MARRIAGE OF CONVENIENCE. A
LADY OF HONOUR. HOME. THE FIRSTBORN. CLOUDY SUNSHINE

In 1626 Charlotte de la Trémoille was present with her mother at the

Hague, the Court, at that time, of Prince Fréderic-Henri of Nassau,
her great-uncle.
In the only letter preserved at this time, Charlotte expresses a
great dislike to Holland. She finds the Court very “triste,” and already
the conviction that “the world is a very troublesome place to live in”
forces itself upon her.
Meanwhile, negotiations for her marriage were being speedily
concluded, and in the month of July of the same year (1626)
Charlotte de la Trémoille was married at the Hague to James
Stanley, Lord Strange, eldest son of the Earl of Derby and Elizabeth
de Vere, daughter of the Earl of Oxford.
The Earl of Derby, the representative of one of the most illustrious
families of the English nobility, was lord paramount of the counties of
Cheshire and Lancashire, and hereditary sovereign of the Isle of
Man.
His eldest son, who took the title of Lord Strange, was only twenty
years of age at the time of his marriage. Handsome, high-minded,
brave, intellectual, he was worthy of the wife who shared so faithfully
in the fortunes of his troubled existence. A marriage less of choice
than of convenience, it was to prove a union that could put to shame
many a love match; but the passing of the years was to test its value.
At first, the separation from the home and the scenes of her
childhood and girlhood was very grievously felt by the young wife.
The civil dissensions in France, scotched only, not destroyed, were
beginning to regain their old virulence; and travelling, apart from its
ordinary difficulties and perils at that period, was rendered almost
impossible for women. In England a similar state of things was
rapidly developing; and so it came about that Charlotte, now Lady
Strange, never again set foot in her native country, or beheld the
loved face of her more than sister, the Duchess de Thonars.
After the conclusion of the wedding festivities, Madame de la
Trémoille accompanied her daughter to England, to see her duly
installed in her new home.
For a very short time Lady Strange now appeared at Court, in the
capacity of lady-of-honour to Queen Henrietta Maria, sister of the
French King, herself but the wife of a year to King Charles I. Twelve
months later, in the month of August, Lord and Lady Strange were
established at Lathom House.
Lathom House was situated in Lancashire, about three miles
north-east of Ormskirk, and eight from the sea-coast. The ground on
which it stood, as well as its outlying territories and neighbourhood,
had been in the possession of the Earls of Derby, and of the de
Lathoms and Ferrars (from whom the Stanleys had descended)
before them, from Saxon times. Orm, the Saxon lord of Halton,
which is one of the thirty-eight manors mentioned in Domesday
Book, married Alice, the daughter of a Norman nobleman; obtaining,
thereby, large estates in the county. Orm appears to have founded
the church which was co-existent with the name of Ormskirk in the
reign of Richard I., when Robert, son of Henry de Tarbosh and
Lathom—who is supposed to be a descendant of Orm—founded the
priory[3] which was for long the burial-place of the Earls of Derby. The
mansion, which was very ancient, moated and walled, and built for
the defiance and self-defence which those turbulent and unsettled
feudal days demanded, came into possession of the Stanleys by the
marriage of Isabella de Lathom with Sir James Stanley in the reign of
Henry IV.

3. Baines.
The Earl of Derby of the earlier years of Charles’s reign presented
Lathom House to his eldest son and heir, James, Lord Strange, the
Earl himself making his home at Chester. Concerning her father-in-
law, Lady Strange writes to her mother in the following terms—after
premising that her epistle is merely the replica of one previously
written, but which had gone astray in transit; a matter of far from
infrequent occurrence in those days, when postal facilities were only
in the first throes of being:—
“I informed you Madame, that I had been to see my father-in-law at
Chester, the capital city of Cheshire, where he has always lived, in
preference to any of his other residences, for these three or four years
past. He speaks French; and conversed with me in very agreeable terms,
calling me lady and mistress of the house; that he wished to have no
other woman but myself (sic, for daughter-in-law?), and that I was to have
full authority. We were well received by the townspeople, although our
visit was not expected. Many came out to conduct us. I also told you,
Madame, how greatly I found Lathom House to my liking; and that I have
to thank God and you for placing me so excellently. I do not question
Madame, that you will do all in your power about my money. I am waiting
to hear from you regarding it. Truly Madame, necessity constrains me to
be more importunate than I ought; but your kindness gives me courage.
Indeed, my happiness a little depends upon it, in order to shut the mouths
of certain persons who do not love foreigners; although, thank God, the
best among them wish me no harm. Your son (in law) is well, I am
thankful to say, and feels no return of his disorder. He almost lives out of
doors, finding the air very good for him.”

At this point however, Lord Strange must have come indoors; for
the postscript is in his handwriting, which is of a sort preferable to his
wife’s, both in penmanship and spelling.
“Madame” (runs this post-scriptum),—“I cannot let my wife’s letter go
without myself thanking you for the honour you do me. If I were able to
speak with you, I should rejoice in constantly assuring you that I can
 never be other, Madame, than your very humble and obedient son and
servant—J. Strange.”

In the autumn of this year, the first child of Lady Strange was born.
The home was complete; but domestic peace and content were
destined to be lost like a beautiful dream, in the gloom of the times.
Charles had not reigned twelve months before the first signs of the
coming struggle took form and shape; if even already, in marrying
the Roman Catholic Henrietta Maria, he had not hopelessly offended
his subjects. Marriage with French princesses has almost invariably
brought disaster on our English kings, and violent death in some
form; the union of Henry V. with the Princess Catherine of France
being one of the exceptions proving the rule. Even in his domestic
affections the evil destiny of the Stuarts thus attended Charles; and
truly his fate was an ill one indeed which placed him at the head of a
kingdom at such an epoch in its history. The times were out of joint;
and the vacillating, arbitrary Charles was not the man to set them
right at this crisis, when the very strength of the divinity hedging a
king was being questioned and tested by that sense of the rights of
individual and collective humanity which was beginning to quicken
on every side.
The state of England however, on Charles’s accession, was but
the effect of causes which had been at work for many a generation
past. Looking back no farther than to the Wars of the Roses, we see
the resistance of a proud and jealous nobility to supreme kingly
power, and its subjection by the ruthless Henry VIII., who suffered no
mortal to live, from loftiest to lowliest, who attempted to cross his
path or to thwart his will. Henry’s despotism, inherent in Queen Mary,
and carefully nourished by her bigoted husband, Philip of Spain, was
in Elizabeth softened by the chastening experiences of early life, and
throughout her long reign kept in check by prudent counsellors.
During the time that she was on the throne moreover, the new
religion was on its probation. In its form of “Church of England, as by
law established,” it had still to approve itself to the nation. But long
before her successor James I. took her place, Episcopalianism had
been accepted by the English people from Tyne to Thames. By
Roman Catholics it might be regarded as a hollow pretence, and by
nonconformists as a popishly tainted compromise; but by the bulk of
the community it was recognised as an ark of safety, spiritual and
temporal, whose bulwarks warded off the shafts of Rome as
effectually as her course ran clear of the shoals and whirlpools of the
sectaries. The Church of England, risen purified from the ashes of
Romanism, was, or at least was accepted as, the reproduction of the
church of the early Christians. It contained the ideal scheme of a
perfect law of liberty—religious, social, and political; and allowed a
range of thought and of speculation not to be found in any other
formulated expression of Christian belief whatever. Only of papistry
the Church of England was intolerant. Pains and penalties, in
countless instances not one degree less cruel than “Bloody Mary”
inflicted on the Protestant martyrs, did “good Queen Bess” and her
successor, “gentle King Jamie,” inflict on the confessors of the older
creed. To all other Christians, the Church of England extended
sympathy. While her sanctuaries, retaining much of the pomp and
ceremonial of Roman ritual, were served by consecrated bishop,
priest, and deacon, the crypts beneath them afforded places for the
simple and austere public worship of refugee Huguenots and
Calvinists. Singing boys still chanted psalm and antiphon; and in the
private chapel of Elizabeth, the “morning star of the Reformation,”
the retention of the lighted candles on the altar betokened the belief
in the reality of Christ’s presence in the sacramental bread and wine.
The transubstantiation of Romanism—the consubstantiation of
Lutheranism—the spiritual presence only of Christ in the elements of
Calvinism—the unchanged condition of the bread and wine in the
Lord’s Supper of Nonconformity and of Dissent generally, were alike
set aside by the Established Church. The answer quoted by
Elizabeth when questioned as to her conception of the manner of the
divine presence in the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper:—

“Christ’s was the Word that spake it;

He took the bread, and brake it.
And what that Word doth make it,
That I believe, and take it”—
was signally characteristic of the teaching of the Church of England,
which claimed primitive Catholicity and unbroken Apostolical
succession. The assertion was at once pious and safe, and
eminently illustrates the temper of the communion which has
embraced within its fold such children as Jeremy Taylor, Burnet,
Nicholas Ferrar and his ascetic following, Sherlock, Laud, Stanley,
Pusey, the Wilberforces; and whose rebuke to a Sacheverell was
administered mainly on the score of good breeding, and, if it lost a
Wesley, is not careful to cry mea culpa.
For a generation or two the interest attaching to the new-old
teaching of the Church of England, and its general adopting, pretty
well absorbed the attention of all classes, more especially of the
upper and middle ranks; but the more the doctrines were
assimilated, the more they nourished a sense of the need of
temporal freedom, and roused speculation in thoughtful minds as to
what was most needed and wholesome for the social well-being of
the State. The old dogma of kingly supremacy had become, to say
the least, unpalatable since the days of the despotic Henry VIII. The
English nation had no mind to endure tyranny from the new dynasty;
and many had looked with suspicion upon James Stuart, not
forgetful that the blood of the papist and haughty Guises ran in his
veins, and that he held with marvellous tenacity to the dogma, if in
his case one might not call it the hobby, of kingly supremacy. Fond of
scribbling, and endowed in his own estimation with surpassing
argumentative and theological faculties, he sustained and comforted
his bodily and mental timidity by pompous assertion and spiritual
aphorism concerning the right of kingly control over everything the
sun shone upon within his realm. The dogma of the infallibility of the
Pope, James I. matched by his postulate that the king could not
merely do no wrong, but that everything he did and willed was to be
applauded and obeyed. The difficulty was to impose this view upon a
sufficient number of his influential subjects to make it work
satisfactorily; those wise and moderate counsellors of Elizabeth’s
reign, who survived into James’ time, kept him in check, and their
experience of feminine weaknesses and short-comings in Elizabeth’s
vigorous mind was further widened by an acquaintance with the
depths of folly and of childish self-conceit into which an anointed king
could fall. Such men as Lord Chancellor Cecil and John Hampden
had troublesome conviction of this; and King James I., whom Sully
dubbed the wisest fool that ever lived, and Henri IV. relegated to the
grades of “Captain of Arts and Bachelor of Arms,” however strong
himself in the comfortable doctrines of the divine right of kings, failed
in arresting the growth of the life of political liberty.
With much pompous declaration however, and long-winded
argument, James did his best. Warfare of words was better suited to
the man who, it is said, was apt to swoon at sight of a naked sword;
and when all other argument and precept failed to produce the
desired impression, he took refuge in citing the example of his
brother monarchs of France and of Spain. “The King of England,”
said James, by the mouth of his ministers to the Commons, “cannot
appear of meaner importance than his equals.” And in this creed he
caused his son to be reared. An early death took the elder and
promising Prince Henry from the coming troubles, and the sensitive,
proud, obstinate, vacillating Charles was left to struggle with the coil
of cruel circumstance already so rapidly beginning to tangle up.
As if to strengthen the effect of this mental sustenance with which
Charles had been fed as regularly as he had partaken of daily
material food, James sent the young prince—or at least allowed him
to go—to Spain with the gay, extravagant, thoughtless Duke of
Buckingham. “Baby Charles” and “Steenie,” as the King called the
two, travelled incognito upon this romantic pilgrimage, stopping by
the way in Paris, to sow the seeds of future mischief at the Court of
Louis XIII. in the Duke’s thinly veiled admiration for Anne of Austria.
The journey to Madrid however, which was originated for the end of
marrying Charles to the Infanta, defeated its own object; but Charles
returned to England perfected by what he had seen in his travels—in
his lesson of kingcraft. Endowed with a graceful presence, and,
despite a certain coldness and reserve, with winning manners, he
had a scholarly and thoughtful mind; but both nature and rearing had
made him a man only of his day, or, more truly, of the time preceding
it. He had no gifts of penetration or of prescience. He could not look
into the future, any more than he was able to read the existing signs
of the times. He had been to Spain. His eyes had been dazzled by
the glitter of spoil from the New World, the splendour and pomp and
punctilio of the Court of Madrid, and the magnificence of the Spanish
grandees. He had seen with his own eyes the success of Loyola’s
scheme of religious and political orthodoxy, and its supreme power
of snuffing out obnoxious speculation, theological and scientific; but
he could not discern beneath the rich embroidery of the veil its rotten
foundation, which in two or three generations was to crumble like the
cerements of the grave in the pure light of day, and disclose the
corruption and festering beneath. He had witnessed the brilliancy of
the afterglow which the memory of the adored soldier Henri Quatre
had left, and it was small wonder if his mind’s eye failed to reach
across the gulf of coming years to that time when lettres de cachet
would make fuel for burning the Bastille, and the yellow sanbenitos
of heretics should be changed for bonnets rouges and carmagnoles.
The guillotine was to reek with the blood, not alone of aristocrats, but
of the sons and daughters themselves, of Liberty, Equality, and
Fraternity. “The Revolution,” said one of its noblest victims, “is
devouring its own children”; and the contagion of hatred against
kings and queens and all their tribe spread over Europe till confusion
grew worse confounded.
Looking back to those early days of Charles’s reign, the question
hardly fails to suggest itself, how far the troubles of the time would
have been even aggravated had he married the Infanta of Spain
instead of the French princess. Protestantism in Spain had been
stifled at the birth; but in France it still had healthy breathing-room,
tempering the atmosphere of Romanist belief, and influencing even
the most devoted and uncompromising of Rome’s adherents.
Neighboured by Switzerland, Holland, and Germany, the philosophy
of Erasmus, the humanitarianism of Arminius, the teaching of Luther
and of Calvin, all mingled with the stream of orthodox theological
speculation, till, overflowing into fresh channels, it verged so closely
and so frequently on theories of Catholic reform, that Pope Urban
made a vigorous attempt to stem the tide by his bull Unigenitus,
ostensibly directed against the Jansenists only. Thus, in France,
thought and religious speculation were kept not merely from
stagnating, but in active ferment; while in Spain, the repressive
Jesuit system froze and fossilised religion. Outside passive
obedience to dogma, said the disciples of Loyola, could be no
salvation; but in France, such cast-iron ruling was gone for ever in
Church and State. The white plume in the cap of the Huguenot-
reared hero of Ivry brought loyal subjects rallying round him, as
entirely as the little leaden images of Our Lady and the saints, with
which the bigoted Louis XI. decorated his hat-brims, had repelled his
people.
The growing Puritanic spirit in England however, which had but
scanty affection for Episcopalianism itself, was not likely to draw fine
distinctions. In the popular acceptation of the term, “Catholic” was
identical with papist and Romanist; for, with a singular indifference,
the papists had been permitted to appropriate the term. The young
Queen was a Roman Catholic, greatly attached to the forms and
ceremonial of her Church; bringing with her from France a train of
Romanist priests and followers. Charles himself was the grandson of
the woman who had died kissing the crucifix with her last breath.
None of these considerations were lost sight of when the King began
to ask subsidies of his faithful Commons, and showed generally a
disposition to rule with a high hand.
He met with a strong resistance; and fearing the influence of
Buckingham over him, the flame of accusations which had long
smouldered, was fanned against the Duke, until his removal was
brought about. Thus the Commons triumphed; but Parliament was
dissolved.
These events took place a year after Charles’s accession; and
about that time Lady Strange arriving in England, entered upon her
post of lady-of-honour to the Queen. The coveted position has,
before and since that time, been found to have its drawbacks, as
rosebuds have their crumpled leaves; and Lady Strange seems to
have relinquished her part in the Court pageantry as soon as might
be, retiring to the home which one day she was so bravely to defend
—Lathom House, in Lancashire.
 CHAPTER III
“RES ANGUSTA DOMI.” A WHITE ELEPHANT. GATHERING CLOUDS.
KEEPING A BRAVE HEART. A GRAND FUNCTION. ROYAL GIFTS. FRESH
ANXIETIES. BARON STRANGE. NATIONAL GRIEVANCES. “SHORTCOATS.”
A CONTRACT.

Established at Lathom, Lady Strange sent intelligence to her mother

of the hope that ere long a child would be born to her; adding:—
“The length of our sojourn here is not decided upon, but if the
twenty thousand crowns do not come, it will not be easy to leave the
place. Your son-in-law is well, thank God, and joins frequently in the
chase. On Monday, a great number of people were here, and for
several days my husband has had to entertain many gentlemen. He
shows me great affection; and God bestows upon us the blessing of
living in great contentment and tranquillity of mind. We have some
trouble with the Isle of Man; and if Château-Neuf were here, we
should have offered him the charge of it. The appointment is worth a
thousand francs: and that in a place where one can live for next to
nothing.”
Pecuniary cares, which harassed Lady Strange all the rest of her
life, were setting in. With the adoption of the Romanist faith by Henri
IV., the prospects of the Huguenots darkened. The League took
possession of the towns and castles belonging to the Duke de la
Trémoille; the agricultural prosperity of France was again blighted by
renewed civil warfare, and the tenant-farmers were in arrears with
their rents and payments. The Duke was not able to sell his acres of
arable and pasture land, and consequently could not send his sister
the money which was hers by right. The Earl of Derby was likewise
impoverished by the loss of certain moneys which, hitherto
appertaining to the male heirs of his family, had now become
alienated and divided: yet upon these reduced incomings the Earl
was expected still to maintain all the old state and magnificence of
the house of Stanley.
The Isle of Man was, moreover, a possession of exceedingly
doubtful value to its suzerain lords. The people were turbulent, and
difficult to rule and to please. As a separate and independent
kingdom, they claimed certain rights and privileges, and it required
an Act of Parliament to settle their differences. Lady Strange’s dower
would have been incalculably useful towards the settlement of all
these troubles, and about the close of the year 1627 she writes:—
“I am not without anxiety on many accounts; but God of His
goodness will provide.” She goes on to say that her husband is much
pressed for money, and how great her satisfaction would be if she
were able to help him with her own dower.
“I am assured Madame, that you will understand better than I do
myself the need for this; and also what a happiness it will be to me to
afford consolation and help to those to whom I have been hitherto
but a burden.”
Still, however, no money came, and Charlotte writes later on:—
“I should be glad to know that my fortune existed not only in
words, but in fact. It causes me great grief and anxiety.”
A letter, written to Madame de la Trémoille by Lady Strange on the
eve of her accouchement, is strikingly characteristic of the brave and
spirited, but wholly tender and womanly nature of the Lady of
Lathom. Expressing constantly a deep longing to see peace
established between England and France, and greatly desiring the
general welfare of both her native and adopted country, feminine and
domestic interests chiefly occupy her mind. Far from her own people,
Lady Strange had hoped to have her mother with her during her hour
of trial; but the coming of the Duchess was found to be
impracticable, and Charlotte thus writes to her sister-in-law in the
December of 1627:—
“For the journey of Madame (the Dowager-Duchess), I see, dear
heart, the same objections to it as you do; and though I have
passionately desired her coming, I dread the discomfort and dangers
to which she would be exposed; and for myself, I trust in God that He
will not forsake me, although I am alone and inexperienced. But
there, my dear one, I will think no more about it, trusting in God. I
know, dear heart (mon cœur), that you remember me in your
prayers, and how rejoiced you are for me in thinking of the hopes I
cherish. Also you are assured that the blessing which Heaven may
bestow upon us will be always at your service.”
At the end of January 1628, Lord Strange informs the Duchess of
the birth of a son; and again, a month later, Lady Strange, writing in
more detail of the important event, is critical upon the English mode
of baby treatment.
“I forgot,” she says, “to tell you that he (Baby) is dark. I wish you
could see the manner in which children are swaddled in this country.
It is deplorable.”
Since the time of Lady Strange, custom in such matters must have
considerably changed, for in these days it is the tight swathing and
impeding garments of Continental babies which challenges the
compassion of English mothers for the small, cramped-up bodies.
“My husband,” continues Lady Strange, “would have written to
you, but he does not express himself in any language but his own.
He is none the less your very humble servant.”
On the 17th April she again writes:—
“I have informed Madame of the baptism of your nephew, whom God
thus graciously received on Sunday, 30th March.[4] He was carried by my
sister-in-law, and attended by the ladies of four gentlemen of rank of this
country. I had him dressed in white, after the French fashion, for here
they dress them in colours, which I do not like. The Bishop of Chester
baptized him in our private chapel, and, as you know, by the King’s name
only. Afterwards, sweetmeats were served; and at supper, the roast joints
were brought to table by gentlemen of this neighbourhood, as also upon
 several preceding and succeeding days. The King has presented him
with two gold mugs, which is his custom with those upon whom he
bestows the honour of his christian name. In addition to this however, he
has sent me a very beautiful present which cost two thousand crowns;
the diamonds ornamenting it are very fine, and all faceted. I did not
expect to receive it. The Duchess of Richmond, his godmother, has given
him a large bowl and a gilded enamel knife, such as is used to remove
the rolls and pieces of bread with from the table before the fruit is brought
in; and to me she has given a turquoise bracelet.”

4. Old style. The Gregorian calendar was not used in England.

Previous to the birth of his eldest son, the young father, who was
only twenty-two, was called to take his seat in the House of Lords,
under the title of Baron Strange. This arose out of error. The fact had
been overlooked that the barony of Strange formed one of the titles
fallen into disheritage at the death of Ferdinand, Earl of Derby. The
error led to the creation of a new peerage, which went to the house
of Athol, and for several years Lord Strange sat in the Upper House,
during the lifetime of his father, the Earl of Derby.
A new Parliament was now summoned; and Sir Robert Cotton, the
mildest and most temperate among the prominent men of the
popular party, was called to the King’s counsel table. He spoke there
with wisdom and frankness, setting forth the just grievances of the
nation; and in order to win its due support, impressing the necessity
for redress. Sir Robert recalled those words of Lord Burleigh to
Queen Elizabeth:—
“Win their hearts, and their purses and their arms will be yours.”
Concerning her husband’s summons to town, Lady Strange writes
on 18th May 1628:—
“I write under much anxiety; for I believe my husband goes the day
after to-morrow to London. This is the more grievous, as the air there
does not suit him; but God of His goodness will preserve him. As for our
little one, he is very well, Heaven be thanked. I have already in two of my
letters asked you for frocks for him, for he is very big for his age; and they
are needed the more that in this country children are short-clothed at a
month or six weeks old. I am considered out of my senses that he is not
 yet short-coated. I also asked you to send hoods. I hope that all may
arrive together.
“God grant that all that Parliament decides be for His glory, and for the
good of the King and of the nation.”

Lord Strange did not however, go to London at this time.

“My husband,” writes Lady Strange a little later, “has not been
summoned to London (June 1628). There are great disturbances
there. One day all is confusion, the next everything goes well.”
It is small wonder that, to such a state of things, Lord Strange
preferred the tranquillity and domestic happiness of his ancestral
home.