Pandas Cookbook Recipes for Scientific Computing Time Series Analysis and Data Visualization using Python 1st Edition Theodore Petrou - Download the ebook now to never miss important content
Pandas Cookbook Recipes for Scientific Computing Time Series Analysis and Data Visualization using Python 1st Edition Theodore Petrou - Download the ebook now to never miss important content
com
https://ebookmeta.com/product/pandas-cookbook-recipes-for-
scientific-computing-time-series-analysis-and-data-
visualization-using-python-1st-edition-theodore-petrou/
OR CLICK HERE
DOWLOAD EBOOK
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-junkyard-druid-box-
set-2-book-5-8-2nd-edition-m-d-massey-et-el/
ebookmeta.com
The Ritual 1st Edition Anya Merchant
https://ebookmeta.com/product/the-ritual-1st-edition-anya-merchant/
ebookmeta.com
https://ebookmeta.com/product/health-literacy-new-directions-in-
research-theory-and-practice-1st-edition-r-a-logan/
ebookmeta.com
https://ebookmeta.com/product/first-bites-a-first-in-series-
collection-1st-edition-skye-alder/
ebookmeta.com
https://ebookmeta.com/product/handbook-of-algal-biofuels-mostafa-el-
sheekh/
ebookmeta.com
https://ebookmeta.com/product/big-data-and-mobility-as-a-service-1st-
edition-haoran-zhang/
ebookmeta.com
An Analysis of David C Kang s China Rising Peace Power and
Order in East Asia 1st Edition Matteo Dian
https://ebookmeta.com/product/an-analysis-of-david-c-kang-s-china-
rising-peace-power-and-order-in-east-asia-1st-edition-matteo-dian/
ebookmeta.com
Pandas Cookbook
Theodore Petrou
BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI
Pandas Cookbook
Copyright © 2017 Packt Publishing
Every effort has been made in the preparation of this book to ensure
the accuracy of the information presented. However, the information
contained in this book is sold without warranty, either express or
implied. Neither the author, nor Packt Publishing, and its dealers and
distributors will be held liable for any damages caused or alleged to
be caused directly or indirectly by this book.
ISBN 978-1-78439-387-8
www.packtpub.com
Credits
Author
Copy Editor
Theodore Petrou Tasneem Fatehi
Reviewers
Sonali Dayal
Project Coordinator
Kuntal Ganguly
Manthan Patel
Shilpi Saxena
I’d also like to thank Sonali Dayal, whose constant feedback helped
immensely in structuring the content of the book to improve its
effectiveness. Thank you to Roy Keyes, who is the most exceptional
data scientist I know and whose collaboration made Houston Data
Science possible. Thank you to Scott Boston, an extremely skilled
pandas user for developing ideas for recipes. Thank you very much
to Kim Williams, Randolph Adami, Kevin Higgins, and Vishwanath
Avasarala, who took a chance on me during my professional career
when I had little to no experience. Thanks to my fellow coworker at
Schlumberger, Micah Miller, for his critical, honest, and instructive
feedback on anything that we developed together and his constant
pursuit to move toward Python.
Nearly every industry is finding ways to use data science to build new
technology or provide deeper insights. Due to such noteworthy
successes, an ever-present aura of hype seems to encapsulate data
science. Most of the scientific progress backing this hype stems from
the field of machine learning, which produces the algorithms that
make the predictions responsible for artificial intelligence.
The fundamental building block for all machine learning algorithms is,
of course, data. As companies have realized this, there is no shortage
of it. The business intelligence company, Domo, estimates that 90%
of the world's data has been created in just the last two years.
Although machine learning gets all the attention, it is completely
reliant on the quality of the data that it is fed. Before data ever
reaches the input layers of a machine learning algorithm, it must be
prepared, and for data to be prepared properly, it needs to be
explored thoroughly for basic understanding and to identify
inaccuracies. Before data can be explored, it needs to be captured.
For many data analysts and scientists who use Python, the vast
majority of their work will be done using pandas. This is likely
because the initial data exploration and preparation tend to take the
most time. Some entire projects consist only of data exploration and
have no machine learning component. Data scientists spend so much
time on this stage that a timeless lore has arisen--Data scientists
spend 80% of their time cleaning the data and the other 20%
complaining about cleaning the data.
One of the reasons why Python has become a language of choice for
data science is that it is a fairly easy language to learn and develop,
and so it has a low barrier to entry. It is also free and open source,
able to run on a variety of hardware and software, and a breeze to
get up and running. It has a very large and active community with a
substantial amount of free resources online. In my opinion, Python is
one of the most fun languages to develop programs with. The syntax
is so clear, concise, and intuitive but like all languages, takes quite a
long time to master.
As Python was not built for data analysis like R, the syntax may not
come as naturally as it does for some other Python libraries. This
actually might be part of the reason why there are so many Stack
Overflow questions on it. Despite its tremendous capabilities, pandas
code can often be poorly written. One of the main aims of this book
is to show performant and idiomatic pandas code.
Chapter 10, Time Series Analysis , covers advanced and powerful time
series capabilities to dissect by any dimension of time possible.
There are a wide variety of ways in which you can install pandas and
the rest of the libraries mentioned on your computer, but by far the
simplest method is to install the Anaconda distribution. Created by
Continuum Analytics, it packages together all the popular libraries for
scientific computing in a single downloadable file available on
Windows, Mac OSX, and Linux. Visit the download page to get the
Anaconda distribution (https://www.anaconda.com/download ).
It is possible to install all the necessary libraries for this book without
the use of the Anaconda distribution. For those that are interested,
visit the pandas Installation page (http://pandas.pydata.org/pandas-docs/st
able/install.html ).
Running a Jupyter Notebook
The suggested method to work through the content of this book is to
have a Jupyter Notebook up and running so that you can run the
code while reading through the recipes. This allows you to go
exploring on your own and gain a deeper understanding than by just
reading the book alone.
Raleigh was now high in the queen’s favor, and with large
influence at court. He was in or about his thirty-second year, of
rugged manhood, handsome, and debonair. The son of a country
gentleman, well connected through his father’s three marriages with
families of prominence, and taking young to adventure, he was early
concerned in lively affairs. He was born about the year 1552, at
Hayes, near Budlegh Salterton, South Devonshire, the second son of
his father’s third wife, who was the widow of Otho Gilbert and the
mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Through his father’s first wife, who
was Joan Drake, he was related to Sir Francis Drake. His own
brother was Sir Carew Raleigh, who was concerned with him in
Gilbert’s first expedition of 1578. As a boy he became interested in
seamanship and the life of the sea from talks with sailors returned
from distant voyages. At fifteen he was at Oxford, entered in Oriel
College. At seventeen he was serving as a volunteer in the French
Huguenot army. He remained in France through the next five years.
Back in London in 1576, he was variously employed. The next year,
or early in 1578, he was warring in the Low Countries under Sir John
Norris. Later in September he was at Dartmouth, busied with
Humphrey Gilbert in fitting out the fleet for that year’s venture, in
which he sailed in command of the “Falcon.” In 1580 he was serving
in Ireland as captain of a company, and he had part in the awful and
cruel massacre at Somerwich in November of that year. Toward the
end of 1581 he was sent home to England with despatches from the
new governor of Münster. Coming to the court he attracted the fancy
of the queen by his manly presence, bearing, and gallantry, and he
rose instantly into the royal favor. With this time is dated the
tradition of his spreading his new plush coat over a muddy way for
the queen to walk upon. He was granted lucrative monopolies,
particularly the “wine licenses,” the profits of which enabled him
liberally to prosecute the schemes of Western adventure he was
then developing.
Raleigh’s patent received the royal signature on the twenty-fifth
day of March, 1584, and only a month later, as we have seen
(Chapter I), his preliminary expedition, comprising his two barks
under the experienced captains Amadas and Barlow, charged to
investigate, hasten back, and report, had sailed off; and under the
inspiration of the warm-coloured story that these captains told upon
their return in September, the first colonization band was formed.
This fascinating narrative, therefore, is the prologue to the epic of
true English colonization in America, culminating in the permanent
settlement at Jamestown.
It appears in full in the Principal Navigations with this caption:
“The first voyage made to the coasts of America with two barks,
where in were Captaines M. Philip Amidas, and M. Arthur Barlowe,
who discovered part of the Countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584.
Written by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh
knight, at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set
forth.” Barlow was the author.
The captains set sail on the twenty-seventh of April, taking the
southern course by the West Indies toward the coast of Florida.
Their landfall, now reckoned to have been shoals out from Capes
Fear and Hatteras, was made on the fourth of July. Their approach
was propitious, for as they struck shoal water two days before, by
which they were assured that land was not far off, they “smelt so
sweet and so strong a smel as if we had bene in the midst of some
delicate garden abounding in all kinds of odoriferous flowers.” They
first supposed the coast they saw to be that of a continent and
“firme land.” They ranged along it northward some “hundred and
twentie English miles,” seeking an opening. At length they came to
an inlet which they entered, “not without some difficultie,” and
dropped anchor “about three harquebuz-shot” within the haven’s
mouth. Just where this inlet was has been a matter of long
discussion by historical investigators. Some have confidently
identified it with Ocracoke, now Oregon Inlet: others with New Inlet.
A later authority (Talcott Williams) designated it as a passage long
ago closed by the drifting sands, north of Roanoke Island, and near
Collington Island. After giving thanks to God for their safe arrival
thither, they manned their small boats and went ashore on the
“island of Wocokon” (identified as Collington Island); and here
forthwith performed the ceremony of taking possession of the region
“in the right of the Queenes most excellent Majestie, as rightful
Queene and Princesse of the same,” and for Raleigh under his
patent.
This ceremony over they viewed the land about them. While sandy
and low by the waterside it soon rose into fair little hills. Close by the
water’s edge were masses of grape vines. So “full of grapes” indeed
was the place that “the very beating and surging of the Sea
overflowed them.” There was such plenty “as well there as in all
places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils, as
in the plaines, as well as every little shrubb, as also climing towardes
the tops of high Cedars,” that the narrator thought that in all the
world the “like abundance” was not to be found: and he was a
much-travelled man. Ascending one of the little hills they saw the
place to be an island and not the main. Below them they beheld
valleys “replenished with goodly Cedar trees.” Upon discharging their
“harquebuz-shot” such a flock of cranes, mostly white ones, rose
that their cry “redoubled by many echoes” was “as if an armie of
men had showted together.” The island was seen to be rich in “many
goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, even in the
middest of Summer in incredible abundance.” The woods contained
“the highest and reddest Cedars of the world ... Pynes, Cypres,
Sarsaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke, the
tree that beareth the vine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master
Winter [of Drake’s fleet that entered the Pacific] brought from the
straights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smel and
qualitie.”
They remained at this island for two whole days before they had
sight of any natives. On the third day when on ship-board they
espied a canoe paddling toward them with three Indians in it. When
it had come within “foure harquebuz-shot” of their ships it put into
the point of land nearest to them. Two of its three occupants went
up into the island, while the other walked to and fro along the point,
viewing the ships with evident interest. Then the two captains and a
few others rowed to the shore to meet him. As they approached he
made no shew of “feare or doubt.” After he had spoken with them
“of many things” which they could not understand, he was invited by
gestures to visit the ships, which he showed was quite to his liking.
On board he was entertained with a taste of their wine and their
bread, which he “liked very much,” and was given a shirt, a hat, and
some other things. When he had viewed both barks to his
satisfaction, he was sent back ashore. Again taking his canoe which
he had left in a creek he fell a-fishing not far from the ships, and in
less than half an hour he had laden his boat “as deepe as it could
swimme.” Then returning to the point of land nearest the ships he
here divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to one of the
ships and one to the other. And so, “as much as he might,” requiting
the benefits he had received from the Englishmen, he departed from
their sight.
The next day a considerable body of natives appeared and
formally made the Englishmen welcome:
"There came unto us divers boates, and in one of them the king’s
brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and
goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civill as any
of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called
Wingina, the countrey Wingandacoa. The maner of his comming was
in this sort: hee left his boates altogether, as the first man did a little
from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over
against the shippes followed with fortie men.
"When he came to the place his servants spread a long matte
upon the ground on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of
the matte foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his
men stood round about him, somewhat afarre off: when we came to
the shore to him with our weapons, hee never moved from his place,
nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any harme to be
offred from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by
him, which we performed: and being set hee made all signes of joy
and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on
ours, to shew wee were all one, smiling and making shew the best
he could of all love and familiaritie.
“After he had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him
with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully.
None of the companie durst speake one worde all the time: onely
the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others
eare very softly.”
The king himself, it was explained, could not appear, for he was
lying at the chief town of the country, six days’ journey off, sore
wounded from a fight with the king of “the next countrie.”
A day or two after this welcoming meeting the Englishmen fell to
trade with the natives, exchanging various trinkets for “chamoys,
buffe, and Deere skinnes.” A bright tin dish had more attractions
than anything else in their packet of merchandise. One of the
natives “clapt” it on his breast and making a hole in the rim hung it
about his neck as a shield, with gestures to indicate that it would
defend him against his enemies’ arrows. The dish was exchanged for
twenty skins worth twenty English crowns. A copper kettle was
traded for fifty skins worth as many crowns. The natives offered
good exchange for hatchets, axes, and knives, and would have given
anything for swords: but with these the Englishmen would not part.
The king’s brother took a special fancy to the Englishmen’s armor. He
offered to lay a great box of pearls in gage for a suit, together with a
sword and a few other things. His offer was declined for the reason
that the captains did not want him to know how highly they prized
the pearls till they had learned in “what places the pearls grew.”
They afterward apparently satisfied themselves on this point, when,
in an exploration of a neighbouring river, they found “great store of
Muskles in which there are pearles.”
After a few days Granganimeo came aboard the ships and was
entertained like the first visitor, with wine, meat, and bread, to his
great pleasure. Another day he brought his wife, daughter, and two
or three children aboard. The wife was of small stature, “very well
favoured, and very bashful.” She was attired in a long cloak of skin
with the fur inwards. Her forehead was adorned with a band of
white coral. From her ears depended “bracelets” of pearls, each
pearl, of the size of a pea, extending to her waist. Her women
attendants, who remained on the shore, some forty of them, during
her visit, had pendants of copper in their ears, and some of
Granganimeo’s children and those of other “noble” men wore five or
six in each ear. Granganimeo’s apparel was a cloak like his wife’s,
and on his head was a broad plate of gold or copper. The women
wore their hair long on both sides, the men on but one. These
natives were of a yellowish colour and generally with black hair.
Their boats were made out of whole trees, either pine or pitch
trees. Their manner of constructing them was thus: “They burne
downe some great tree or take such as are winde fallen, and putting
gumme and rosen on one side thereof they set fire unto it, and
when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels,
and even where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on
gummes which burne away the timber, and by this meanes they
fashion very fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men.”
Their oars were “like scoopes,” and “many times they set with long
pooles as the depth serveth.”
The king’s brother was very just in keeping his promises and
generous with supplies. Every day he sent to the ships a brace or
two of fat “Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish the best of the world.” Also
“divers kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes,
Pease, and divers roots,” and of their “countrey corne, which is very
white, faire, and well tasted, and groweth three times in five
moneths.” The Englishmen “proved” the soil, putting some pease
into the ground; in less than ten days, the narrator averred, they
were of “fourteene ynches high.” The natives also raised beans “very
faire of divers colours and wonderful plentie: some growing
naturally, and some in their gardens”; and both wheat and oats. The
soil was declared to be “the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and
wholesome of all the worlde.” There were counted fourteen or more
different “sweete smeling” timber trees. The most part of the
underwoods were “Bayes and such like.” There were oaks like those
of England, but “farre greater and better.”
The narrator with seven others went “twentie miles into the river
that runneth towarde the citie of Skiwak [Indian village], which river
they [the natives] call Occam, and in the evening following ... came
to an island which they call Roanoak.” At the north end of this island
was a village of nine houses built of cedar and fortified round with
sharp trees to keep out their enemies, the entrance being “made like
a turne pike very artificially.” This village was the home of
Granganimeo. As they neared it his wife came running down to the
waterside to meet them. Granganimeo was not then in the village,
and his spouse did the honours of host most graciously. She bade
some of her people to draw the Englishmen’s boat through the
beating billows to the shore; others to carry the visitors on their
backs to the dry ground; others to take their oars to her house lest
the boat might be stolen. After they were come into her dwelling, a
hut of five rooms, they were sat by a great fire while their wet
garments were washed and dried by her women, she herself in the
meantime taking “great paines to see all things ordered in the best
maner shee could,” and “making great haste to dress some meat”
for their supper. When they had comfortably dried themselves they
were conducted into an inner room where, “on the board standing
along the house,” a tempting banquet of venison, fruits, and wheat
foods was spread. The whole entertainment was marked by “all love
and kindnesse, and with as much bountie (after their maner) as they
could possibly devise.” Here, as in their other experiences, the
Englishmen found the people “most gentle, loving, and faithful,
voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the maner of
the golden age.”
Throughout the visit at Roanoke their hostess was assiduous for
their welfare. This was most energetically displayed in an incident
while they were at supper. “There came in at the gates two or three
men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee
espied we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to
reach our weapons: but assoone as she espied our mistrust shee
was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out,
and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them and withall
beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe.” When as the
evening waned the Englishmen made ready to return to their boats,
declining the hospitality of the village over night, she had the viands
left over from the supper, “pottes and all,” carried to their craft.
When they embarked and rowed off a “prettie” distance from the
shore, there to lie through the night, she was much grieved at this
evidence of mistrust, and again entreated them to rest in the houses
of the village. And when they still declined, she sent “divers men and
thirtie women to sit all night on the banke side” opposite them; and
as rain began to fall mats were sent out to them for protection
against the storm. The narrator explained that they were thus
cautious because they were “fewe men,” and if they had “miscaried”
the expedition would have been in great danger, so they “durst not
adventure any thing.” Yet they had no cause to doubt the sincerity of
these natives, “for a more kinde and loving people there can not be
founde in the worlde, as farre as we have hitherto had trial.”
On other days further explorations were made around Albemarle
Sound, and information more or less authentic was gathered from
the natives as to Indian towns, and relations between the tribes and
the several kings of the region round about. They found that beyond
the islands lay the mainland. They were told of the greatest Indian
city called “Scicoak,” on the “River Occam”: of another great town on
a tributary of this river, under a “free lord,” independent of
neighbouring kings; and another, four days’ journey southwest of
Roanoke, called “Sequotan,” or “Secotan.” The friendship of the
natives increased in warmth on closer intercourse with the
Englishmen. Their interest in the English ships was unbounded.
Whenever a gun was discharged, “were it but a hargubuz,” they
would tremble “for the strangeness of the same.” Their own
weapons were principally slender bows and arrows. The arrows were
small canes headed with a sharp shell or a fish’s tooth, but
“sufficient ynough to kill a naked man.” They used swords of
hardened wood, and a sort of club with the sharp horns of a stag
fastened at the heavy end. They wore wooden breastplates for
defence. When they went to war they carried with them “their idol of
whom they aske counsel as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of
Apollo.” They sang songs as they marched forth to battle instead of
sounding drums and trumpets. Their wars were “very cruel and
bloody.” For this reason, and as a result of civil dissensions that had
happened among them in recent years, the people of the region
were “marvellously wasted, and in some places the countrey [was]
left desolate.”
When the reconnoitering captains finally set sail for the return to
England they carried with them two of the natives, “lustie men,”
Wanchese and Manteo by name. Manteo afterward became of
considerable service to the first two colonies, and rose to the
distinction of a native American baron—the “Lord of Roanoak,” as
will duly appear with the development of the story of colonization in
the following chapters.
XX
“VIRGINIA”
The very next day the pinnace was finished and launched. Then
the general, with his captains and gentlemen, marched up into the
country to meet the Spaniards with the promised provisions. But the
Spaniards came not. Whereupon the general fired the woods
roundabout, and his party marched back to their fort. Later, the
same day, they fired their fort and all embarked to sail the next
morning on their course. In the meantime Ralph Lane, taking a
Spanish frigate that they had captured, with a Spanish pilot, had
made a successful venture with twenty of his men to “Roxo bay, on
the southwest side of S. John,” after a cargo of salt. He threw up
entrenchments about a salt hut here, and quietly loaded the frigate
while “two or three troupes of [Spanish] horsemen” stood off and
“gave him the looking,” but offered no resistance. When the fleet
sailed from St. John most of the company were itching from the
stings of swarms of “muskitos” which they had got on shore.
That night at sea they took a Spanish frigate whose crew had
abandoned her upon sight of the fleet. Early next morning another
was captured: this a more profitable prize, having a “good and riche
freight and divers Spaniards of account in her.” The Spaniards were
afterward ransomed “for good round summes” and were landed at
St. John.
The next call was made at Hispaniola. Here there was much
impressive exchange of courtesies between the Spaniards and their
uninvited guests. The fleet anchored at Isabella on the first of June.
Upon his arrival, apparently, the general entertained some local
grandees on his ship. For on the third of June the “governor of
Isabella and captaine of Port de Plata,” having heard that there were
“many brave and gallant gentlemen” in the fleet, sent a “gentle
commendation” to Sir Richard with a promise shortly to make him an
official call. On the appointed day the governor appeared at the
landing off which the fleet lay, accompanied by a “lustie Fryer” and
twenty other Spaniards with their servants and Negroes. Thereupon
Sir Richard and his chief men, “every man appointed and furnished
in the best sort,”—in briefer phrase, wearing his best clothes,—took
the shipboats and were rowed forth in fine feather to meet them.
The reception was most cordial on both sides. The Spanish governor
received the English general “very courteously,” while the Spanish
gentlemen saluted the English gentlemen, and “their inferior sort did
also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our men and likewise
their qualities.”
Then followed a sylvan banquet: “In the meane time while our
English Generall and the Spanish Governour discussed betwixt them
of divers matters, and of the state of the Countrey, the multitude of
the Townes and people, and the commodities of the Iland, our men
provided two banquetting houses covered with greene boughes, the
one for the Gentlemen, the other for the servants, and a sumptuous
banquet was brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of
trumpets, and consort of musicke, wherewith the Spaniards were
delighted.” The feast ended, the Spaniards in their turn, in
recompense of the English courtesies, provided a bull fight, or hunt,
for them. “They caused a great heard of white buls, and kyne to be
brought together from the mountaines, and appoynted for every
Gentleman and Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and
then singled out three of the best of them to be hunted by
horsemen after their maner, so that the pastime grewe very pleasant
for space of three houres, wherein all three of the beasts were killed,
whereof one tooke the Sea and was slain with a musket.” After this
brutal sport rare presents were exchanged. The next day the thrifty
Englishmen “played the Marchants in bargaining with them by way
of trucke and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses,
mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bull-hides, sugar, ginger,
pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of the Iland.”
On the seventh of June they departed, with great good will, from
these Spaniards and Hispaniola. “But,” the diarist shrewdly observed,
“the wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and
courtesie used towards us by the Spaniards rather to the force that
wee were of, and the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst
us, then [than] to any heartie good will or sure friendly
intertainement: for doubtless if they had been stronger then wee,
wee might have looked for no better courtesie at their handes then
Master John Haukins received at Saint John de Ullua, or John Oxnam
neere the streights of Dariene, and divers others of our
Countreymen in other places.”
Resuming the voyage, short stops were made at some of the
Bahama Islands, and on the twentieth of June they fell in with the
mainland of Florida. On the twenty-third they were in great danger
of wreck “on a beach called the Cape of Feare,” so first named by
these voyagers. The next day they came to anchor in a harbour
where they caught “in one tyde so much fish as would have yeelded
us twentie pounds in London.” Here they made their first landing on
the continent. Two days afterward they had arrived at Wocokon.
In entering the shallow harbour three days later the flagship
struck aground and, according to the diarist, “sunk,” but she was not
lost. On the third of July word of their arrival at Wocokon was sent
by Manteo to king Wingina at Roanoke Island. And ultimately the
company went up to Roanoke Island and began their settlement
there.
Grenville remained with them for about two months and then
returned with the ships to England, promising to come back with
supplies by the next Easter. The month was spent mostly in
explorations of the neighbouring waters and country; while one
harsh and ill-judged act was committed by Sir Richard’s orders
against the Indians, whom Amadas and Barlow had found so friendly
and hospitable, which had evil results in fostering conspiracies
against the new comers. The first exploration, with visits to Indian
towns, was made in state soon after the arrival, and occupied eight
days. Sir Richard, Master John Arundel, and “divers other
gentlemen,” led in the “tilt-boat”; Governor Lane, Captain Cavendish,
Heriot, and twenty others, followed in the “new pinnace,” which had
been built at St. John; Captains Amadas and Clarke, with ten others,
in one shipboat, and White, the artist, with Francis Broke in another.
They crossed the southern part of Pamlico Sound to the mainland
and discovered three Indian towns—Pomejok, Aquascogoc, and
Secotan. On the next day Pomejok was visited; on the next,
Aquascogoc, and two days after, Secotan, where they were well
entertained. The next day was marked by the harsh act of large
consequences. They had returned to Secotan and thence “one of our
boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquasogok to demand a silver
cup which one of the Savages had stolen from us, and not receiving
it according to his promise, wee burnt and spoyled their corne, and
Towne, all the people being fled.”
The fleet left Wocokon on the twenty-first of July for Hastorask,
where they arrived and anchored on the twenty-seventh. Soon after,
the courteous receiver of Amadas and Barlow on their first coming,
King Wingina’s brother Granganimeo, came aboard the flagship with
Manteo, and paid his respects to Sir Richard.
The colony being finally established at Roanoke Island, the ships
weighed anchor on August the twenty-fifth and Grenville was off on
his return to England. When less than a week at sea he came upon a
fine Spanish ship of three hundred tons, and forthwith took her, with
a rich cargo. In this performance a reckless show of bravery was
made, Sir Richard boarding her “with a boate made with boards of
chests, which fell asunder and sunke at the ship’s side, assoone as
ever he and his men were out of it.” Afterward Sir Richard took
charge of the prize and completed the voyage in her, arriving at
Plymouth on the eighteenth of September. As was natural with this
plunder, he was “courteously received by divers of his worshipfull
friends.” The “Tiger,” of which he had lost sight in foul weather on
the tenth, had previously arrived at Falmouth.
How fared the colony in “Virginia” after Sir Richard had left with
the ships is told in Ralph Lane’s report to Raleigh: “An account of the
particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia
by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane
Generall of the same, from the 17 of August 1585 until the 18 of
June 1586 at which time they departed the Countrey: sent and
directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.”
There were in all one hundred and eight men of the company
remaining in the colony. They finished the building of a fort on
Roanoke Island, which had apparently been begun before Grenville
left; and set up their houses, presumably of logs, the best of these