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The document discusses 'Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines,' exploring the cultural impacts of colonialism through literature, law, religion, and native customs. It highlights the complexities of colonial narratives and the interactions between indigenous practices and Spanish influences. The work aims to provide a counter-history that challenges traditional views of Hispanization in the Philippines.

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100% found this document useful (2 votes)
16 views

Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines: Literature, Law, Religion, and Native Custom John Blancodownload

The document discusses 'Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines,' exploring the cultural impacts of colonialism through literature, law, religion, and native customs. It highlights the complexities of colonial narratives and the interactions between indigenous practices and Spanish influences. The work aims to provide a counter-history that challenges traditional views of Hispanization in the Philippines.

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amarchtinta
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© © All Rights Reserved
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Counter-Hispanization in
the Colonial Philippines
Connected Histories in
the Early Modern World

Connected Histories in the Early Modern World contributes to our growing


understanding of the connectedness of the world during a period in history
when an unprecedented number of people—Africans, Asians, Americans,
and Europeans—made transoceanic or other long distance journeys. Inspired
by Sanjay Subrahmanyam’s innovative approach to early modern historical
scholarship, it explores topics that highlight the cultural impact of the
movement of people, animals, and objects at a global scale. The series editors
welcome proposals for monographs and collections of essays in English from
literary critics, art historians, and cultural historians that address the changes
and cross-fertilizations of cultural practices of specific societies. General topics
may concern, among other possibilities: cultural confluences, objects in motion,
appropriations of material cultures, cross-cultural exoticization, transcultural
identities, religious practices, translations and mistranslations, cultural impacts
of trade, discourses of dislocation, globalism in literary/visual arts, and cultural
histories of lesser studied regions (such as the Philippines, Macau, African
societies).

Series editors
Christina Lee, Princeton University
Julia Schleck, University of Nebraska, Lincoln

Advisory Board
Serge Gruzinski, CNRS, Paris
Michael Laffan, Princeton University
Ricardo Padron, University of Virginia
Elizabeth Rodini, American Academy in Rome
Kaya Sahin, Indiana University, Bloomington
Counter-Hispanization in
the Colonial Philippines
Literature, Law, Religion, and Native Custom

John D. Blanco

Amsterdam University Press


Cover illustration: “Map of the San Isidro Biñán Hacienda, along with the separate settle-
ments [sitios] that comprise it and the new demarcation made this past 27 February, 1745.”
The new demarcations resulted from the agreements following the 1745 Tagalog Rebellion.
Source: ES.41091.AGI//MP-FILIPINAS,154BIS, Archivo General de Indias, Seville.

Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden


Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout

isbn 9789463725880
e-isbn 9789048556656 (pdf)
doi 10.5117/9789463725880
nur 685

© J.D. Blanco / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2023

All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of
this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted,
in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise)
without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.

Every effort has been made to obtain permission to use all copyrighted illustrations
reproduced in this book. Nonetheless, whosoever believes to have rights to this material is
advised to contact the publisher.
Per me reges regnant et legum conditores iusta decernun

[Through me kings reign and princes decree justice].

— Proverbs 8:15

Hay en el colonialismo una función muy peculiar para las palabras: las palabras
no designan, sino encubren… De este modo, las palabras se convirtieron en
un registro ficcional, plagado de eufemismos que velan la realidad en lugar de
designarla.

— Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, “La universalidad de lo ch’ixi”1

1 “Words have a very peculiar function in colonialism: words do not expose, but veil… In this
way, words transform into a fictional record, plagued with euphemisms that mask reality instead
of exposing it.” Cited in Sociología de la imagen. Miradas ch’ixi desde la historia andina, 175.
This book is dedicated to my parents,
Rene (1936–2016) and Nita.
Table of Contents

List of Illustrations 11

Acknowledgments 14

Introduction: Towards a Counter-History of the Mission Pueblo 17


The Great Unsettlement 17
Beyond the “Hispanization” thesis 24
Spiritual Conquest as (a) Staging [Escenificación] 30
Baroque Ethos and Native Custom 39
Counter-Histories of the Colonial Illusion 42

1 The War of Peace and Legacy of Social Anomie 49


The Fact of Conquest 51
Pacification as Discourse and Performative Utterance 57
The Peace that Wasn’t 65
Protracting Colonialism 75

2 Monastic Rule and the Mission As Frontier(ization) Institution 79


“Era público y notorio” [It was well known and infamous] 80
Patronato Regio [Royal Patronage of the Church] vs. Omnímoda
[Complete Powers of the Religious Orders] 85
The Regular Orders Against Crown and Church 90
Immunity and / as Impunity in the Mission as Frontier Institution 97
Counter-Hispanization and / as Frontierization 102

3 Stagings of Spiritual Conquest 107


Reducción or Forced Resettlement in Theory and Practice 110
A God Is Weeping 120
Desengaño as Theopolitics 128
Disciplining the Shamans 136
Conjurations of Law 141

4 Miracles and Monsters in the Consolidation of Mission-Towns 149


Routinizing the Sacred 152
Disease, Derealization, and the Hostile [Racial] Other in the
Tigbalang Complex 160
Antipolo, 1596: a Tale of Two (or Three, or a Multitude of) Crosses 169
Taal, c. 1600: from Manifest to Latent Grace 172
Miracles and Phantasms in the Gestation of a Colonial Unconscious183

5 Our Lady of Contingency 189


Dispensaries of Grace 194
Errantry and Unsettlement in the Legend of the Virgin of Caysasay198
Towards a Genealogy of “Split-Level Christianity” 209

6 Reversions to Native Customin Fr. Antonio de Borja’s Barlaan


at Josaphat and Gaspar Aquino de Belen’s Mahal na Pasion 217
From the End of the Encomienda to the New “Efficiency of Empire” 224
Jesuit Spirituality and the Ambiguity of Emancipation in the
Tagalog Barlaan at Josaphat 230
Pasyon and Indictment in the Court of Public Opinion 239
The Last Maginoo and the “Philippinization of Christianity” 248

7 Colonial Racism and the Moro-Moro As Dueling Proxies of Law 259


Towards a New Hierarchy: Race 262
Custom [Ugalí], Christian Tradition, and Spanish Law 269
Fiestas and cockfights 275
Upstaging the Scene of Spiritual Conquest in Native Theater and
Romance [Moro-Moro and Awit] 282
Native Custom and the Undeceived Indian 299

Conclusion: The Promise of Law 309


Commonwealth vs. Cult in the Conjuration of Law 309
Confabulations of Philippine “Split-Level Christianity” 314
ReOrient or ReOccident? 316

Bibliography 319

Index 349
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List of Illustrations

Figure 1 The mission fields of the several religious Orders and


the secular clergy c. 1650, with designation of mission-
towns and placenames in the book. 13
Figure 2 Banaue Rice Terraces, Ifugao Province. 19
Figure 3 Frontispiece to Fr. Gaspar de San Agustín (OSA),
Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas, etching. 34
Figure 4 “Per me Reges regnant,” detail, from Fr. Gaspar de
San Agustín (OSA), Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas
(frontispiece). 34
Figure 5 Drawing 227 from Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala,
Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1615 / 1616),
manuscript. 82
Figure 6 Drawing 234, from Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala,
Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1615 / 1616),
manuscript. 83
Figure 7 Drawing 233, from Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala,
Primer Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1615 / 1616),
manuscript. 84
Figure 8 “Village Tagal de Bacor, sur la route de Cavite á
Manille” [1828]. 113
Figure 9 The fortress-like construction of the Augustinian
church in Miagao (Iloilo) (completed in 1797). 113
Figure 10 The Ati-Atihan festival in Kalibo, Aklan (on the island
of Panay), where Aetas or highland natives mingle with
residents in blackface. 165
Figure 11 Poster or estampa of the image of Nuestra Señora de
Guía (Our Lady of Guidance). 193
Figure 12 Virgin of Antipolo. 195
Figure 13 Virgin of Antipolo (detail). 195
Figure 14 First page of “Catalogus Christianorum quos colit Soci-
etas in Philippinius Anno 1675” [Catalog of Christians
the Society (of Jesus) Worships (?) in the Philippines]. 222
Figure 15 “Cafres”: detail from Fr. Pedro Murillo Velarde (SJ),
Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de las Islas
Filipinas (1734). 279
12  Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines

Figure 16 “Indios bailando el comintang” [Indians dancing the


kumintang]: detail from Fr. Pedro Murillo Velarde
(SJ), Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de las Islas
Filipinas (1734). 279
Figure 17 “Indios peleando gallos” [Indians fighting (with)
gamecocks], detail (right) from Fr. Pedro Murillo
Velarde (SJ), Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de
las Islas Filipinas (1734). 281
Figure 18 Performance of a moro-moro in Iloilo, Panay (Central
Visayas), c. 1895. 283
Figure 19 Makeshift shrine atop outcropping boulders at the foot
of the puwesto Sta. Lucia Falls. 311

Table 1 A comparison of Frs. San Agustín and Bencuchillo’s


accounts of the Virgin of Caysasay. 205
Figure 1: The mission fields of the several religious Orders and the secular clergy c. 1650,with designation of mission
towns and placenames mentioned in the book. Copyright © Mathilde Grimaldi, 2022. Map by Daniel Doeppers, in
“The Evolution of the Geography or Religious Adherence in the Philippines before 1898,” 100. Copyright permission
granted by author.
Acknowledgments

This book represents one of several associated projects, which emerged over
the course of many years. I want to thank the many friends, collaborators,
and interlocutors who made these moments possible, and who continue to
feed the hive mind of Philippine and Filipinx diaspora studies throughout
the world. Without your insights I would not have written this book.
I would like to thank first the mentors in my life, both academic and
personal, who passed away in the course of my completing this work: Philip-
pine National Artist Bien Lumbera, Rosemary George, Marcel Henaff, Edel
Garcellano, Dr. Luciano Santiago, and my father Dr. Renato Blanco, called
Rene by his friends and family. Your words and example continue in the life
and work of those you nurtured, among whom I count myself.
This book would not have been possible without the insights, enthusiasm,
and encouragement of the book series editor Christina Lee. I would also
like to thank Erika Gaffney and Randy Lemaire for steering me through the
editorial process of the book’s publication. A grant from the UC Humanities
Research Initiative allowed me to invite several senior scholars to review the
book manuscript in 2020. Thank you to the participants whose observations,
interpretations, and encouragement significantly contributed to the final
shape of the book: in addition to Christina, Vicente Rafael, Ignacio López-
Calvo, Damon Woods, and Sally Ann Ness. Needless to say, I acknowledge
any errors, oversights, or opinions in these pages as my own.
Different stages of the research and writing were sustained by different
audiences, with many friends among them: Nicanor Tiongson, Julio Ramos,
Philippine National Artist Virgilio Almario, Caroline Hau, Brian Goldfarb
and Parastou Feizzaringhalam, Cynthia Sowers, Anna More, Karen Graubart,
Ivonne del Valle, Phil. Congressman Kiko Benitez, Philippine National Artist
Resil Mojares, Neferti Tadiar, Ricardo Padrón, Rey Ileto, Josep Fradera,
Lola Elizalde, Oscar Campomanes, Eric Van Young, Sara Johnson, Nancy
Postero, Christine Hunefelt-Frode, Yen Espiritu, Joi Barrios, Lulut Doromal,
Ruby Alcantara, Yoshiko Nagano, Joyce Liu, Lulu Reyes, Paula Park, Jorge
Mojarro, Santa Arias, Ana Rodriguez, Luis Castellví-Laukamp, Tatiana
Seijas, Eberhard Crailsheim, Ruth Pison, Roberto Blanco Andrés, Fr. Blas
Sierra de la Calle (OSA), Ricky Jose, Ino Manalo, Ernest Hartwell, Matthew
Nicdao, Sony Bolton, Johaina Cristostomo, Ruth de Llobet, Nikki Briones
Carson-Cruz, Daniel Nemser, Orlando Bentacor, Rachel O’Toole, Claire
Gilbert, Marlon James Sales, Jánea and Juan Estrada, Mariam Lam, Leo
Garofolo, Fr. Ericsson Borre (OSA), Isaac Donoso, Xavier Huetz de Lemps,
Acknowledgments 15

Julius Bautista, Tina Clemente, Kuan-Hsing Chen, Shu-fen Lin, Diego Luis,
Juliana Chang, Ryusuke Ishikawa, Sarah Schneewind, Lisa Surwillo, María
del Rocío Ortuño, Irene Villaescusa, Dana Murillo and Mark Hanna, Veronica
Junyoung Kim, Koichi Hagimoto, Parimal Patil, Deirdre de la Cruz, Ana
Ruíz Gutiérrez, Takamichi Serizawa, Susan Gilman, Adam Lifshey, and
Jun Matibag.
My intellectual community during the period of writing this book came to
largely revolve around my regular involvement in the intellectual community
forged by the Tepoztlán Institute. My intellectual debt extends to the people
I have come to know there and their immensely helpful feedback on chapter
drafts: Josie Saldaña, Yolanda Martínez-López, María Elena Martínez (who
passed away in 2014), Pamela Voekel, Kelly McDonough, Caroline Egan,
David Kazanjian, and Gabriela Soto Laveaga. Thanks also to the leadership
of the Tepoz Colectivo, including Elliott Young, Jorge Giovanetti, David
Sartorius, Dillon Vrana, Marisa Belausteguigoitia Rius, Shane Dillingham,
Adam Warren, Christen Smith, Osmundo Pinho, Itza Amanda Varela Huerta,
Alaina Morgan, Araceli Masterson, Nattie Golubov, entre otres.
Many colleagues have played an essential role in my life of the mind as
well as the university. Thanks to the staff and community of Latin American
Studies. Thank you Claire Edington, who leads the Southeast Asia and
Transpacific collective. Thanks also to Cindy Nguyen, Nancy Kwak, Simeon
Man, Wendy Matsumura, Mohammad Khamsya Bin Khidzer, Christen
Sasaki, Diu Huong Nguyen, Sarah Grant, Phung Su, Christina Scwenkel,
Evyn Lê Espiritu Gandhi, Thûy Vo, and David Biggs for their enthusiasm
and engagement in this shared project. With my fellow members of the
editorial advisory board of the Journal of Early Modern Cultural Studies, I
share a continuing multifaceted conversation of the early modern moment.
Thanks to Daniel Vitkus for steering us through the vicissitudes of the field;
and to Babak Rahimi, Sal Nicolazzo, Jacques Lezra, Susan Maslan, John
Smolenski, Martin Huang, and Ulrike Strasser as well as Ivonne.
Thank you friends of the mind and heart, for your continued presence
and encouragement: Max Parra, Consuelo Soto, Luis Martín Cabrera and
Carol Arcos Herrera, Cristina Rivera-Garza and Saúl Hernández, Joseph
Ramírez, You Xiu Min, Maribel and Manny Gaite, María D. Sánchez Vega,
Aurelia Campbell, Daniel Widener, Dennis and Saranella Childs, Jacobo
Myerston and Danielle Raudenbush, Elana Zilberg, Gloria Chacón, Martin
Manalansan, Enrique Bonus, Lisa Lowe, Cristina Pantoja Hidalgo, Preachy
Legasto, Fr. Jimmy Achacoso (JCD), Fr. Luis Soliven, Theo Gonzalves, Luz
Mena, Ipat Luna, Howie Severino, Mars Estrada, Thelma Estrada, Wendell
Capilli, Neil Garcia, Nerissa Balce, Fidelito Cortes, Butch and Beng Dalisay,
Frances Makil, Bliss Lim, Trina Pineda, Leo Nery, Antonio Tinio, Bomen
Guillermo, Dylan Rodriguez, Robyn Rodriguez, Edward Nadurata, Maria
Bates and Patrick Colmenar, Gary Colmenar, Happy Araneta, Abe Ignacio
and Christine Araneta, Atilio Alicio, Augusto Espiritu, Richard Chu, Verna-
dette Gonzalez, Marilou and Malou Babilonia, Vina Lanzona, Judy Patacsil,
Sal Flor, Felix Tuyay, Thelma and Audie de Castro, Jay Perez, Josen Díaz,
Jimiliz Valiente, Heidi Tuason, Giselle Cunanan, Denise Cruz, Michael Gil
Magnaye and Roy Ferreira, Kazim Ali and Marco Wilkinson, Erin Suzuki,
Nina Zhiri, Lisa Lampert-Weissig, Amelia Glaser and Eran Mukamel, Tara
Knight, Ross Frank, José Fusté, Michael Davidson, Zeinabu Davis and Marc
Cherry, Cristina della Coletta, Brian Byun, Badri Swaminathan, Nayan Shah
and Ken Foster, Jeffrey Minson and Lesley Stern (who passed away in 2021),
Mica and Joe Pollock, Erin and Josh Graff Zivin, Sarah Gualtieri, David
and Julianne Pedersen, Shelley Streeby and Curtis Marez, Lisa Yoneyama
and Takashi Fujitani, Tom LaPere, Erin Dwyer, and Keith McNeal, Eugene
Pak, John Barron, Lauren Wood, Scott Frederick, Wendy Stulberg, Anna
Parkinson, Will and Dana Tiao, Colleen Chien and Dirk Calcoen, Amit
Nigam and Scott Linder, Holly and Bill Gastil and the SD Ashtanga com-
munity, Heather Fenwick, Jorge and Mariana Bustamante, Bill and Lorena
López-Powers, Rich Schulz and Marisol Marín, Larry and Sarah Carr, and
Aimee Santos.
I would be remiss not to express my gratitude to students past and
present, many of whom have helped me think through the most complex
takeaways from my f ield of study. They include: Mayra Cortes, Jessica
Aguilar, Marisol Cuong, Maya Richards, Steven Beardsley, Noelle Sepina,
Vyxz Vasquez, Satoko Kakihara, Shi-szu Hsu, Ma Vang, Malathi Iyengar,
June Ting, Theofanis Verinakis, Niall Twohig, Lyra Cavada, Claudia Vizcarra,
Cindy Pinhal, Jodi Eisenberg, Yelena Bailey, Scott Boehm, Leonora Paula,
Andrew Escudero, Carla Rodriguez, Adam Crayne, Kate Thompson, Ivy
Dulay, Rocío Giraldez-Betrón, Deanne Enriquez, Melissa Wang, Frida Pineda,
Kat Gutierrez, Corrine Ishio, Chris Datiles, Amanda Solomon, Jonathan
Valdez, Graeme Mack, and Ren Heintz.
Special thanks go to my mother Benita, with whom I have often consulted
on matters pertaining to Tagalog language as well as Philippine culture
more broadly. Among my extended family I would like to thank the Blanco,
Hermogenes, Soliven-Vega, and Doromal families, Tita Yoly Ganchorre,
Menchie and Jim LaSerre, and Monika and Olaf Jaeger, for providing me
with every manner of assistance in the Philippines, the US, and abroad.
I save my final and most affectionate gratitude for last: to Marivi and
Aspen, without whom nothing is possible.
Introduction: Towards a Counter-
History of the Mission Pueblo

Another stereotype that needs reexamination for a better understanding of the


Filipino people during the Spanish occupation is the supposed ease, speed, and
thoroughness of the Conquest.
— William Henry Scott, Cracks in the Parchment Curtain, 22

The Great Unsettlement

In 2009, UCLA archaeologist Stephen Acabado published a surprising and


controversial discovery from his research on the dating of the Ifugao rice
terraces in the Cordillera Mountain region in northern Luzon (Philippines)
(see Figure 2). As the author mentions in the introduction to his study, the
rice terraces are included in UNESCO’s World Heritage List, which describes
the terraces as a “living cultural landscape of unparalleled beauty… Built
2000 years ago and passed on from generation to generation, the Ifugao Rice
Terraces represent an enduring illustration of an ancient civilization that
surpassed various challenges and setbacks posed by modernization.”1 UN-
ESCO’s description, however, relied on early scholarship of the rice terraces,
which went largely unquestioned for decades. This earlier estimation was
based largely on speculation of how long it would have taken for the existing
Ifugao highland population to build such a vast network.2 Acabado’s research,
however, based on chronometric data from carbon samples along a section
of the network close to the lowland regions of Luzon, determined that, far
from being 2000 years old, their creation and period of greatest expansion
took place after 1585 – in other words, after the arrival of the Spaniards.
His research confirms a hypothesis first developed by Felix Keesing: “the

1 “Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras,” web.


2 Stephen Acabado, “A Bayesian Approach to Dating Agricultural Terraces,” 802; see also
Acabado, “Colonial Resistance through Political and Economic Consolidation,” 287–301.

Blanco, J.D., Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University


Press 2023
doi: 10.5117/9789463725880_intro
18  Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines

terraced landscapes of the Ifugao are the end-result of population expansion


into the Cordillera highlands in response to Spanish colonization.”3 Stitching
together Keesing’s history with this data led Acabado to the conclusion that
the evidence of “indigenous population migration away from the Spanish
and into this highland refugium [was] significant enough to expand terrace
systems” (811).
While Acabado’s findings may come as a great disappointment to both
UNESCO and cultural nationalists touting the antiquity of this seemingly
superhuman feat of environmental engineering, his research exposes us
to a different kind of amazement. It allows us a panoramic view of a secret
history unfolding just outside the gaze of the Spanish colonizers – for two
and a half centuries. If we view the terraces as an invention of the early
modern Spanish period rather than antiquity, they attest to a massive,
collective refusal of colonial rule: a refusal and flight of coastal and lowland
populations into the Luzon northern hinterlands, which led to the great
counter-settlement of these highlands between the sixteenth and (at least)
seventeenth centuries; and, carried on undiscovered by Spaniards until
around the 1750s. 4
Acabado’s research has several implications. The first and most important
is that the overweening focus on “Hispanization” in Philippine historiography
has obscured a twin and counter-history of Spanish depredation, native
deracination and derealization, terror, and (in the case of these highland
refugee populations) retreat from the coastal and lowland populations. Works
like Robert Reed’s classic study on “the rapid and complete Hispanization of
the Philippines” through Christianity and urban settlement, for example,
confidently estimated the procurement of Spanish suzerainty as early as
the third decade of the occupation: an estimation that the work of recent
scholars like Acabado has debunked.5 In contrast, the history of the back-
lands phenomenon in Luzon and other parts of the Philippines reinforces the
larger thesis made by Southeast Asian historian and anthropologist James
Scott on the unwritten and suppressed histories of unsettlement among
upland peoples throughout Southeast Asia. As Scott writes, “The history of

3 Cited in Acabado, “A Bayesian Approach,” 803. Acabado compared his results with other
historical data: most signif icantly, the disappearance of sixty villages in the lowland areas
exposed to the Spanish presence between 1739 and 1789, compared to the preservation of over
fifty villages in the highlands from around 1660 to the present day. See ibid., 813; and Acabado,
“Taro Before Rice Terraces,” 296.
4 Acabado, ibid. 286.
5 See Robert Reed, Hispanic Urbanism in the Philippines: A Study of the Impact of Church and
State, 11.
INTRODUC TION: TOWARDS A COUNTER-HISTORY OF THE MISSION PUEBLO 19

Figure 2: Banaue Rice Terraces, Ifugao Province. Copyright © John Crux / Alamy Stock Photo, 2022.

hill peoples is best understood as a history not of archaic remnants but of


‘runaways’ from state-making processes in the lowlands… The effect of all
state-making projects… was to create a shatter zone or flight zone to which
those wishing to evade or to escape bondage fled.”6
The case of the highland Ifugao – also called Igorots or Igorotes, although
this term has grown to encompass the Kalinga, Benguets, Bontocs, and
Apayos – as well as untold other indigenous identities, is particularly
instructive. This culture, routinely derided or condemned by Spaniards
as primitive, turns out to be a rather modern (or early modern) invention:
an amalgamation of different indigenous groups living between the coast
and the highlands, who became “Igorot” in the layered movements of
flight, desertion, and apostasy from the Spanish conquest and mission
pueblos.7 Cultural anthropologist Alicia Magos, who researches the upland

6 See Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed, 24. Scott’s argument draws in part from another
(Philippine) anthropologist, William Henry Scott, who argued that the Philippine highland group
identified as “Igorots” were actually the amalgamation of generations of lowland assimilation
into the highlands, propelled by flight from Spanish dominion. See The Discovery of the Igorots;
as well as “The Unconquered Cordilleras” in Rediscovery, 31–41; and Of Igorots and Independence,
11, 29–36.
7 See William Henry Scott, “The Unconquered Cordilleras,” 35. For a comparative instance
of “mistaken primitivism, see the case of Allen Holmberg’s study of the Sirono of Bolivia, in
Charles Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, 3–34.
20  Counter-Hispanization in the Colonial Philippines

dwellers of Central Panay – a large island south of Luzon, in the Visayas


region – arrived at a similar conclusion, based on her study of Bukidnon
epics. Magos was initially struck by the boat-building tradition that these
mountain people had retained for centuries through this oral tradition,
after they had ceased to build boats or live in the coastal areas of the
island. In fact, one of the chanted epics she succeeded in recording (the
Humadapnon), which belonged to a severely endangered oral tradition,
describes frequent episodes of sea travel. Her conclusion was that, while
pre-Hispanic settlers on the island probably moved farther into the interior
before the Spanish arrival, “[they] were later joined by other people who
wanted to escape military recruitment during the Spanish regime… as
some Spanish records of the early Spanish period mention the movement
of lowlanders to the interior to escape tribute, forced labor and military
conscription.”8
The work of scholars like these leads to a second implication that this
book will explore in greater detail. The point of contact, contiguity, and
re-encounter between these histories of settlement and unsettlement was
captured in the voluminous chronicles, correspondence, and literature
of the mission frontier, which constituted most of the archipelago until
at least the end of the eighteenth century. Yet the latter history remains
stubbornly invisible. Why? While classic works of Philippine historiography
would confidently pronounce that urban resettlement constituted a great
success of Spanish colonial rule, and particularly the accomplishment of
the monastic Orders and the Jesuits, one need only stare at the rice terraces
in Banaue and other highland areas to acknowledge the equal success of
native flight and escape from resettlement. This success unfolds before the
beholder like words across the pages of a living book.
This living book, which substantiates the work of many recent scholars
in history, anthropology, literature, and the arts, calls for a rethinking of
Philippine history in the early modern period with greater attention to
the colonial subjects who experienced it rather than the architects who
imagined it. It is not just that the architects were writing at a far remove
from their subjects; as I will argue, it is that their interpreters, detractors,
translators, and even the architects themselves, engaged in acts of the
imagination and fiction to obscure the lasting legacy of social anomie in
the attempted projection of colonial society. The body of work that resulted
from this imaginary is the literature of “spiritual conquest.”

8 See Magos, “The Sugidanon of Central Panay,” in Edukasyon: Harnessing Indigenous Knowledge
for Education, 129. See also F. Landa Jocano, Sulod Society.
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triangle formed by the Congaree and Wateree
(tributaries of the Santee), breaking up that great
centre of the Carolina roads. Up to that point I feel full
confidence, but from there may have to manoeuvre
some, and will be guided by the questions of weather
and supplies.

You remember we had fine weather last February for


our Meridian trip, and my memory of the weather at
Charleston is, that February is usually a fine month.
Before the March storms come we should be within
striking distance of the coast. The months of April and
May will be the best for operations from Goldsboro' to
Raleigh and the Roanoke. You may rest assured that I
will keep my troops well in hand, and, if I get worsted,
will aim to make the enemy pay so dearly that you will
have less to do. I know that this trip is necessary; it
must be made sooner or later; I am on time, and in
the right position for it. My army is large enough for
the purpose, and I ask no reinforcement, but simply
wish the utmost activity to be kept up at all other
points, so that concentration against me may not be
universal.

I suspect that Jeff. Davis will move heaven and earth


to catch me, for success to this column is fatal to his
dream of empire. Richmond is not more vital to his
cause than Columbia and the heart of South Carolina.

If Thomas will not move on Selma, order him to


occupy Rome, Kingston, and Allatoona, and again
threaten Georgia in the direction of Athena.

I think the "poor white trash" of the South are falling


out of their ranks by sickness, desertion, and every
available means; but there is a large class of vindictive
Southerners who will fight to the last. The squabbles in
Richmond, the howls in Charleston, and the
disintegration elsewhere, are all good omens for us;
we must not relax one iota, but, on the contrary, pile
up our efforts: I world, ere this, have been off, but we
had terrific rains, which caught us in motion, and
nearly drowned some of the troops in the rice-fields of
the Savannah, swept away our causeway (which had
been carefully corduroyed), and made the swamps
hereabout mere lakes of slimy mud. The weather is
now good, and I have the army on terra firma.
Supplies, too, came for a long time by daily driblets
instead of in bulk; this is now all remedied, and I hope
to start on Tuesday.

I will issue instructions to General Foster, based on the


reenforcements of North Carolina; but if Schofield
comes, you had better relieve Foster, who cannot take
the field, and needs an operation on his leg. Let
Schofield take command, with his headquarters at
Beaufort, North Carolina, and with orders to secure
Goldsboro' (with its railroad communication back to
Beaufort and Wilmington). If Lee lets us get that
position, he is gone up.

I will start with my Atlanta army (sixty thousand),


supplied as before, depending on the country for all
food in excess of thirty days. I will have less cattle on
the hoof, but I hear of hogs, cows, and calves, in
Barnwell and the Colombia districts. Even here we
have found some forage. Of course, the enemy will
carry off and destroy some forage, but I will burn the
houses where the people burn their forage, and they
will get tired of it.

I must risk Hood, and trust to you to hold Lee or be on


his heels if he comes south. I observe that the enemy
has some respect for my name, for they gave up
Pocotaligo without a fight when they heard that the
attacking force belonged to my army. I will try and
keep up that feeling, which is a real power. With
respect, your friend,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-general commanding.

P. S.--I leave my chief-quartermaster and commissary


behind to follow coastwise.
W. T. S.

[Dispatch No. 6.]

FLAG-STEAMER PHILADELPHIA
SAVANNAH RIVER, January 4, 1865.

HON. GIDEON WELLS, Secretary of the Navy.

SIR: I have already apprised the Department that the


army of General Sherman occupied the city of
Savannah on the 21st of December.

The rebel army, hardly respectable in numbers or


condition, escaped by crossing the river and taking the
Union Causeway toward the railroad.

I have walked about the city several times, and can


affirm that its tranquillity is undisturbed. The Union
soldiers who are stationed within its limits are as
orderly as if they were in New York or Boston.... One
effect of the march of General Sherman through
Georgia has been to satisfy the people that their
credulity has been imposed upon by the lying
assertions of the rebel Government, affirming the
inability of the United States Government to withstand
the armies of rebeldom. They have seen the old flag of
the United States carried by its victorious legions
through their State, almost unopposed, and placed in
their principal city without a blow.

Since the occupation of the city General Sherman has


been occupied in making arrangements for its security
after he leaves it for the march that he meditates. My
attention has been directed to such measures of
cooperation as the number and quality of my force
permit.

On the 2d I arrived here from Charleston, whither, as I


stated in my dispatch of the 29th of December, I had
gone in consequence of information from the senior
officer there that the rebels contemplated issuing from
the harbor, and his request for my presence. Having
placed a force there of seven monitors, sufficient to
meet each an emergency, and not perceiving any sign
of the expected raid, I returned to Savannah, to keep
in communication with General Sherman and be ready
to render any assistance that might be desired.
General Sherman has fully informed me of his plans,
and, so far as my means permit, they shall not lack
assistance by water.

On the 3d the transfer of the right wing to Beaufort


was began, and the only suitable vessel I had at hand
(the Harvest Moon) was sent to Thunderbolt to receive
the first embarkation. This took place about 3 p.m.,
and was witnessed by General Sherman and General
Bernard (United States Engineers) and myself. The
Pontiac is ordered around to assist, and the army
transports also followed the first move by the Harvest
Moon.

I could not help remarking the unbroken silence that


prevailed in the large array of troops; not a voice was
to be heard, as they gathered in masses on the bluff to
look at the vessels. The notes of a solitary bugle alone
came from their midst.

General Barnard made a brief visit to one of the rebel


works (Cansten's Bluff) that dominated this water-
course--the best approach of the kind to Savannah.

I am collecting data that will fully exhibit to the


Department the powerful character of the defenses of
the city and its approaches. General Sherman will not
retain the extended limits they embrace. but will
contract the line very much.

General Foster still holds the position near the


Tullifinny. With his concurrence I have detached the
fleet brigade, and the men belonging to it have
returned to their vessels. The excellent service
performed by this detachment has fully realized my
wishes, and exemplified the efficiency of the
organization--infantry and light artillery handled as
skirmishers. The howitzers were always landed as
quickly as the men, and were brought into action
before the light pieces of the land-service could be got
ashore.

I regret very much that the reduced complements of


the vessels prevent me from maintaining the force in
constant organization. With three hundred more
marines and five hundred seamen I could frequently
operate to great advantage, at the present time, when
the attention of the rebels is so engrossed by General
Sherman.

It is said that they have a force at Hardeeville, the


pickets of which were retained on the Union Causeway
until a few days since, when some of our troops
crossed the river and pushed them back. Concurrently
with this, I caused the Sonoma to anchor so as to
sweep the ground in the direction of the causeway.

The transfer of the right-wing (thirty thousand men) to


Beaufort will so imperil the rebel force at Hardeeville
that it will be cut off or dispersed, if not moved in
season.

Meanwhile I will send the Dai-Ching to St. Helena, to


meet any want that may arise in that quarter, while the
Mingo and Pontiac will be ready to act from Broad
River.

The general route of the army will be northward; but


the exact direction must be decided more or less by
circumstances which it may not be possible to
foresee....

My cooperation will be confined to assistance in


attacking Charleston, or in establishing communication
at Georgetown, in case the army pushes on without
attacking Charleston, and time alone will show which
of these will eventuate.

The weather of the winter first, and the condition of


the ground in spring, would permit little advantage to
be derived from the presence of the army at Richmond
until the middle of May. So that General Sherman has
no reason to move in haste, but can choose such
objects as he prefers, and take as much time as their
attainment may demand. The Department will learn
the objects in view of General Sherman more precisely
from a letter addressed by him to General Halleck,
which he read to me a few days since.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient


servant,

J. A. DAHLGREN,
Rear-Admiral, commanding South-Atlantic Blockading-
Squadron.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE


MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA,
January 29, 1885.

Major-General J. G. FOSTER, commanding Department


of the South.

GENERAL: I have just received dispatches from


General Grant, stating that Schofield's corps (the
Twenty-third), twenty-one thousand strong, is ordered
east from Tennessee, and will be sent to Beaufort,
North Carolina. That is well; I want that force to
secure a point on the railroad about Goldsboro', and
then to build the railroad out to that point. If
Goldsboro' be too strong to carry by a rapid
movement, then a point near the Neuse, south of
Goldsboro', will answer, but the bridge and position
about Kinston, should be held and fortified strong. The
movement should be masked by the troops already at
Newbern. Please notify General Palmer that these
troops are coming, and to be prepared to receive
them. Major-General Schofield will command in
person, and is admirably adapted for the work. If it is
possible, I want him to secure Goldsboro', with the
railroad back to Morehead City and Wilmington. As
soon as General Schofield reaches Fort Macon, have
him to meet some one of your staff, to explain in full
the details of the situation of affairs with me; and you
can give him the chief command of all troops at Cape
Fear and in North Carolina. If he finds the enemy has
all turned south against me, he need not follow, but
turn his attention against Raleigh; if he can secure
Goldsboro' and Wilmington, it will be as much as I
expect before I have passed the Santee. Send him all
detachments of men that have come to join my army.
They can be so organized and officered as to be
efficient, for they are nearly all old soldiers who have
been detached or on furlough. Until I pass the Santee,
you can better use these detachments at Bull's Bay,
Georgetown, etc.

I will instruct General McCallum, of the Railroad


Department, to take his men up to Beaufort, North
Carolina, and employ them on the road out. I do not
know that he can use them on any road here. I did
instruct him, while awaiting information from North
Carolina, to have them build a good trestle-bridge
across Port Royal ferry; but I now suppose the
pontoon-bridge will do. If you move the pontoons, be
sure to make a good road out to Garden's Corners,
and mark it with sign-boards--obstructing the old road,
so that, should I send back any detachments, they
would not be misled.

I prefer that Hatch's force should not be materially


weakened until I am near Columbia, when you may be
governed by the situation of affairs about Charleston.
If you can break the railroad between this and
Charleston, then this force could be reduced.

I am, with respect, etc.,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE


MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA,
January 18, 1865.

Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War,


Washington, D. C.

SIR: When you left Savannah a few days ago, you


forgot the map which General Geary had prepared for
you, showing the route by which his division entered
the city of Savannah, being the first troops to occupy
that city. I now send it to you.

I avail myself of the opportunity also to inclose you


copies of all my official orders touching trade and
intercourse with the people of Georgia, as well as for
the establishment of the negro settlements.

Delegations of the people of Georgia continue to come


in, and I am satisfied that, by judicious handling and
by a little respect shown to their prejudices, we can
create a schism in Jeff. Davis's dominions. All that I
have conversed with realize the truth that slavery as
an institution is defunct, and the only questions that
remain are what disposition shall be made of the
negroes themselves. I confess myself unable to offer a
complete solution for these questions, and prefer to
leave it to the slower operations of time. We have
given the initiative, and can afford to await the
working of the experiment.

As to trade-matters, I also think it is to our interest to


keep the Southern people somewhat dependent on the
articles of commerce to which they have hitherto been
accustomed. General Grover is now here, and will, I
think, be able to handle this matter judiciously, and
may gradually relax, and invite cotton to come in in
large quantities. But at first we should manifest no
undue anxiety on that score; for the rebels would at
once make use of it as a power against us. We should
assume, a tone of perfect contempt for cotton and
every thing else in comparison with the great object of
the war--the restoration of the Union, with all its rights
and power. It the rebels burn cotton as a war measure,
they simply play into our hands by taking away the
only product of value they have to exchange in foreign
ports for war-ships and munitions. By such a course,
also, they alienate the feelings of a large class of small
farmers who look to their little parcels of cotton to
exchange for food and clothing for their families. I
hope the Government will not manifest too much
anxiety to obtain cotton in large quantities, and
especially that the President will not indorse the
contracts for the purchase of large quantities of cotton.
Several contracts, involving from six to ten thousand
bales, indorsed by Mr. Lincoln, have been shown me,
but were not in such a form as to amount to an order
to compel me to facilitate their execution.

As to Treasury agents, and agents to take charge of


confiscated and abandoned property, whose salaries
depend on their fees, I can only say that, as a general
rule, they are mischievous and disturbing elements to
a military government, and it is almost impossible for
us to study the law and regulations so as to
understand fully their powers and duties. I rather think
the Quartermaster's Department of the army could
better fulfill all their duties and accomplish all that is
aimed at by the law. Yet on this subject I will leave
Generals Foster and Grover to do the best they can.

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE


MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA,
January 2, 1865.

Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War,


Washington, D. C.

SIR: I have just received from Lieutenant-General


Grant a copy of that part of your telegram to him of
December 26th relating to cotton, a copy of which has
been immediately furnished to General Easton, chief-
quartermaster, who will be strictly governed by it.

I had already been approached by all the consuls and


half the people of Savannah on this cotton question,
and my invariable answer was that all the cotton in
Savannah was prize of war, belonged to the United
States, and nobody should recover a bale of it with my
consent; that, as cotton had been one of the chief
causes of this war, it should help to pay its expenses;
that all cotton became tainted with treason from the
hour the first act of hostility was committed against
the United States some time in December, 1860; and
that no bill of sale subsequent to that date could
convey title.

My orders were that an officer of the Quartermaster's


Department, United States Army, might furnish the
holder, agent, or attorney, a mere certificate of the fact
of seizure, with description of the bales' marks, etc.,
the cotton then to be turned over to the agent of the
Treasury Department, to be shipped to New York for
sale. But, since the receipt of your dispatch, I have
ordered General Easton to make the shipment himself
to the quartermaster at New York, where you can
dispose of it at pleasure. I do not think the Treasury
Department ought to bother itself with the prizes or
captures of war.

Mr. Barclay, former consul at New York, representing


Mr. Molyneux, former consul here, but absent a long
time, called on me with reference to cotton claimed by
English subjects. He seemed amazed when I told him I
should pay no respect to consular certificates, that in
no event would I treat an English subject with more
favor than one of our own deluded citizens, and that
for my part I was unwilling to fight for cotton for the
benefit of Englishmen openly engaged in smuggling
arms and instruments of war to kill us; that, on the
contrary, it would afford me great satisfaction to
conduct my army to Nassau, and wipe out that nest of
pirates. I explained to him, however, that I was not a
diplomatic agent of the General Government of the
United States, but that my opinion, so frankly
expressed, was that of a soldier, which it would be well
for him to heed. It appeared, also, that he owned a
plantation on the line of investment of Savannah,
which, of course, was pillaged, and for which he
expected me to give some certificate entitling him to
indemnification, which I declined emphatically.

I have adopted in Savannah rules concerning property-


-severe but just--founded upon the laws of nations and
the practice of civilized governments, and am clearly of
opinion that we should claim all the belligerent rights
over conquered countries, that the people may realize
the truth that war is no child's play.

I embrace in this a copy of a letter, dated December


31, 1864, in answer to one from Solomon Cohen (a
rich lawyer) to General Blair, his personal friend, as
follows:

Major-General F. P. BLAIR, commanding Seventeenth


Army Corps.

GENERAL: Your note, inclosing Mr. Cohen's of this


date, is received, and I answer frankly through you his
inquiries.

1. No one can practise law as an attorney in the United


States without acknowledging the supremacy of our
Government. If I am not in error, an attorney is as
much an officer of the court as the clerk, and it would
be a novel thing in a government to have a court to
administer law which denied the supremacy of the
government itself.

2. No one will be allowed the privileges of a merchant,


or, rather, to trade is a privilege which no one should
seek of the Government without in like manner
acknowledging its supremacy.

3. If Mr. Cohen remains in Savannah as a denizen, his


property, real and personal, will not be disturbed
unless its temporary use be necessary for the military
authorities of the city. The title to property will not be
disturbed in any event, until adjudicated by the courts
of the United States.

4. If Mr. Cohen leaves Savannah under my Special


Order No. 148, it is a public acknowledgment that he
"adheres to the enemies of the United States," and all
his property becomes forfeited to the United States.
But, as a matter of favor, he will be allowed to carry
with him clothing and furniture for the use of himself,
his family, and servants, and will be trans ported within
the enemy's lines, but not by way of Port Royal.

These rules will apply to all parties, and from them no


exception will be made.

I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.

This letter was in answer to specific inquiries; it is


clear, and covers all the points, and, should I leave
before my orders are executed, I will endeavor to
impress upon my successor, General Foster, their
wisdom and propriety.

I hope the course I have taken in these matters will


meet your approbation, and that the President will not
refund to parties claiming cotton or other property,
without the strongest evidence of loyalty and
friendship on the part of the claimant, or unless some
other positive end is to be gained.

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.


CHAPTER XXIII.
CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS.

FEBRUARY AND MARCH, 1865.

On the 1st day of February, as before explained, the army


designed for the active campaign from Savannah northward was
composed of two wings, commanded respectively by Major-Generals
Howard and Slocum, and was substantially the same that had
marched from Atlanta to Savannah. The same general orders were
in force, and this campaign may properly be classed as a
continuance of the former.
The right wing, less Corse's division, Fifteenth Corps, was grouped
at or near Pocotaligo, South Carolina, with its wagons filled with
food, ammunition, and forage, all ready to start, and only waiting for
the left wing, which was detained by the flood in the Savannah
River. It was composed as follows:
Fifteenth Corps, Major-General JOHN A. LOGAN.
First Division, Brigadier-General Charles R. Woods; Second
Division, Major-General W. B. Hazen; Third Division, Brigadier-
General John E. Smith; Fourth Division, Brigadier-General John M.
Corse. Artillery brigade, eighteen guns, Lieutenant-Colonel W. H.
Ross, First Michigan Artillery.
Seventeenth. Corps, Major-General FRANK P. BLAIR, JR.
First Division, Major-General Joseph A. Mower; Second Division,
Brigadier-General M. F. Force; Fourth Division, Brigadier-General
Giles A. Smith. Artillery brigade, fourteen guns, Major A. C.
Waterhouse, First Illinois Artillery.
The left wing, with Corse's division and Kilpatrick's cavalry, was at
and near Sister's Ferry, forty miles above the city of Savannah,
engaged in crossing the river, then much swollen. It was composed
as follows:
Fourteenth Corps, Major-General JEFF. C. DAVIS.
First Division, Brigadier-General W. P. Carlin; Second Division,
Brigadier-General John D. Morgan; Third Division, Brigadier-General
A. Baird. Artillery brigade, sixteen guns, Major Charles Houghtaling,
First Illinois Artillery.
Twentieth Corps, Brigadier-General A. S. WILLIAMS.
First Division, Brigadier-General N. I. Jackson; Second Division,
Brigadier-General J. W. Geary; Third Division, Brigadier-General W. T.
Ward. Artillery brigade, Sixteen gnus, Major J. A. Reynolds, First New
York Artillery.
Cavalry Division, Brigadier-General JUDSON KILPATRICK.
First Brigade, Colonel T. J. Jordan, Ninth Pennsylvania Cavalry;
Second Brigade, Colonel S. D. Atkins, Ninety-second Illinois Vol.;
Third Brigade, Colonel George E. Spencer, First Alabama Cavalry.
One battery of four guns.
The actual strength of the army, as given in the following official
tabular statements, was at the time sixty thousand and seventy-nine
men, and sixty-eight guns. The trains were made up of about
twenty-five hundred wagons, with six mules to each wagon, and
about six hundred ambulances, with two horses each. The contents
of the wagons embraced an ample supply of ammunition for a great
battle; forage for about seven days, and provisions for twenty days,
mostly of bread, sugar, coffee, and salt, depending largely for fresh
meat on beeves driven on the hoof and such cattle, hogs, and
poultry, as we expected to gather along our line of march.

RECAPITULATION—CAMPAIGN OF THE
CAROLINAS.
February 1. March 1. April 1. April 10
60,079 57,676 81,150 88,948
The enemy occupied the cities of Charleston and Augusta, with
garrisons capable of making a respectable if not successful defense,
but utterly unable to meet our veteran columns in the open field. To
resist or delay our progress north, General Wheeler had his division
of cavalry (reduced to the size of a brigade by his hard and
persistent fighting ever since the beginning of the Atlanta
campaign), and General Wade Hampton had been dispatched from
the Army of Virginia to his native State of South Carolina, with a
great flourish of trumpets, and extraordinary powers to raise men,
money, and horses, with which "to stay the progress of the invader,"
and "to punish us for our insolent attempt to invade the glorious
State of South Carolina!" He was supposed at the time to have, at
and near Columbia, two small divisions of cavalry commanded by
himself and General Butler.
Of course, I had a species of contempt for these scattered and
inconsiderable forces, knew that they could hardly delay us an hour;
and the only serious question that occurred to me was, would
General Lee sit down in Richmond (besieged by General Grant), and
permit us, almost unopposed, to pass through the States of South
and North Carolina, cutting off and consuming the very supplies on
which he depended to feed his army in Virginia, or would he make
an effort to escape from General Grant, and endeavor to catch us
inland somewhere between Columbia and Raleigh? I knew full well
at the time that the broken fragments of Hood's army (which had
escaped from Tennessee) were being hurried rapidly across Georgia,
by Augusta, to make junction in my front; estimating them at the
maximum twenty-five thousand men, and Hardee's, Wheeler's, and
Hampton's forces at fifteen thousand, made forty thousand; which, if
handled with spirit and energy, would constitute a formidable force,
and might make the passage of such rivers as the Santee and Cape
Fear a difficult undertaking. Therefore, I took all possible
precautions, and arranged with Admiral Dahlgren and General Foster
to watch our progress inland by all the means possible, and to
provide for us points of security along the coast; as, at Bull's Bay,
Georgetown, and the mouth of Cape Fear River. Still, it was
extremely desirable in one march to reach Goldsboro' in the State of
North Carolina (distant four hundred and twenty-five miles), a point
of great convenience for ulterior operations, by reason of the two
railroads which meet there, coming from the seacoast at Wilmington
and Newbern. Before leaving Savannah I had sent to Newbern
Colonel W. W. Wright, of the Engineers, with orders to look to these
railroads, to collect rolling-stock, and to have the roads repaired out
as far as possible in six weeks--the time estimated as necessary for
us to march that distance.
The question of supplies remained still the one of vital importance,
and I reasoned that we might safely rely on the country for a
considerable quantity of forage and provisions, and that, if the worst
came to the worst, we could live several months on the mules and
horses of our trains. Nevertheless, time was equally material, and
the moment I heard that General Slocum had finished his pontoon-
bridge at Sister's Ferry, and that Kilpatrick's cavalry was over the
river, I gave the general orders to march, and instructed all the
columns to aim for the South Carolina Railroad to the west of
Branchville, about Blackville and Midway.
The right wing moved up the Salkiehatchie, the Seventeenth
Corps on the right, with orders on reaching Rivers's Bridge to cross
over, and the Fifteenth Corps by Hickory Hill to Beaufort's Bridge.
Kilpatrick was instructed to march by way of Barnwell; Corse's
division and the Twentieth Corps to take such roads as would bring
them into communication with the Fifteenth Corps about Beaufort's
Bridge. All these columns started promptly on the 1st of February.
We encountered Wheeler's cavalry, which had obstructed the road
by felling trees, but our men picked these up and threw them aside,
so that this obstruction hardly delayed us an hour. In person I
accompanied the Fifteenth Corps (General Logan) by McPhersonville
and Hickory Hill, and kept couriers going to and fro to General
Slocum with instructions to hurry as much as possible, so as to make
a junction of the whole army on the South Carolina Railroad about
Blackville.
I spent the night of February 1st at Hickory Hill Post-Office, and
that of the 2d at Duck Branch Post-Office, thirty-one miles out from
Pocotaligo. On the 3d the Seventeenth Corps was opposite Rivers's
Bridge, and the Fifteenth approached Beaufort's Bridge. The
Salkiehatchie was still over its banks, and presented a most
formidable obstacle. The enemy appeared in some force on the
opposite bank, had cut away all the bridges which spanned the
many deep channels of the swollen river, and the only available
passage seemed to be along the narrow causeways which
constituted the common roads. At Rivers's Bridge Generals Mower
and Giles A. Smith led, their heads of column through this swamp,
the water up to their shoulders, crossed over to the pine-land,
turned upon the rebel brigade which defended the passage, and
routed it in utter disorder. It was in this attack that General Wager
Swayne lost his leg, and he had to be conveyed back to Pocotaligo.
Still, the loss of life was very small, in proportion to the advantages
gained, for the enemy at once abandoned the whole line of the
Salkiehatchie, and the Fifteenth Corps passed over at Beaufort's
Bridge, without opposition.
On the 5th of February I was at Beaufort's Bridge, by which time
General A. S. Williams had got up with five brigades' of the
Twentieth Corps; I also heard of General Kilpatrick's being abreast of
us, at Barnwell, and then gave orders for the march straight for the
railroad at Midway. I still remained with the Fifteenth Corps, which,
on the 6th of February, was five miles from Bamberg. As a matter of
course, I expected severe resistance at this railroad, for its loss
would sever all the communications of the enemy in Charleston with
those in Augusta.
Early on the 7th, in the midst of a rain-storm, we reached the
railroad; almost unopposed, striking it at several points. General
Howard told me a good story concerning this, which will bear
repeating: He was with the Seventeenth Corps, marching straight for
Midway, and when about five miles distant he began to deploy the
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