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The document provides information about the book 'Investigating Computer-Related Crime' by Peter Stephenson and Keith Gilbert, including download links for various editions and related texts. It outlines the contents of the book, which covers topics such as the nature of cybercrime, investigation frameworks, and techniques for analyzing cyber incidents. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of proper evidence handling and the involvement of law enforcement in cybercrime investigations.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
6 views

Investigating computer related crime 2nd ed Edition Stephenson - Quickly download the ebook in PDF format for unlimited reading

The document provides information about the book 'Investigating Computer-Related Crime' by Peter Stephenson and Keith Gilbert, including download links for various editions and related texts. It outlines the contents of the book, which covers topics such as the nature of cybercrime, investigation frameworks, and techniques for analyzing cyber incidents. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of proper evidence handling and the involvement of law enforcement in cybercrime investigations.

Uploaded by

xtroyasa70
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Investigating computer related crime 2nd ed Edition
Stephenson Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Stephenson, Peter; Gilbert, Keith
ISBN(s): 9781482218435, 1420003704
Edition: 2nd ed
File Details: PDF, 5.43 MB
Year: 2013
Language: english
Investigating
Computer-Related
Crime Second Edition

Peter Stephenson and Keith Gilbert


Investigating
Computer-Related
Crime Second Edition
Investigating
Computer-Related
Crime Second Edition
Peter Stephenson and Keith Gilbert

Boca Raton London New York

CRC Press is an imprint of the


Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
CRC Press
Taylor & Francis Group
6000 Broken Sound Parkway NW, Suite 300
Boca Raton, FL 33487-2742

© 2013 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business

No claim to original U.S. Government works


Version Date: 2012912

International Standard Book Number-13: 978-1-4200-0370-3 (eBook - PDF)

This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reasonable efforts
have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume
responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers
have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to
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After writing a number of books, one is tempted to run out of
dedications. However, in this case, I don’t have that problem.
Rich O’Hanley, Carolyn Spence, and Kari Budyk at Taylor &
Francis Group have been patient with my horrible schedule
beyond what any author should expect, so this book must be
dedicated to them for their vision to see that the topic is important
and timely regardless of how long it took me to get everything
in place. Thank you all. This one’s for you. Also, my wife Debbie
has had patience with the foibles that seem to go along with my
authoring efforts. Thus, as ever, part of the dedication is yours.

Peter Stephenson

I’d like to dedicate this book to my family, my loving wife,


and all of the information security mentors who have helped
me get to where I am today. If it wasn’t for the support of all
of these people, it simply wouldn’t have been possible.

Keith Gilbert

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Contents

Introduction xvii
About the Authors xxiii

Section I
THE NATURE OF CYBERCRIME

1 Cybercrime as We Enter the Twenty-First Century 3


Background and Some Definitions 3
What Is Digital Crime? 4
How Does Today’s Cybercrime Differ from the Hacker
Exploits of Yesterday? 6
Reality of Information Warfare in the Corporate Environment 9
Industrial Espionage: Hackers for Hire 11
Public Law Enforcement’s Role in Cybercrime Investigations 15
The Role of Private Cybercrime Investigators and Security
Consultants in Investigations 17
Discussion Questions 18
References 19

2 The Potential Impacts of Cybercrime 21


Data Thieves 21
How Data Thieves Avoid Detection during an Attack 24
Masking Logins 24
Masking Telnet 26
How Data Thieves “Clean Up” after an Attack 27
Techniques for Detecting File Reads and Uploads 28
Misinformation 29
Denial of Service 34
Data Floods and Mail Bombs 36
Attacks from Inside the Organization 38
Attacks That Require Access to the Computer 38
Discussion Questions 39
Reference 39

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC vii


viii Contents

3 Malware Attacks 41
A Little Background to Get Us Started 41
Viruses, Trojan Horses, and Worms 42
Types of Viruses 43
File Infector 43
Resident Program Infector 44
Boot Sector Infector 44
Multipartite Virus 44
Dropper 44
Stealth Virus 45
Companion Virus 45
Polymorphic Virus 45
Mutation Engine 46
Detection Methods 46
Pattern Scanners 46
Integrity Checkers 47
Behavior Blockers 47
Trojan Horses 48
Worms 50
Logic Bombs 50
Modifying System Files 51
Spyware, Adware, and Scareware 51
Botnets 52
Responding to Rogue Code Attacks 52
Viruses 53
Trojan Horses and Logic Bombs 54
Protection of Extended Mission-Critical Computer Systems 55
Postattack Inspection for Rogue Code 57
Summary 57
Discussion Questions 58
Reference 58

4 Surgical Strikes and Shotgun Blasts 59


Denial of Service Attacks 59
Service Overloading 60
Message Flooding 60
Signal Grounding 61
Other Attacks 61
Attacking from the Outside 62
Attacking from the Inside 62

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Contents ix

Dumping Core 63
Symptoms of a Surgical Strike 64
Panics 64
Other Surgical Attacks 65
Masquerading 65
User Masquerades 66
System Masquerades 67
Spoofing 68
E-Mail 68
Web Site 69
IP Spoofing 70
Case Study: The Case of the Cyber Surgeon 71
Symptoms of Shotgun Blasts 72
“Up Yours”: Mail Bombs 72
Flooding Attacks 74
Summary 74
Discussion Questions 75
References 75

Section II
INVESTIGATING CYBERCRIME

5 A Framework for Conducting an Investigation


of a Computer Security Incident 79
Managing Intrusions 80
Why We Need an Investigative Framework 82
What Should an Investigative Framework Provide? 84
One Approach to Investigating Intrusions 84
Drawbacks for the Corporate Investigator 86
A Generalized Investigative Framework for Corporate
Investigators 87
Eliminate the Obvious 87
Hypothesize the Attack 89
Reconstruct the Crime 90
Perform a Traceback to the Suspected Source Computer 91
Analyze the Source, Target, and Intermediate Computers 93
Collect Evidence, Including, Possibly, the Computers
Themselves 94
Turn Your Findings and Evidentiary Material over to
Corporate Investigators or Law Enforcement for Follow-Up 96
Summary 98

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


x Contents

Discussion Questions 98
References 99

6 Look for the Hidden Flaw 101


The Human Aspects of Computer Crime and the FBI
Adversarial Matrix 101
Crackers 103
Criminals 104
Vandals 105
Motive, Means, and Opportunity 106
Evidence and Proof 107
Look for the Logical Error 112
Vanity 115
Summary 116
Discussion Questions 117
Reference 117

7 Analyzing the Remnants of a Computer


Security Incident 119
What We Mean by a Computer Security Incident 120
We Never Get the Call Soon Enough 122
Media Forensic Analysis: Computer Crimes at the Host 123
Disk Structure: A Brief Tutorial 124
Slack Space 125
Unallocated Space 126
Windows Swap Files and Web Browser Caches 127
Processing Forensic Data 128
Part One: Collection 128
Collection Techniques 129
Analysis Tools and Techniques 133
Chaining 135
UNIX and Other Non-DOS Computers 135
Cyber Forensic Analysis: Computer Crimes Involving
Networks 136
Software Forensic Analysis: Who Wrote the Code? 138
The Limitations of System Logs 140
The Logs May Tell the Tale—But What If There Are No Logs? 141
Multiple Log Analysis 143
Summary 145
Discussion Questions 146
References 146

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Contents xi

8 Launching the Investigation 147


Launching the Investigation 147
Analyzing the Incident 148
Analyzing the Evidence and Preparing Your Presentation 148
Securing the Virtual Crime Scene 150
Clear Everyone Away from the Computer under
Investigation 150
Examine for Communications Connections, Document
All Connections, and Unplug Communications from the
Computer 151
Assess the Need for Live Response and Conduct as
Necessary 152
Pull the Plug 153
Collecting and Preserving Evidence 154
Rules of Evidence 156
Interrogating Suspects and Interviewing Witnesses 170
Preparation and Strategy 172
The Interview 174
Establishing Credibility 175
Reducing Resistance 176
Obtaining the Admission 177
Developing the Admission 177
The Professional Close 178
Developing and Testing an Intrusion Hypothesis 179
Investigating Alternative Explanations 180
You May Never Catch the Culprit 181
Damage Control and Containment 182
Summary 183
Discussion Questions 183
References 183

9 Determining If a Crime Has Taken Place 185


Statistically, You Probably Don’t Have a Crime 185
Believe Your Indications 187
Using Tools to Verify That a Crime Has Occurred 189
UNIX Crash Dump Analysis 190
Identifying the UNIX Release and Hardware
Architecture 192
The Message Buffer 192
Other UNIX Utilities 193
Recovering Data from Damaged Disks 194

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


xii Contents

Recovering Passwords 196


Physical Password Recovery 197
Password Cracking 197
By Inference 198
Examining Logs: Special Tools Can Help 199
Investigating Noncrime Abuses of Corporate Policy 200
Clues from Witness Interviews 202
Maintaining Crime Scene Integrity until You Can Make
a Determination 204
Case Study: The Case of the CAD/CAM Cad 205
Case Study: The Case of the Client/Server Tickle 206
Summary 207
Discussion Questions 207
Reference 208

10 Cover-Ups Are Common 209


Case Study: The Case of the Innocent Intruder 209
The Importance of Well-Documented Evidence 212
Maintaining a Chain of Custody 213
Politically Incorrect: Understanding Why People Cover Up
for a Cyber Crook 215
Before the Investigation 215
During the Investigation 216
After the Investigation 217
When Cover-Ups Appear Legitimate 217
Summary 220
Discussion Questions 220
Reference 220

11 Involving the Authorities 221


When to Involve Law Enforcement 221
Who Has Jurisdiction? 223
What Happens When You Involve Law Enforcement
Agencies? 225
Making the Decision 228
Summary 231
Discussion Questions 231

12 When an Investigation Cannot Continue 233


When and Why Should You Stop an Investigation? 233
Legal Liability and Fiduciary Duty 234

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Contents xiii

Political Issues 236


Before the Investigation Begins 236
During the Investigation 237
After the Investigation Is Completed 238
Civil versus Criminal Actions 239
Privacy Issues 240
Salvaging Some Benefit 240
Summary 241
Discussion Questions 241

Section III
PREPARING FOR CYBERCRIME

13 Building a Corporate Cyber “SWAT Team” 245


Why Do Organizations Need a Cyber SWAT Team? 245
What Does a Cyber SWAT Team Do? 246
Standard Practice Example 246
Who Belongs on a Cyber SWAT Team? 262
Stopping the Bleeding: IIRTs 263
Training Investigative Teams 264
Summary 265
Discussion Questions 265

14 Privacy and Computer Crime 267


The Importance of Formal Policies 267
Who Owns the E-Mail? 269
The Disk Belongs to the Organization, But What about the
Data? 270
The “Privacy Act(s)” 270
The Computer Fraud and Abuse Act 271
Electronic Communications Privacy Act 271
The Privacy Protection Act 272
State and Local Laws 273
Wiretap Laws 273
Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution 273
Summary 274
Discussion Questions 274
Reference 274

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


xiv Contents

15 Introduction to End-to-End Digital Investigation 275


The Notion of End-to-End Digital Forensics 275
The Mechanics of an Attack 276
Reconnaissance 277
Footprinting 278
Enumeration 278
Probing for Weaknesses 279
Penetration 279
Gaining the Objective 280
Cleanup 280
The End-to-End Concept 280
The Need for Formalization 281
Defining the Playing Field 282
Defining a High-Level Process 283
Collecting Evidence 283
Analysis of Individual Events 284
Preliminary Correlation 284
Event Normalizing 284
Event Deconfliction 285
Second-Level Correlation 285
Timeline Analysis 285
Chain of Evidence Construction 285
Corroboration 285
Discussion Questions 286
Reference 286

16 Collecting and Analyzing Evidence of a


Computer Crime 287
What Do We Mean by Evidence? 288
Collecting Evidence 289
Managing Evidence 290
Evidence Analysis 291
The Analysis Process 292
Preliminary Correlation 293
Normalization and Deconfliction 295
Definitions 296
The Normalization Process 298
Event Deconfliction 298
Data Analysis: First Steps 300
The Eventual Objective 300

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Contents xv

Sorting the Evidence 301


Discussion Questions 304

17 Using Evidence Effectively 305


What We Have and What We Need 305
Developing a Timeline and Chain of Evidence 307
Issues in Backtracing Events 310
Exploits 310
Reconnaissance 311
Denial of Service 312
Tools and Techniques 312
Manual Link Analysis and Traceback 315
The Notion of Traceback 315
Dealing with Address Spoofing 316
Link Analysis 317
Discussion Questions 322

18 Conducting Incident Postmortems 323


Digital Forensics and the Digital Investigative Process 323
The Incident Postmortem Process 324
Postmortem Quality 327
Using a Formalized Approach to Digital Investigation 329
Why (and When) We Need a Formalized Approach to Process 329
Top-Level Mapping of the DFRWS Framework in DIPL 330
The Identification Class 332
Using DIPL in Real Investigations 335
Applying DIPL to an Incident Postmortem 335
Reviewing an Example 336
Adding Detail to the Example 338
Analyzing Bilbo 341
Discussion Questions 342

Appendix A 343
Appendix B 353
Appendix C 357

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Introduction

It has been an interesting adventure writing this new edition of Investigating


Computer-Related Crime. First, I am working with a co-author—Keith
Gilbert—one of the most gifted students with whom it has been my pleasure
to work with over the years. He brings, for a variety of reasons, a perspective
on this work that is both extremely current and quite insightful. This second
edition is much the better for his participation.
More importantly, perhaps, is the way that cybercrime has evolved
over the decade or more since I wrote the first edition in 2000. It is not the
same game. Then there was a good argument to be made for the observation
that crooks in cyberspace were just plain old thieves with a few new tools.
Motives never really change, but means and opportunity have changed a lot.
That means that the way that we investigate crimes in cyberspace has had to
change a lot as well.
Those changes are reflected in much of this edition of the book.
For example, in the appendices, we take up the issue of cyber stalking
and cybercrime scene assessment. We have updated the tools and types
of tools that digital forensic examiners use. And we have increased the
emphasis on following the cyber trail and the concept of end-to-end digi-
tal investigation.
Much of what you see in this edition is the result of growth and change in
the field, to be sure. But, it also is the result of research and practice, much of
it in an academic environment. In addition to the academics, though, there
is a good bit of experience gleaned from government (at several levels) and
corporate exposure. Taken together—research, actual practice in a variety
of venues, and growth in the field and what is available to digital forensics
investigations—this edition offers a fresh look at the topic of digital inves-
tigation. We have drawn liberally on articles and columns written by Peter
Stephenson, though we have not made specific references to particular pieces.
In that regard, we must answer an obvious question: How does this book
differ from the many others that have appeared since 2000? In 2000, the first
edition was a landmark book, being among the first of its kind. Today, it
shares that distinction with a large number of offerings, many from very
competent, well-qualified practitioners and educators. Each of those books
has a lot to offer, and, just as we as digital forensic investigators do not depend
upon a single forensic tool, we do not depend upon a single point of view.

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC xvii


xviii Introduction

That said, the primary difference between this edition and the rest of
those in the field is that this edition, like the first edition, focuses on the
investigative process rather than taking a particular subfield of digital foren-
sics and treating it in depth. There are plenty of good references from such
respected practitioners and educators, such as Eoghan Casey, Brian Carrier,
and a host of others, that cover those types of details. This book considers the
investigative process and expects that the reader will turn to these other spe-
cialists for specific forensic details. Simply, the place for this edition on your
bookshelf is as the cornerstone of your own investigative process and skills,
augmented and amplified by offerings from specialized authors.
But, back to the notion of digital (or as we hear more and more fre-
quently—cyber) investigation and the focus of this book. Today, when events
occur in cyberspace, they take on unique characteristics. Dr. K. Jaishankar
has put forward the notion of the Space Transition Theory (discussed and
cited later in this book). This says, in simple terms, that crime in cyberspace
affects physical space and conversely. This begins us thinking about the
connection between physical and digital investigation and the connections
between the two. The end-to-end process (begun in the first edition) now
expands in this edition to include cybercrime assessment. The field of inter-
est for the digital investigator no longer is limited to the computer and pick-
ing child pornography off the hard disk with a virtual magnifying glass and
tweezers. Now we have an increasing concern about sophisticated financial
fraud, theft, malware, and, yes, believe it or not, murder and war.
These expanded issues require an expanded field of consideration and
that is what this edition is all about—investigating computer-related crime,
not just performing computer forensics. Today’s digital investigator is quite
likely also to be his or her own digital forensic analyst, thus the lines between
digital investigative and digital forensic tasks continue to blur. This book pro-
vides the basis for the complete digital investigator to learn his or her trade
with the clear understanding that it is not the entire digital forensic story.

How This Book Is Organized

Generally speaking, this edition is organized as a textbook for a course such


as the one that one of the authors teaches at Norwich University: Cyber
Investigation. This is a one-semester course and a typical semester is 15
weeks. There are 18 chapters in this book and three appendices. The appen-
dices may be used as supplementary reading and there are some chapters
that may be taken together (1 and 2, for example) to achieve a clean 15-week
program. There are discussion questions at the end of each chapter and the
authors recommend that they be used as exactly that: discussion questions
rather than weekly assignments to regurgitate information.

© 2010 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC


Other documents randomly have
different content
to an anchor in St. Helena Bay, when we found them to be a very
valuable fleet, under the command of Commodore Gardiner, of the
Belleisle 64; the other two ships of the line were, the Asia of 64, and
the Rippon of 60 guns. Some days elapsed in preparations for our
return to England, such as watering, &c. &c. when our Commodore’s
signal was hoisted for weighing, which duty was executed with
cheerfulness and alacrity, and particularly so by the crews of the
Belleisle, Asia, and Rippon, which had been in India a long time, and
consequently they were very intent on seeing Old England once
again.
Our voyage was pleasant, until we arrived in the chops of the
channel, where our Commodore received intelligence that a very
strong French fleet were cruising for the purpose of intercepting us.
On obtaining this news, we bore away for the west of Ireland, and
fortunately escaped them. Our fleet came to an anchor in Creak-
haven, whence our commodore sent off his despatches for
Government; and after lying here about ten days, we received
orders to unmoor and steer for England, where we all safely arrived,
after a very pleasant passage, without sustaining any damage. The
Indiamen left the Downs for the Thames, and the men-of-war for
their different ports, as per orders. Our ship steered for Portsmouth,
from whence, after two months’ refitting, we were ordered to
convoy the outward-bound fleet to the same latitude, and then
proceed to St. Helena as before, there to wait the arrival of the
homeward-bound fleet, in order to take them under our protection
as soon as they arrived. We had a tolerable passage out, and left the
Indiamen in the same latitude as on the previous voyage, shaping
our course for the island, where we safely came to an anchor.
The fleets from India were not expected for some time; and after
inspecting our rigging, taking in water, &c. our captain, to fill up the
intermediate space, resolved to cruise off the Cape of Good Hope for
a few weeks. We had not been but a very few hours in sight of the
Table Land, before our man at the mast-head descried a fleet
consisting of eight sail, apparently large ships, right in our wake; this
was a cause of some little alarm, particularly as we had a large reef
of rocks ahead, which we could not weather. We were assured of
their being enemies, and supposed them to be ships of the line,
standing towards us with all the sail they could crowd. We were
close hauled, and, as I observed before, could not weather the reef
of rocks ahead. What could be done, my good reader, in this crisis?
Our captain consulted his officers, and the result was, to tack and
stand toward them; in fact, we had no other alternative, for we were
upon a lee-shore, and the extreme point of the rocks was bearing
upon our weather bow.
Our crew were called aft, and informed of the situation of the ship;
but it is a well-known truth, that whatever the danger may be,
English seamen are always ready, yes, and proud, to run any risk, or
face any kind of danger, for good officers; to say nothing of their
innate courage, of which they have given proofs to the world. About
we went, in order to run the gauntlet, as it is commonly phrased, for
we were convinced to a man they were all ships of war. As we were
now head to head, we neared each other very fast, and in the
course of an hour or two, to our no small surprise, we perceived
them tack, and stand from us; this was by no means an unpleasant
sight, but the cause of a rapid transition in our view; for, prior to
this, we were thinking that many (if we should have the good
fortune ultimately to escape) must have fallen; but now, the
prevailing idea was, prizes and prize-money. At this time our ship
sailed remarkably well; consequently, we neared them fast, and soon
made them out to be six stout merchantmen, under convoy of two
frigates, which we were positive were no match for us, having as
brave a crew as ever went to sea. The two frigates hove their main-
top-sails to the mast, in order to receive us between them, which
corresponded with our intentions. We were now within gunshot, with
a large French ensign and pennant flying, and our lower deck ports
close. Had we continued this a while, the two frigates must have
been ours; but our captain ordered our lower-deck ports to be
hauled up, the French ensign and pennant to be struck, and the
English hoisted, which was done in an instant; but no sooner done,
than the French frigate Bellona was under a press of sail. This frigate
could, without much difficulty, have been taken by us; she had
money to a very large amount on board, for the troops at the
Mauritius; it was the same frigate that did so much mischief to our
trade in the East Indies, afterwards; but profit and honour are often
at variance. The other we captured, together with a valuable
merchantman richly laden; they were all bound to the Mauritius, or
Isle de France. This frigate struck immediately on the first shot being
fired, but, to the disgrace of the French captain, he ordered his
weather landyards to be cut away, when all her masts went
overboard. She had nine chests of money, with other valuables,
among which was a handle of a sword valued at £5000, designed as
a present from the king of France to his black majesty Hyder Ali
Cawn: these treasures we took on board our own ship.
With our two prizes we bore away, and arrived safely with them at
St. Helena, where we learnt that a sanguinary affair had taken place
at St. Jago, between Commodore Johnson and Count de Suffrein;
each chief had the command of five sail of the line, but the latter
had the advantage in point of heavy ships. Commodore Johnson, not
looking for an attack from any quarter, did not, perhaps, take that
precaution he otherwise would have taken; two or three of his best
ships being inside of several of the Indiamen. In this situation, the
French Admiral came upon him unexpectedly, and made a desperate
effort to destroy the fleet. The effect of this affair was, the capture
of one of our Indiamen, (which was afterwards recaptured,) and the
dismasting of the French ship Hannibal of 80 guns. It was very
strongly reported at the time, that if one of our captains had done
his duty, she must have been taken. After this sharp and well-
contested conflict on both sides, the French steered direct for the
East Indies, and the commodore took another route. On leaving St.
Jago, he directed his course to the Cape of Good Hope, where he
gained intelligence of a valuable fleet of Dutch East Indiamen,
homeward-bound, lying in Soldanah Bay: thither he repaired, and
was not long in taking and destroying the whole. Shortly after this,
he arrived at St. Helena with five valuable prizes; several of our
ships had also arrived, and we only waited for one more, which was
hourly expected, to weigh for England; but, to our no small surprise
and mortification, we were very unexpectedly and precipitately
ordered off to the East Indies with despatches to Admiral Hughes,
and to reinforce his fleet.
The beginning of December, 1781, we got under weigh, and sailed,
with as favourable a breeze as ever blew from the heavens for the
space of a month, when we were overtaken by a gale, which nearly
terminated our voyage and existence together: the heaviest sea I
ever saw, struck us on our beam; the long-boat in the waist, and our
barge on the booms, were stove to pieces; two feet of water at the
same time were rolling on our lower deck, so that both officers and
men were seized with consternation. But not to dwell on a subject,
which many must have experienced whose business leads them to
sea, I shall pass it by, observing, that Providence, whom both the
winds and the seas obey, was better to us than our fears; the storm
ceased, the waves subsided, and we proceeded on our voyage.
According to our calculations, we were within five days’ sail of
Madras, when we discovered a large fleet of ships, which, by signal,
we soon found to be enemies. We ran for it, they chasing us with
their fleetest vessels; but by trimming, wetting our sails, and
favoured by the approach of night, we fortunately got clear of them.
This, however, was of short duration, for on the second morning, by
supposed bad management, we found ourselves so enveloped as to
preclude the possibility of an escape; particularly so, as Le Heros,
the French admiral’s ship, about two leagues on our lee quarter,
brought the breeze with her, while we lay becalmed; and when
sufficiently near us, she opened her fire, and continued it until the
shot of two more line-of-battle ships, one on our weather quarter,
and the other on our bow, began to tell: resistance was now useless,
and our captain very prudently struck his colours. The enemy
instantly hoisted out his boats, boarded us, and separated our crew
amongst his fleet. I do not know how far it was countenanced by
their officers, but although taken in a man-of-war, many of us
suffered by theft, which I presume was never tolerated by our
officers to their ships of war.
About three months prior to this, the crews of the two prizes we
took, which I before mentioned, amounted to more than our crew;
and I can positively aver, they were treated with every indulgence:
when on board our ship, I felt for their distressed situation, and
every day gave one or another of them my allowance of wine, or
what else I could spare of my provisions; but I am sorry to say, we
met with very different treatment from them in return. If they are on
a par with English seamen in point of personal courage, which I very
much doubt, sure I am that they are not in point of humanity.
A circumstance, however, occurred, very much in my favour, which
exempted me from the common lot of my fellow prisoners. A captain
of the engineers, whose name was Byrus, particularly noticed me,
and through his influence I had permission to sleep on the poop,
which is no small privilege in that climate, while our seamen were
every night counted down into the hold. We were on board their
ships during two severe conflicts with our own fleet, commanded by
Admiral Hughes. At those times we were all sent into the hold, but
we should not have remained on deck, I presume, had we our
choice. Many of us losing our clothes when taken, nothing remained
to fill up the crevices of the cables on which our men slept; and I
think, that stones would have been preferable to such a bed. From
the commencement of each engagement, in some ships, the
prisoners were not thought of till twenty-four hours after the
termination of the affair; and all this time they were without water.
In this situation were many, and the reader may easily judge of our
condition; the hatches down, the natural heat of the climate, the
darkness and contractedness of the place, together with the smoke
of the lower-deck guns descending through the gratings in columns,
nearly suffocated several; and such was their extreme thirst, that
several made use of their own water! But in this case the remedy
was worse than the disease, for instead of allaying thirst, it excited it
more strongly.
The second action was stubborn and bloody; the two fleets fought
nearly the whole day; and in this affair they were well matched, the
French having twelve sail of the line, and the English eleven; though
in the former they had twelve, and we only nine. Night, together
with shoal water, put an end to this sanguinary contest; and the
fleets being near the island of Ceylon, parted as by mutual consent,
and came to an anchor; perhaps apprehensive of greater danger
from rocks, &c. &c. The next morning presented both fleets to view,
—about four miles and a half distant from each other; here, no
doubt, the minds of all in both fleets were more or less occupied,
from admirals to the cabin-boys: here were complicated scenes of
distress; masts, yards, carriages, bodies, or trunks of bodies rather,
floating in every direction! Our fleet appeared to have had the worst
of this severe conflict; two of our line-of-battle ships were nearly
dismasted, and one was aground: the French suffered materially in
men and rigging, but not in their lower masts. Eight days elapsed in
repairing their damages; at the expiration of which time, the enemy
was ready, and getting under weigh, stood out, and then tacked,
and stood in, offering our fleet battle; but Admiral Hughes, from his
recent losses and crippled state, was too wise to accept any overture
of the kind; and very prudently lay close, until he had put his ships[1]
in the best condition he could. The place where this sanguinary
battle terminated was Battecalo, but the seamen named it Bloody
Bay, which perhaps it will long retain: its distance from Trincomalee,
the principal sea-port in the island of Ceylon, is about sixty miles.
After this affair, the French fleet steered for Tranquebar, a Danish
settlement on the coast of Coromandel. Here Captain Byrus solicited
the French admiral for leave to go on shore on his parole, being
sorely afflicted with the stone and gravel: he included me in this
request, but it was not granted; nor was his own, till after several
applications, and a rapid increase of his disorder shamed them at a
refusal. He was lowered down the ship’s side while I stood on the
gunwale; the tears trickled down his manly face, though he strove to
hide them, and his eyes spoke parental affection: for my own part, I
was truly sorrowful, and felt, and still feel, all that an affectionate
son ought to feel for a worthy parent.
I informed my reader, in a preceding page, that I had permission,
through this gentleman’s influence, to sleep on the poop. I could
swim very well, but the ship lay at least two miles from the shore,
and I knew I had a heavy surf to contend with, should I reach it;
these were weighty considerations, but I was resolved to try it, and
thought it prudent to inform two of our officers, a Mr. Western, who
was taken in the Chaser, and another young gentleman, whose
name was Covey. They both dissuaded me from any attempt of the
kind: but my affection for Captain Byrus, to whom I was conscious,
could he have seen me, it would have been a balm in his afflictions,
—together with an idea of liberty,—induced me to form a resolution,
which is not easily shaken. Accordingly, when night came, I laid
myself down on the hencoop as usual, waiting an opportunity of
stealing down to the mizzen-chains. In order to accomplish this
preparatory step, I conceived it essentially necessary to watch very
minutely the quarter-master and sentinel, who were pacing it slowly
on the starboard side. It was done; I found myself in the mizzen-
chains, the spot I had been some time watching to gain, but no
sooner was it gained, than fear seized me; the darkness of the night,
the appearance of the sea, which was very rough, and the distance I
had to swim, staggered my resolutions, and I cowardly sneaked back
again to my coop with as much caution as I had descended to the
chains. Here I lay an hour, revolving what was to be done; hope and
fear swayed alternately; I knew the danger was great, and now for
the first time the sharks, which infest the whole coast, came into my
mind. No language can describe my sensations at this crisis; I had
used the most solemn asseverations that I would go that night; and,
thought I, what will those young gentlemen think, should they see
me in the morning? This, with the hope of seeing him, whom of all
men, next to my father, I most revered, got the better of my fears,
and resolution once more resumed her seat. I cautiously gained the
mizzen-chains again, and determinately lowered myself into the
water by the main sheet. As soon as I was fairly in, I swam under
her stern, and instantly dived, going under as far as I could, in order
to elude the vigilance of the watch on the poop: the darkness of the
night favoured me much, for when I came up, I could scarcely see
the ship; and in this case I was well assured they could not see me.
I had nothing about me but a silk handkerchief with two rupees, all
my treasure, tied up in the corner; this article was very injurious to
me, for as I had a side wind to cope with, it would frequently blow
over my face, and cause me to turn my back to the sea till I got it
righted again; nor could I by any means untie it, though I often
tried. Under those circumstances, I stretched toward the shore;
there was a Moor ship about half the distance, which vessel I
reached within, I suppose, ten or twelve fathoms, and here I had
hopes of resting; but here all my exertions proved fruitless, owing to
the handkerchief about my neck. I conclude I must have been under
her counter for at least ten minutes; and when I could gain a yard or
two the handkerchief would be blown over my face: here I nearly
exhausted my strength, without gaining my point, and I was under
the necessity of relinquishing the hopes I had entertained of resting,
turning my back to the wind, and treading water in order to recruit
my strength.
I was soon astern of this ship, and knew not what to do; in fact, I
could do but one thing, and that was, to go the way the wind and
tide drove me; I knew there were many vessels inside the French
fleet, and as I considered myself in the direction of them, I was not
without hope. Twenty minutes, or thereabout, brought me alongside
of a large ship; I swam astern of her, keeping as near as I could,
where, to my no small consolation, I found a boat: I got hold of the
gunwale, and, after resting myself some time, made a sufficient
effort to see a man in her stern-sheet, asleep: I called, he awoke,
and with the utmost humanity hauled me into the boat; Here, thank
kind Providence, I found a resting-place; and after a while I
proposed to this merciful man (for such I found him) to go on board;
he immediately hauled the boat under the ship’s stern, and with his
assistance I got up the ladder, walked to the waist, and sat down on
the booms; but I very shortly was saluted with a volley of oaths from
the mate, who was apprised of an English boy being in the ship. I
was not sixteen years old at this time, but it would avail nothing with
this monster in human shape: my naked condition, a dark night, a
rough sea, and a coast infested with ferocious sharks, made no
impression on this brute, for I cannot give him the appellation of
man. I solicited, I entreated, to stay a few minutes longer; but it was
unavailable, for he swore if I did not instantly leave the ship he
would throw me overboard! This roused me to a state of
desperation; I called him a monster, ran to the gangway, and sprang
into the sea. Judge of this wretch, reader, when I inform you he
threatened to throw a six-pound shot at me when in the water! I
fear the poor merciful man in the boat was punished for his kindness
to me; but surely “there is another and a better world!”
Once more I had to contend with the watery element; it still
remained dark, and blew fresh. I had taken the precaution of
untying my handkerchief in the boat, and tying it round my waist.
The ship I had just left was a small Danish East Indiaman, and I
knew, by her situation, that there was another about three quarters
of a mile in her wake; this thought animated and gave me hopes. I
had no great cause for exertion, the wind and tide being both in my
favour. The day was now breaking, and seeing the ship, I swam
alongside of her. The men were beginning to wash decks, and on
perceiving me they threw out a rope, which I laid hold of; they
hauled me about a yard from the water, but not possessing strength
enough, I was under the necessity of letting go; they immediately
made a running bowline knot, and threw it to me; this I got under
my arms, when they drew me, to my great joy, on board. Here I was
treated with the utmost tenderness and humanity; but my comforts
were transient. After being refreshed with the best they had, I was
put into the carpenter’s cot: my recent exertions soon helped me to
sleep; but a few minutes after I was awoke, and informed that a
French barge was making direct for the ship I was then in, and I
soon saw she was from the ship that I swam from, Le Flemand of 50
guns; this to me was alarming indeed. I was hurried down the fore-
hold by these humane Danes, and stowed away between the cable
and the deck, and I thought all was well, for their search would have
been in vain; but the mate betrayed me to the French lieutenant,
who desired him to produce me; he learnt where I was, and
ordering me on deck, I was obliged to obey. The Danes, I remember,
pitied me very much, and inveighed severely against the mate. I was
taken to the quarter-deck, and by the French officer ordered into the
boat: I had on then a jacket and trowsers, and was stripping myself,
to restore them to the merciful man from whom I had them, but the
poor fellow refused them, and the tears gushed from his eyes at the
time: here the sweet milk of humanity was visible indeed! I was now
peremptorily ordered into the boat, and I have every reason to
believe that the crew, had they not been awed by the officer, would
have put an end to my existence before I reached the ship; and
when we came alongside, I never saw a vessel manned to give
another three cheers more numerous; they shouting and exulting as
if they had taken a first-rate.
I could not at this time assign any reason for their extravagant
conduct; but in the course of the next day I understood, that it was
firmly, though erroneously believed, throughout the ship, that I had
taken a bundle of letters from the English officers on board, to
Captain Byrus on shore I was handed on the quarter-deck, and
surrounded by numbers; the captain, who was at breakfast, being
apprised of my arrival, came up: his countenance was at all times
terrific, but now particularly so. After some conversation with his
officers, I was ordered on the forecastle; when there, I was informed
by a Welshman, who belonged to the ship, that I was to be hung at
the yard-arm, if I did not immediately confess. Every means of
intimidation was made use of; and when they found it ineffectual, I
was ordered to the galley, where both my legs were put in irons, my
arms tied behind me, and an iron bolt was forced into my mouth in
such a savage manner, that the blood ran from both corners. In this
situation I remained about three hours, when they took the gag
from my mouth, and untied my arms. Both legs, however, still
remained in irons, and in this condition I was kept by these humane
Frenchmen, with an allowance of rice and water once in twelve
hours, and that after their blacks were served, for they had in each
ship from forty to fifty to do their dirty and heavy work, until we
were all landed at Cuddalore.
But notwithstanding the treatment I received, they were incessantly
soliciting me to enter into their service. I was, and ever shall be, at a
loss to know, what kind of an acquisition I should have been to
them; but so it was: they used every means to induce me; officers
would come, day after day, I supposed sent by the captain, with
promises and fine words; but it was useless.
One day I was taken out of irons, and conveyed to the captain’s
cabin; here the Welshman was, who had been sent for by the
captain as an interpreter; the captain appeared all affability, and the
Welshman was desired to ask me, how I dared swim from his ship? I
told him I should dare do it again, if I had an opportunity, and a
prospect of success; at this he paused, and looked at me with mild
attention; the Welshman was now desired to resume the subject of
entering into the French service, with great promises from the
captain himself, if I would consent; and to enforce this argument, a
Dutch cap full of dollars stood by him: I requested him to tell the
captain that I should never think of any thing of the kind, and
begged to be troubled no more on that subject. This closed the
conversation, and he with indignation ordered me to my former
situation, during which period not an Englishman was permitted to
come near me. At length we were all, to the number of 500, taken in
the different ships by their fleet, landed, as before observed, at
Cuddalore, after being on board their ships six months.
The air and soil were witness to our joy at meeting; but alas! how
transient! Our troubles, which we now supposed were drawing to a
close, were just commencing! We were shortly escorted and sent to
Chillembroom,[2] one of Hyder Ali’s strong forts. Here a dreadful
famine raged; and our provisions consisted of bad rice and carrion
beef; this, with the saltpetre ground on which we lay, was the cause
of the loss of numbers of our men. I have seen many stout fellows
taken one hour, and dead the next. Their disorder was the cramp,
and, when seized, their distortions were such, that they scarcely
retained the shape of human beings.—What cause induced the
French admiral to deliver us up to this unprincipled barbarian, we
never could discover. We were equally at a loss to conceive, why we
were abandoned by the English, when they might have demanded
us. I can only attribute it to the deplorable state of British affairs in
India during this period.
CHAP. II.

Marched to Chillembroom—Famine in the Place—


Punishment of some who attempted to escape—
Imprisoned—Put in Irons—Provisions scanty and bad
—Conducted to Bangalore—General Treatment—
Starvation—Inhuman Conduct—Comic Accident—
Prisoners divided into three Parties—Sorrow at
Separation—Sent to Burrampour—Imprisoned and in
Irons—Nearly starved—Sent again to Bangalore—
Marched to Seringapatam—Heads shaved—
Treacherous European—Compelled to submit to the
Mohammedan Rite—Afflictive Situation—Ablution—
Death of Hyder Ali.

We were here about two months, when a circumstance took place,


which we then considered very fortunate, but soon to our sorrow
found it the reverse. Nineteen of our men, with Lieutenant Wilson of
the Yarmouth, effected their escape; they had a few blankets among
them, of which they made ropes; and by this means, availing
themselves of a dark night, descended to the ditch over a
stupendous stone wall; but they knew nothing of the country, or
which way to steer. Nineteen of them were the next day brought in
with their arms pinioned; and the other, our boatswain’s mate, was
drowned in attempting to cross a river. Lieutenant Wilson was
stripped, and flogged with tamarind twigs very severely, when they
plastered his back over with sugar, and exposed him to the sun, by
way of finishing the punishment due to his crime; the men were put
in irons. In consequence of this affair, in a day or two after, we were
marched to a strong prison, and the whole of us put in heavy leg-
irons, with a scanty miserable allowance; and the guards were
doubled. In this situation we remained two months, when an order
came from Hyder Ali to march us from thence to Bangalore; in
consequence of which, our irons being knocked off, we were coupled
two and two in hand-irons. This being done, we were marched out
of the fort, not knowing our destination. In this case there was no
distinction, except that the officers were kept separate; for all were
linked, both officers and men. We had the painful sight of seeing
them pass us in irons; a state of degradation which affected many of
us, and myself for one. Our first lieutenant and the lieutenant of
marines, named Carthew, were brothers; these worthy men were
coupled together in a double sense, viz. fraternal affection, and
strong bolts of iron. They were, however, released from bondage in
the year 1784, and are, I believe, both still living, one an admiral,
and the other a clergyman.
We soon understood that our destination was Bangalore; our march
commenced, and a severe one it was: several had no shoes, which
was no small misfortune; many being coupled together whose
tempers were by no means congenial, was another source of evil,
and particularly so after a heavy day’s march. It frequently
happened that we were kept, though I believe, not designedly,
without food for many hours after reaching the ground on which we
were to sleep; and wo to the poor weary wretch who should attempt
to sit down to rest himself, for in this case he would be sure to have
the application of the but-end of a musket between his shoulders: in
short, no butcher ever drove oxen with more cruelty than we were
driven. In order to prevent a surprise, we were taken by the most
unfrequented ways; and one day, in a most dreadful abyss on the
margin of the road, we heard the noise, as we supposed, of a
rattlesnake, which alarmed us all; but if it was such, it must have
been of an enormous size, otherwise it could not have made the
noise it did.
A curious circumstance took place at one of our halting spots, which
were mostly under trees, and which, though alarming at the time,
was very laughable afterwards. Two of our men, about one o’clock in
the morning, were preparing their rice coffee, in order to be ready
for the morning’s march; when taking their cudgeree-pot off the fire,
it broke, and scalded one of them, who gave a terrible roar, which
was mistaken for a tiger’s by those near him, who were not half
awake. This induced them to bawl out,—a tiger! a tiger! which was
quickly communicated to the whole, as they were successively
roused from their sleep. Our officers, being near us, took the alarm
also; and such a scene of confusion ensued, as would require an
abler pen than mine to describe. All were intent on personal safety,
but all were not of one mind; hence, one hauled this way, and
another that, till twenty or thirty pairs came in contact; numbers fell
on each other, while some endeavoured to haul their weaker
partners up into trees. The guards were running about like madmen,
not knowing the cause of this hurly-burly; and I am persuaded to
this day, had we not been ironed, the guards would never have
entered our thoughts, and many would have been miles distant in a
very short time. Several had the marks of this dragging business, on
their wrists, for months afterwards. Smith, our corporal of marines,
being the only man out of irons, and who could talk Moorish well,
was sent for by the chief of the guard, who, I believe, was as much
frightened as ourselves; but when he understood the cause of all
this confusion, he was highly pleased, for he was apprehensive of
something worse. Many of the guards were at a considerable
distance at this time; but the panic gradually subsiding, the tom-
toms were sounded, the horns were blown, the guards collected,
and we composed ourselves to sleep, wondering at what had
happened.
At the expiration of twenty-one days, under many distressing
circumstances, we reached Bangalore. Here we were halted, and
after three days, the Mohammedan and Brachmin grandees came
from the fort, and separated us into three parties. The division I was
in was sent to Burrampour, three days’ march from Bangalore. I do
not recollect ever seeing a day of more sorrow. On parting, the tears
flowed copiously from many, and grief was portrayed in almost every
countenance. When we reached the place of our destination, prior to
entering the prison, our hand-irons were knocked off, and leg-irons
substituted. They gave us rice for the first eight or ten days, when
they changed it to ragee, the flour of which is nearly as black as
coal. This, no doubt, occasioned the death of numbers of our poor
fellows, who died in excruciating agonies, which I think would not
have been the case, had they had medical assistance; but they
might as well have asked for mountains of gold, as any thing of this
nature.
Here we remained three months, at the expiration of which time,
being all ordered out to muster, the youngest were selected from the
rest, to the number of fifteen, myself one; our irons were knocked
off, and we were put for that night in the prison, as usual. This was
mysterious to us; we knew not what to make of it. The next
morning, we, the fifteen boys selected, were sent off to Bangalore,
where we were told we should be taken good care of. We
sorrowfully parted from our companions, and, after three days’
march, arrived at the spot. Here we met with more English youths,
who had been taken, in like manner, from other prisons, and sent
hither also. We were exceedingly glad to see each other, and, of
course, mutual inquiries took place as to the cause of our being thus
collected; but we were all equally ignorant, and a kind of gloomy
pleasure was the result. We now mustered fifty-two boys, the oldest
seventeen, and the youngest (a Mr. Randal Cadman, whom I shall
have to mention again) twelve. The first of their operations was,
searching us for knives, scissars, &c. and such as they found, they
very goodnaturedly took from us; they then sent us several legs of
mutton, with cudgeree pots, water, salt, &c. but carefully prevented
our having any thing to cut it with. Nine of us formed a mess, and
boiled one of the legs, which was our portion; but when ready, we
were at a sad loss how to divide it, having been deprived of every
instrument necessary for that purpose. After a hungry debate, one,
more sagacious than the rest, procured a tile, with which
instrument, and our exertions in tearing, we reduced it with much
difficulty into three parts; we then formed ourselves into three
parties, three in each, and, as we had made three joints of it, each
party took one; and after taking it in our hands, and tearing as much
as our mouths would contain, we passed it to another, till our turns
came again. This was a necessary invention, which the rest were
forced to adopt;—could you, my good reader, have done better?
Three days having expired, we were sent for by the killadare, or
governor, who, after viewing us with apparent goodnature, gave us
some fruit; which kindness we could not account for, all was mystery
still, though we were repeatedly told that we were high in the
estimation of Hyder, and considered as his children. On this piece of
information, some were thoughtful, and some thoughtless. After a
few days had elapsed, we were marched off to Seringapatam,
Hyder’s capital; but our marches were easy, and our food was
abundant. On the ninth day after we left Bangalore, we reached the
capital, where we were seated between two gates for nearly three
hours, and gazed at by innumerable multitudes, who were passing
and repassing through the place, and who had never beheld such a
sight before. From thence we were ordered to a tabla, or square,
where they continued their kindness to us; but we were all this time
quite ignorant of their base intentions. One month passed over our
heads very comfortably, when the guards being increased, we were
ordered out to muster. Near us stood a number of hodgams,
(barbers,) who had orders to shave our heads. This we positively
refused, and they did not use force, as this was only preparatory to
something of greater moment.
In the midst of these mysterious kindnesses, an European made his
appearance, clad, in the Mohammedan dress, with a large red
turban, and a formidable pair of mustaches. This man saluted us in a
very gentlemanly manner, but we looked on him with suspicion and
surprise. He gave us to understand, that he was sent directly from
the killadare, to use his influence with us in having our heads
shaved, &c.; he also more than intimated, that if we persisted in a
refusal, they would take such steps as would be very disagreeable to
us, which no doubt was true enough. He appeared to be our friend,
and sincerely advised us quietly to submit; which we did. This being
done, they left us to ourselves another week, when, one morning,
the same barbers came, with twelve of the most robust men I ever
saw; these were some of Hyder’s getiees, all from Madagascar, kept
by him for feats of strength and agility, which I shall, in the sequel,
attempt to describe. Their appearance told us plainly that something
was going on, although we could not form any opinion of the object
which they had in view; but the arrival of Dempster, the name of the
European before alluded to, once more unravelled the mystery. He
addressed us in the most endearing, though hypocritical, language,
and gave us to understand, that we were to be circumcised, and
made Mohammedans of, by the express order of Hyder. We were
thunderstruck; but what could be done? He saw our agitation, and
playing off his persuasive artillery, his artifice and address had more
influence with us than the guards; in short, they forced each of us to
take a quantity of majum,[3] a drug well calculated to stupify the
senses and deaden pain; but it had little effect this latter way.
A mat, and a kind of sheet, being provided for each of us, we were
ordered to arrange ourselves in two rows, and then lie down on our
mats. This being done, the guards, barbers, and those twelve men
before-mentioned, came among us, and seizing the youngest,
Randal Cadman, a midshipman, they placed him on a cudgeree pot,
when four of those stout men held his legs and arms, while the
barber performed his office. In this manner they went through the
operation, and in two hours the pious work was finished, and we
were laid on our separate mats; where, with the effects of the
majum, some were laughing, and others crying; which, together
with the pain, rendered our condition truly curious and ludicrous. In
the evening they placed several sentinels over us, not for the
purpose of guarding us from an escape, this being impossible, for
more reasons than one; but to protect us from the bandicuts, a
species of the rat kind, as large as young sucking pigs, which they
much resembled, and which were very numerous there. We were
soon convinced that this was an act of mercy on their parts, as those
creatures (lying in our blood as we were) might have done us
considerable mischief. In this state we remained two months, when,
with the exception of two,[4] we all got well.
During our illness, or rather soreness, the clothes we had were taken
from us, and coarse habits given us; but we were not, even yet,
completely Mohammedanized, and therefore more evils were at
hand. Four large coppers were brought into the square,
accompanied by facquars or priests, worstards or schoolmasters,
and a religious train,—to consummate the business, and make us
genuine children of the Prophet. Each copper would, at least,
contain one hogshead and a half of water, which was made
unusually warm. The reason assigned for this, was, as we
understood afterwards, that we had eaten a great quantity of pork in
our time, and consequently were very unclean. Here was no small
diversion for idle spectators, to see us jump out of the coppers half
scalded; the facquars, in the midst of their prayers, suspending their
ceremonies, and joining the guards in running after and bringing us
back; for, by the time two were taken, they would be in pursuit of
two more, who had made their escape from this terrific ordeal. In
this we found some advantage; for during our short absence the
water naturally cooled, so that we could at length stay in it until the
prayers were finished by the priests. This continued three days
successively, in conjunction with the confused prayers of the
facquars, the threats of the guards, and our own apprehensions at
this mode of scalding. These preparations and performances being
ended, we were hailed as the children of the Prophet, and the
favourites of the Nabob.
Now, exclusively of our mental feelings, we had every good in
abundance; and thus they continued to treat us for three months;
but, alas! our troubles had only just begun. About this time, 1783-4,
Hyder Ali Cawn died. The more immediate cause of his death was an
ulcerated back; and reports were then circulated in the capital, that
towards the close of his life, when the ulcer was rapidly spreading,
he, by advice, ordered several criminals at different times to be
killed, in order to apply their livers to his sore. It is, however, but
just to state, that for this I have no other authority than hearsay,
though I have no reason to doubt that it might be truth.
We were now formed into a company, but having Dempster for our
commander, was no small mortification to us; knowing him to be a
base wretch, and a deserter from the Bengal Artillery. Dempster was
a man of considerable abilities, and, as we soon learnt, had been a
chaplain to one of the regiments at Gibraltar. This man, with a native
named Abdel Gunney, both formerly officers in the Company’s
service, was at the bottom of all the cruel treatment we received for
the period of a year afterwards. We were now, every morning and
evening, paraded before the palace in full Mohammedan dress; and
this scoundrel would very frequently march us up and down before
the English officers’ prisons, and particularly before that of the brave
but unfortunate Colonel Bailey, of whose end I shall have to speak
very shortly.
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