(eBook PDF) Linear Programming and Resource

Allocation Modeling download

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-linear-programming-and-
resource-allocation-modeling/

Download more ebook from https://ebookluna.com

 We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click
the link to download now, or visit ebookluna.com
to discover even more!

(eBook PDF) Regression & Linear Modeling: Best Practices and Modern Methods

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-regression-linear-modeling-best-
practices-and-modern-methods/

(eBook PDF) Translational Medicine in CNS Drug Development, Volume 29

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-translational-medicine-in-cns-drug-
development-volume-29/

Progress in Heterocyclic Chemistry Volume 29 1st Edition - eBook PDF

https://ebookluna.com/download/progress-in-heterocyclic-chemistry-ebook-
pdf/

(eBook PDF) Differential Equations and Linear Algebra 3rd Edition

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-differential-equations-and-linear-
algebra-3rd-edition/
(eBook PDF) Differential Equations and Linear Algebra 4th Edition

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-differential-equations-and-linear-
algebra-4th-edition-2/

(eBook PDF) Linear System Theory and Design 4th Edition

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-linear-system-theory-and-
design-4th-edition/

(eBook PDF) Linear Algebra and Its Applications 4th Edition

https://ebookluna.com/product/ebook-pdf-linear-algebra-and-its-
applications-4th-edition/

Linear Algebra and Its Applications 5th Edition (eBook PDF)

https://ebookluna.com/product/linear-algebra-and-its-applications-5th-
edition-ebook-pdf/

Differential Equations and Linear Algebra 4th Edition (eBook PDF)

https://ebookluna.com/product/differential-equations-and-linear-
algebra-4th-edition-ebook-pdf/
 vii

Contents

Preface xi
Symbols and Abbreviations xv

1 Introduction 1

2 Mathematical Foundations 13
2.1 Matrix Algebra 13
2.2 Vector Algebra 20
2.3 Simultaneous Linear Equation Systems 22
2.4 Linear Dependence 26
2.5 Convex Sets and n-Dimensional Geometry 29

3 Introduction to Linear Programming 35

3.1 Canonical and Standard Forms 35
3.2 A Graphical Solution to the Linear Programming Problem 37
3.3 Properties of the Feasible Region 38
3.4 Existence and Location of Optimal Solutions 38
3.5 Basic Feasible and Extreme Point Solutions 39
3.6 Solutions and Requirement Spaces 41

4 Computational Aspects of Linear Programming 43

4.1 The Simplex Method 43
4.2 Improving a Basic Feasible Solution 48
4.3 Degenerate Basic Feasible Solutions 66
4.4 Summary of the Simplex Method 69

5 Variations of the Standard Simplex Routine 71

5.1 The M-Penalty Method 71
5.2 Inconsistency and Redundancy 78
5.3 Minimization of the Objective Function 85
viii Contents

5.4 Unrestricted Variables 86

5.5 The Two-Phase Method 87

6 Duality Theory 95
6.1 The Symmetric Dual 95
6.2 Unsymmetric Duals 97
6.3 Duality Theorems 100
6.4 Constructing the Dual Solution 106
6.5 Dual Simplex Method 113
6.6 Computational Aspects of the Dual Simplex Method 114
6.7 Summary of the Dual Simplex Method 121

7 Linear Programming and the Theory of the Firm 123

7.1 The Technology of the Firm 123
7.2 The Single-Process Production Function 125
7.3 The Multiactivity Production Function 129
7.4 The Single-Activity Profit Maximization Model 139
7.5 The Multiactivity Profit Maximization Model 143
7.6 Profit Indifference Curves 146
7.7 Activity Levels Interpreted as Individual Product Levels 148
7.8 The Simplex Method as an Internal Resource Allocation Process 155
7.9 The Dual Simplex Method as an Internalized Resource Allocation
Process 157
7.10 A Generalized Multiactivity Profit-Maximization Model 157
7.11 Factor Learning and the Optimum Product-Mix Model 161
7.12 Joint Production Processes 165
7.13 The Single-Process Product Transformation Function 167
7.14 The Multiactivity Joint-Production Model 171
7.15 Joint Production and Cost Minimization 180
7.16 Cost Indifference Curves 184
7.17 Activity Levels Interpreted as Individual Resource Levels 186

8 Sensitivity Analysis 195

8.1 Introduction 195
8.2 Sensitivity Analysis 195
8.2.1 Changing an Objective Function Coefficient 196
8.2.2 Changing a Component of the Requirements Vector 200
8.2.3 Changing a Component of the Coefficient Matrix 202
8.3 Summary of Sensitivity Effects 209

9 Analyzing Structural Changes 217

9.1 Introduction 217
9.2 Addition of a New Variable 217
 Contents ix

9.3 Addition of a New Structural Constraint 219

9.4 Deletion of a Variable 223
9.5 Deletion of a Structural Constraint 223

10 Parametric Programming 227

10.1 Introduction 227
10.2 Parametric Analysis 227
10.2.1 Parametrizing the Objective Function 228
10.2.2 Parametrizing the Requirements Vector 236
10.2.3 Parametrizing an Activity Vector 245
10.A Updating the Basis Inverse 256

11 Parametric Programming and the Theory of the Firm 257

11.1 The Supply Function for the Output of an Activity (or for
an Individual Product) 257
11.2 The Demand Function for a Variable Input 262
11.3 The Marginal (Net) Revenue Productivity Function for an Input 269
11.4 The Marginal Cost Function for an Activity (or Individual
Product) 276
11.5 Minimizing the Cost of Producing a Given Output 284
11.6 Determination of Marginal Productivity, Average Productivity,
Marginal Cost, and Average Cost Functions 286

12 Duality Revisited 297

12.1 Introduction 297
12.2 A Reformulation of the Primal and Dual Problems 297
12.3 Lagrangian Saddle Points 311
12.4 Duality and Complementary Slackness Theorems 315

13 Simplex-Based Methods of Optimization 321

13.1 Introduction 321
13.2 Quadratic Programming 321
13.3 Dual Quadratic Programs 325
13.4 Complementary Pivot Method 329
13.5 Quadratic Programming and Activity Analysis 335
13.6 Linear Fractional Functional Programming 338
13.7 Duality in Linear Fractional Functional Programming 347
13.8 Resource Allocation with a Fractional Objective 353
13.9 Game Theory and Linear Programming 356
13.9.1 Introduction 356
13.9.2 Matrix Games 357
13.9.3 Transformation of a Matrix Game to a Linear Program 361
13.A Quadratic Forms 363
x Contents

13.A.1 General Structure 363

13.A.2 Symmetric Quadratic Forms 366
13.A.3 Classification of Quadratic Forms 367
13.A.4 Necessary Conditions for the Definiteness and Semi-Definiteness of
Quadratic Forms 368
13.A.5 Necessary and Sufficient Conditions for the Definiteness and
Semi-Definiteness of Quadratic Forms 369

14 Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) 373

14.1 Introduction 373
14.2 Set Theoretic Representation of a Production Technology 374
14.3 Output and Input Distance Functions 377
14.4 Technical and Allocative Efficiency 379
14.4.1 Measuring Technical Efficiency 379
14.4.2 Allocative, Cost, and Revenue Efficiency 382
14.5 Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) Modeling 385
14.6 The Production Correspondence 386
14.7 Input-Oriented DEA Model under CRS 387
14.8 Input and Output Slack Variables 390
14.9 Modeling VRS 398
14.9.1 The Basic BCC (1984) DEA Model 398
14.9.2 Solving the BCC (1984) Model 400
14.9.3 BCC (1984) Returns to Scale 401
14.10 Output-Oriented DEA Models 402

References and Suggested Reading 405

Index 411
 xi

Preface

Economists, engineers, and management scientists have long known and

employed the power and versatility of linear programming as a tool for solving
resource allocation problems. Such problems have ranged from formulating a
simple model geared to determining an optimal product mix (e.g. a producing
unit seeks to allocate its limited inputs to a set of production activities under a
given linear technology in order to determine the quantities of the various
products that will maximize profit) to the application of an input analytical tech-
nique called data envelopment analysis (DEA) – a procedure used to estimate
multiple-input, multiple-output production correspondences so that the pro-
ductive efficiency of decision making units (DMUs) can be compared. Indeed,
DEA has now become the subject of virtually innumerable articles in profes-
sional journals, textbooks, and research monographs.
One of the drawbacks of many of the books pertaining to linear programming
applications, and especially those addressing DEA modeling, is that their cov-
erage of linear programming fundamentals is woefully deficient – especially in
the treatment of duality. In fact, this latter area is of paramount importance and
represents the “bulk of the action,” so to speak, when resource allocation
decisions are to be made.
That said, this book addresses the aforementioned shortcomings involving
the inadequate offering of linear programming theory and provides the founda-
tion for the development of DEA. This book will appeal to those wishing to solve
linear optimization problems in areas such as economics (including banking
and finance), business administration and management, agriculture and energy,
strategic planning, public decision-making, health care, and so on. The material
is presented at the advanced undergraduate to beginning graduate level and
moves at an unhurried pace. The text is replete with many detailed example
problems, and the theoretical material is offered only after the reader has been
introduced to the requisite mathematical foundations. The only prerequisites
are a beginning calculus course and some familiarity with linear algebra and
matrices.
xii Preface

Looking to specifics, Chapter 1 provides an introduction to the primal and

dual problems via an optimum product mix problem, while Chapter 2 reviews
the rudiments of vector and matrix operations and then considers topics such as
simultaneous linear equation systems, linear dependence, convex sets, and
some n-dimensional geometry. Specialized mathematical topics are offered in
chapter appendices.
Chapter 3 provides an introduction to the canonical and standard forms of a
linear programming problem. It covers the properties of the feasible region, the
existence and location of optimal solutions, and the correspondence between
basic feasible solutions and extreme point solutions.
The material in Chapter 4 addresses the computational aspects of linear
programming. Here the simplex method is developed and the detection of
degeneracy is presented.
Chapter 5 considers variations of the standard simplex theme. Topics such as
the M-penalty and two-phase methods are developed, along with the detection
of inconsistency and redundancy.
Duality theory is presented in Chapter 6. Here symmetric, as well as unsym-
metric, duals are covered, along with an assortment of duality theorems. The
construction of the dual solution and the dual simplex method round out this
key chapter.
Chapter 7 begins with a basic introduction to the technology of a firm via
activity analysis and then moves into single- and multiple-process production
functions, as well as single- and multiple-activity profit maximization models.
Both the primal and dual simplex methods are then presented as internal
resource allocation mechanisms. Factor learning is next introduced in the con-
text of an optimal product mix. All this is followed by a discussion of joint pro-
duction processes and production transformation functions, along with the
treatment of cost minimization in a joint production setting.
The discussion in Chapter 8 deals with the sensitivity analysis of the optimal
solution (e.g. changing an objective function coefficient or changing a compo-
nent of the requirements vector) while Chapter 9 analyzes structural changes
(e.g. addition of a new variable or structural constraint). Chapter 10 focuses
on parametric programming and consequently sets the stage for the material
presented in the next chapter. To this end, Chapter 11 employs parametric pro-
gramming to develop concepts such as the demand function for a variable input
and the supply function for the output of an activity. Notions such as the mar-
ginal and average productivity functions along with marginal and average cost
functions are also developed.
In Chapter 12, the concept of duality is revisited; the primal and dual pro-
blems are reformulated and re-examined in the context of Lagrangian saddle
points, and a host of duality and complementary slackness theorems are offered.
This treatment affords the reader an alternative view of duality theory and,
 Preface xiii

depending on the level of mathematical sophistication of the reader, can be con-

sidered as optional or can be omitted on a first reading.
Chapter 13 deals with primal and dual quadratic programs, the complemen-
tary pivot method, primal and dual linear fractional functional programs, and
(matrix) game theory solutions via linear programming.
Data envelopment analysis (DEA) is the subject of Chapter 14. Topics such as
the set theoretic representation of a production technology, input and output
distance functions, technical and allocative efficiency, cost and revenue effi-
ciency, the production correspondence, input-oriented models under constant
and variable returns to scale, and output-oriented models are presented. DEA
model solutions are also discussed.
A note of thanks is extended to Bharat Kolluri, Rao Singamsetti, and Jim Peta.
I have benefited considerably from conversations held with these colleagues
over a great many years. Additionally, Alice Schoenrock accurately and
promptly typed the entire manuscript. Her efforts are greatly appreciated.
I would also like to thank Mindy Okura-Marszycki, editor, Mathematics and
Statistics, and Kathleen Pagliaro, assistant editor, at John Wiley & Sons, for their
professionalism and encouragement.
 xv

Symbols and Abbreviations

■ Denotes end of example

n
n-dimensional Euclidean space
n
+ {x n
|x ≥ O}
(xo) Tangent support cone
Region of admissible solutions
(xo)+ Polar support cone
(xo)∗ Dual support cone
A Transpose of a matrix A
Index set of binding constraints
∇ Del operator
O Null matrix (vector)
In Identity matrix of order n
(m × n) Order of a matrix (with m rows and n columns)
A B Matrix A is transformed into matrix B
|A| Determinant of a square matrix A
Set of all square matrices
A−1 Inverse of matrix A
n Vector space
x Norm of x
ei ith unit column vector
ρ(A) Rank of a matrix A
dim Dimension of a vector space
δ(xo) Spherical δ-neighborhood of xo
xc Convex combination
Hyperplane
+ −
( ), ( ) Open half-planes
+ −
[ ], [ ] Closed half-planes
Cone
Ray or half-line
lim Lower limit
xvi Symbols and Abbreviations

lim Upper limit

AE Allocative efficiency
BCC Banker, Charnes, and Cooper
CCR Charnes, Cooper, and Rhodes
CE Cost efficiency
CRS Constant returns to scale
DBLP Dual of PBLP (multiplier form of (primal) linear program)
DEA Data envelopment analysis
DLP Dual of PLP
DMU Decision making unit
EDLP Extension of DLP
Eff Efficient
IPF Input distance function
Isoq Isoquant
LCP Linear complementarity problem
ODF Output distance function
P1 Phase 1
P2 Phase 2
PBLP Envelopment form of the (primal) linear program
PLP Primal linear program
RE Revenue efficiency
TE Technical efficiency
VRS Variable returns to scale
 1

Introduction

This book deals with the application of linear programming to firm decision
making. In particular, an important resource allocation problem that often
arises in actual practice is when a set of inputs, some of which are limited in
supply over a particular production period, is to be utilized to produce, using
a given technology, a mix of products that will maximize total profit. While a
model such as this can be constructed in a variety of ways and under different
sets of assumptions, the discussion that follows shall be limited to the linear
case, i.e. we will consider the short-run static profit-maximizing behavior of
the multiproduct, multifactor competitive firm that employs a fixed-coefficients
technology under certainty (Dorfman 1951, 1953; Naylor 1966).
How may we interpret the assumptions underlying this profit maximiza-
tion model?

1) All-around perfect competition – the prices of the firm’s product and

variable inputs are given.
2) The firm employs a static model – all prices, the technology, and the
supplies of the fixed factors remain constant over the production period.
3) The firm operates under conditions of certainty – the model is deterministic
in that all prices and the technology behave in a completely systematic (non-
random) fashion.
4) All factors and products are perfectly divisible – fractional (noninteger) quan-
tities of factors and products are admissible at an optimal feasible solution.
5) The character of the firm’s production activities, which represent specific
ways of combining fixed and variable factors in order to produce a unit of
output (in the case where the firm produces a single product) or a unit of
an individual product (when the number of activities equals or exceeds
the number of products), is determined by a set of technical decisions inter-
nal to the firm. These input activities are:
a) independent in that no interaction effects exist between activities;
b) linear, i.e. the input/output ratios for each activity are constant along
with returns to scale (if the use of all inputs in an activity increases by

Linear Programming and Resource Allocation Modeling, First Edition. Michael J. Panik.
© 2019 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2019 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
2 1 Introduction

a fixed amount, the output produced by that activity increases by the

same amount);
c) additive, e.g. if two activities are used simultaneously, the final quantities
of inputs and outputs will be the arithmetic sums of the quantities that
would result if these activities were operated separately. In addition, total
profit generated from all activities equals the sum of the profits from each
individual activity; and
d) finite – the number of input activities or processes available for use dur-
ing any production period is limited.
6) All structural relations exhibit direct proportionality – the objective func-
tion and all constraints are linear; unit profit and the fixed-factor inputs per
unit of output for each activity are directly proportional to the level of oper-
ation of the activity (thus, marginal profit equals average profit).
7) The firm’s objective is to maximize total profit subject to a set of structural
activities, fixed-factor availabilities, and nonnegativity restrictions on the
activity levels. Actually, this objective is accomplished in two distinct stages.
First, a technical optimization problem is solved in that the firm chooses a set
of production activities that requires the minimum amount of the fixed and
variable inputs per unit of output. Second, the firm solves the aforemen-
tioned constrained maximum problem.
8) The firm operates in the short run in that a certain number of its inputs are
fixed in quantity.

Why is this linear model for the firm important? It is intuitively clear that the
more sophisticated the type of capital equipment employed in a production proc-
ess, the more inflexible it is likely to be relative to the other factors of production
with which it is combined. That is, the machinery in question must be used in
fixed proportions with regard to certain other factors of production (Dorfman
1953, p. 143). For the type of process just described, no factor substitution is pos-
sible; a given output level can be produced by one and only one input combina-
tion, i.e. the inputs are perfectly complementary. For example, it is widely
recognized that certain types of chemical processes exhibit this characteristic
in that, to induce a particular type of chemical reaction, the input proportions
(coefficient) must be (approximately) fixed. Moreover, mechanical processes such
as those encountered in cotton textile manufacturing and machine-tool produc-
tion are characterized by the presence of this limitationality, i.e. in the latter case,
constant production times are logged on a fixed set of machines by a given num-
ber of operators working with specific grades of raw materials.
For example, suppose that a firm produces three types of precision tools
(denoted x1, x2, and x3) made from high-grade steel. Four separate production
operations are used: casting, grinding, sharpening, and polishing. The set of
input–output coefficients (expressed in minutes per unit of output), which
describe the firm’s technology (the firm’s stage one problem, as alluded to
 1 Introduction 3

above, has been solved) is presented in Table 1.1. (Note that each of the three
columns represents a separate input activity or process.)
Additionally, capacity limitations exist with respect to each of the four pro-
duction operations in that upper limits on their availability are in force. That
is, per production run, the firm has at its disposal 5000 minutes of casting time,
3000 minutes of grinding time, 3700 minutes of sharpening time, and 2000 min-
utes of polishing time. Finally, the unit profit values for tools x1, x2, and x3 are
$22.50, $19.75, and $26.86, respectively. (Here these figures each depict unit
revenue less unit variable cost and are computed before deducting fixed costs.
Moreover, we are tacitly assuming that what is produced is sold.) Given this
information, it is easily shown that the optimization problem the firm must
solve (i.e. the stage-two problem mentioned above) will look like (1.1):
max f = 22 50x1 + 19 75x2 + 26 86x3 s t subject to
13x1 + 10x2 + 16x3 ≤ 5000
12x1 + 8x2 + 20x3 ≤ 3000
11
8x1 + 4x2 + 9x3 ≤ 3700
5x1 + 4x2 + 6x3 ≤ 2000
x1 , x2 ,x3 ≥ 0
How may we rationalize the structure of this problem? First, the objective func-
tion f represents total profit, which is the sum of the individual (gross) profit
contributions of the three products, i.e.
3
total profit = total profit from xj sales
j=1

3
= unit profit from xj sales number of units of xj sold
j=1

Table 1.1 Input–output coefficients.

Tools

x1 x2 x3 Operations

13 10 16 Casting
12 8 20 Grinding
8 4 9 Sharpening
5 4 6 Polishing
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 Before dismissing the impression produced by the
severity of the Inquisition it will not be amiss to attempt STATISTICS OF
VICTIMS
some conjecture as to the totality of its operations,
especially as regards the burnings, which naturally affected more
profoundly the imagination. There is no question that the number of these
has been greatly exaggerated in popular belief, an exaggeration to which
Llorente has largely contributed by his absurd method of computation, on
an arbitrary assumption of a certain annual average for each tribunal in
successive periods. It is impossible now to reconstruct the statistics of the
Inquisition, especially during its early activity, but some general
conclusions can be formed from the details accessible as to a few tribunals.
The burnings without doubt were numerous during the first few years,
through the unregulated ardor of inquisitors, little versed in the canon law,
who seem to have condemned right and left, on flimsy evidence, and
without allowing their victims the benefit of applying for reconciliation, for,
while there might be numerous negativos, there certainly were few
pertinacious impenitents. The discretion allowed to them to judge as to the
genuineness of conversion gave a dangerous power, which was doubtless
abused by zealots, and the principle that imperfect confession was
conclusive of impenitence added many to the list of victims, while the
wholesale reconciliations under the Edicts of Grace afforded an abundant
harvest to be garnered under the rule condemning relapse. In the early
years, moreover, the absent and the dead contributed with their effigies
largely to the terrible solemnities of the quemadero.
Modern writers vary irreconcileably in their estimates, influenced more
largely by subjective considerations than by the imperfect statistics at their
command. Rodrigo coolly asserts as a positive fact that those who perished
in Spain at the stake for heresy did not amount to 400 and that these were
voluntary victims, who refused to retract their errors.[1145] Father Gams
reckons 2000 for the period up to the death of Isabella, in 1504, and as
many more from that date up to 1758.[1146] On the other hand, Llorente
calculates that, up to the end of Torquemada’s activity, there had been
condemned 105,294 persons, of whom 8800 were burnt alive, 6500 in
effigy and 90,004 exposed to public penance, while, up to 1524, the grand
totals amounted to 14,344, 9372 and 195,937.[1147] Even these figures are
exceeded by Amador de los Rios, who is not usually given to exaggeration.
He assumes that, up to 1525, when the Moriscos commenced to suffer as
heretics, the number of those burnt alive amounted to 28,540, of those burnt
in effigy to 16,520 and those penanced to 303,847, making a total of
348,907 condemnations for Judaism.[1148] Don Melgares Marin, whose
familiarity with the documents is incontestable, tells us that, in Castile,
during 1481, more than 20,000 were reconciled under Edicts of Grace,
more than 3000 were penanced with the sanbenito, and more than 4000
were burnt, but he adduces no authorities in support of the estimate.[1149]
The only contemporary who gives us figures for the
whole of Spain is Hernando de Pulgar, secretary of Queen STATISTICS OF
VICTIMS
Isabella. His official position gave him facilities for
obtaining information, and his scarcely veiled dislike for the Inquisition was
not likely to lead to underrating its activity. He states at 15,000 those who
had come in under Edicts of Grace, and at 2000 those who were burnt,
besides the dead whose bones were exhumed in great quantities; the number
of penitents he does not estimate. Unluckily, he gives no date but, as his
Chronicle ends in 1490, we may assume that to be the term comprised.[1150]
With some variations his figures were adopted by subsequent writers.[1151]
Bernáldez only makes the general statement that throughout Spain an
infinite number were burnt and condemned and reconciled and imprisoned,
and of those reconciled many relapsed and were burnt.[1152]
Imperfect as are the records, we may endeavor to test these various
estimates by such evidence as is at hand respecting a few of the tribunals. In
this we may commence with Seville, which was unquestionably the most
active. The Inquisition had started there, as the centre of crypto-Judaism; it
was the most populous city of Castile, with nearly half a million of
inhabitants, and its unrivalled commercial activity rendered it peculiarly
attractive to the Conversos, while Isabella’s Andalusian decree of expulsion
must have largely increased the number of pseudo-proselytes. In 1524, there
was placed over the gateway of the castle of Triana, occupied by the
tribunal, an inscription of which the purport is not entirely clear, but
signifying that, up to that time, it had caused the abjuration of more than
20,000 heretics and had burnt nearly 1000 obstinate ones.[1153] This is
probably an understatement, if we are to believe Bernáldez, who asserts that
in eight years, from the founding of the Seville tribunal up to 1488, it had
burnt in person more than 700 heretics, besides many effigies of fugitives
and an infinite number of bones; those reconciled during the same period he
estimates at 5000.[1154] Still its activity must soon have greatly diminished
for, in 1502, Antoine de Lalaing, visiting the Castle of Triana, describes it
as containing more than twenty heretic prisoners which he evidently regards
as a large number, but which would argue a very moderate amount of
persecution in view of the leisurely procedure that was becoming usual.
[1155] There is therefore an apparent tendency to exaggerate the
achievements of the Holy Office in the statement of its secretary Zurita,
some half-century or more later, that in Seville alone, up to the year 1520,
there were more than 4000 culprits burnt and more than 30,000 reconciled
and penanced, besides the numerous fugitives, and he adds that an author,
very diligent in the matter, affirms these figures to be exceedingly defective
and that, in the archbishopric of Seville alone, there were condemned as
Judaizing heretics, more than a hundred thousand persons, including those
reconciled.[1156] Cardinal Contarini, when Venetian envoy in 1525, was
evidently misled by this tendency to amplification, when he describes the
Inquisition as having made a slaughter of the New Christians impossible to
exaggerate.[1157]
Unfortunately no authentic records have seen the light
by which to test the accuracy of these varying estimates of STATISTICS OF
VICTIMS
the activity of the most destructive tribunal during the
early period. It is otherwise with several of those that ranked next to it in
importance. For the province of Toledo, as we have seen, the first tribunal
was established at Ciudad Real where, in its two years of existence, it
relaxed in person 47 and in effigy 98.[1158] Transferred to Toledo, in 1485,
its operations at first were energetic, but they diminished greatly towards
the end of the century until, in 1501, it had a spasmodic period of activity
through the discovery of “La Moça de Herrera” (Vol. I, p. 186) a young
Jewish prophetess, to whose numerous believers no mercy was shown, for
those who had been reconciled thus incurred the penalty of relapse. The
total operations of the Toledo tribunal, from its origin in 1485 until 1501,
amount to 250 relaxed in person, over 500 in effigy, about 200 imprisoned
and 5200 reconciled under Edicts of Grace. Of the personally relaxed,
nearly half, or 117, were followers of the prophetess, leaving only 139
ordinary Judaizers and, of those imprisoned, about 140 may be accounted
for in the same way.[1159] Saragossa was reckoned as one of the most
deadly tribunals in Spain—indeed, Llorente remarks that if he had taken it
and Toledo as the basis of his calculations, he would have tripled the
number of victims.[1160] For this we have the details of the sixty-five autos,
held from 1485 to 1502, furnished by the record printed in the Appendix to
Volume I. Summarized, this gives the totals of 119 burnt alive, 5 quartered,
beheaded or strangled prior to burning, 3 bodies burnt, 29 effigies burnt and
458 penanced, or an aggregate of 614.[1161] The Libro Verde de Aragon,
moreover, gives us an official list of the residents of Saragossa burnt, from
1483 to 1574, in summarizing which it appears that, during these ninety-
two years, the total of relaxations in person was 125 and in effigy 77,
including seven witches, three sorcerers and four Protestants. Tabulation by
years emphasizes the diminution of activity after the close of the fifteenth
century.[1162]
Barcelona is another important tribunal of which we have accurate
statistics during its early years, furnished by the royal archivist, Pere Miguel
Carbonell. From its foundation to the end of Torquemada’s career, in 1498,
there were thirty-one autos celebrated in Barcelona, Tarragona, Lérida,
Gerona, Perpignan, Vich, Elne and Balaguer. In these the totals are only 10
strangled and burnt, 13 burnt alive, 15 dead and 430 burnt in effigy, 1
reconciled in effigy, 116 penanced with prison and 304 reconciled for
spontaneous confession.[1163]
Valencia, of all the tribunals, was the one which best maintained its
activity throughout the sixteenth century, owing to the dense Morisco
population. We have a list of all persons imprisoned for heresy, from the
beginning in 1485 up to 1592 inclusive, amounting in all to 3104, of whom
530 were contributed by the last four years, 1589-92, when the persecution
of the Moriscos was particularly active. There is also an alphabetical list of
persons relaxed, from the beginning until 1593, unfortunately imperfect and
ending with the letter N, but, by adding twenty-five per cent. we can obtain
a reasonably close approximation to the total. The list as we have it gives
515 relaxations in person and 383 in effigy, or, with the addition of twenty-
five per cent., 643 of the former and 479 of the latter, being nearly an
average of six per annum of the former and four and a half of the latter.
[1164]
Valladolid had the most extensive territory of all the tribunals, but it
comprised the northern provinces, where the New Christians were
comparatively few. It was not organized for work until 1488, making its
first arrest on September 29th of that year, and holding its first auto on June
19, 1489, when, after nine months’ work on new ground, there were but
eighteen relaxations in person and four in effigy. The next auto recorded did
not occur until January 5, 1492, when the relaxations in person numbered
thirty-two and in effigy two.[1165] This, while sufficiently cruel, indicates
that the victims in the northern provinces bore but a small proportion to
those in the southern.
At the other extremity of Spain was the little tribunal of
Majorca, which acquired a sudden and sinister reputation STATISTICS OF
VICTIMS
by the occurrences of 1678 and 1691. It started in 1488
and for some years was fairly active, lapsing in time into virtual torpor, as
far as persecution was concerned, so that, including its autos of 1678 and
1691, the whole aggregate of its work for over two centuries amounted to
139 relaxations in person, 482 in effigy and 637 reconciliations, in addition
to 338 reconciled under Edicts of Grace in 1488 and 1491.[1166]
In the later periods there are records which enable us to reach a fairly
accurate computation of the activity of some at least of the tribunals. A few
of these I have had the opportunity of consulting and the researches of
future students will doubtless in time compile tolerably complete statistics
for the second and third centuries of the Inquisition, after the Suprema had
compelled the tribunals to render periodical reports.
We have those of Toledo, from 1575 to 1610, not
wholly complete, for the auto of 1595 is omitted, and the CONSCIENTIO
US CRUELTY
MS. breaks off at the commencement of that of 1610.
Toledo, at the time, was the most important tribunal in Spain, for it included
Madrid, yet during these thirty-five years the relaxations amount to only
eleven in person and fifteen in effigy, so that, allowing for the omissions,
there may have been one in person every three years and one in effigy every
two years, while the various penances number in all nine hundred and four.
[1167] Small as are these results they continued to diminish. For the same
tribunal we have a record extending from 1648 to 1794 and, during this
century and a half, there were only eight relaxations in person and sixty-
three in effigy, the latest execution occurring in 1738. This gives us an
average of one of the former every eighteen years and one of the latter
every two years and a quarter. In addition, there were a thousand and
ninety-four penanced in various ways.[1168] It is true that, about 1650, a
separate tribunal was erected in Madrid, but a list of relaxations there, from
its foundation up to 1754, when relaxation had virtually become obsolete,
gives us only an aggregate of nineteen in person and sixteen in effigy, or
one in every five years of the former and in six years of the latter.[1169]
During the height of the renewed persecution of Judaizers in the eighteenth
century, in the whole of the sixty-four autos celebrated throughout Spain
from 1721 to 1727, the total number of relaxations was seventy-seven in
person and seventy-four in effigy, making an average of about eleven a year
of each class—a grim record enough, but vastly less than has been
popularly accepted.[1170] Nor must it be forgotten that, in the vast majority
of cases, the victim was mercifully strangled before the fire was set. We
have seen how very small was the proportion of impenitents who
persevered to the last and refused to earn the garrote by professing
conversion.
The material at hand as yet is evidently insufficient to justify even a
guess at the ghastly total. Yet, after all, it is not a matter of as much
moment, as seems to have been imagined, to determine how many human
beings the Inquisition consigned to the stake, how many bones it exhumed,
how many effigies it burnt, how many penitents it threw into prison or sent
to the galleys, how many orphans its confiscations cast penniless on the
world. The story is terrible enough without reducing it to figures. Its awful
significance lies in the fact that men were found who conscientiously did
this, to the utmost of their ability, in the name of the gospel of peace and of
Him who came to teach the brotherhood of man. It is enough to know that
the inquisitors used their utmost efforts to stamp out what they deemed
heresy, and the tale of their victims is not the gauge of their cruelty but of
the number of heretics whom they could discover. Save when pride or
cupidity or ambition may have been the impelling motive, the men are not
to be blamed, but the teaching which gave them such a conception of the
duty so relentlessly performed, and framed a system of procedure which
shrouded their acts in darkness and deprived the accused of his legitimate
means of defence. The good Cura de los Palacios was evidently a kindly
natured man, but he declares that the fires lighted by the Inquisition shall
burn to the very heart of the wood, until all Judaizers are slain and not one
remains, even to their children if infected with the same leprosy.[1171]
 In the hurried work of the early period there was no effort made to
induce the conversion that would save the accused from the stake, but, in
later times, the persistent labor bestowed on the condemned, during the
three days prior to the auto, is evidence that the tribunals did not act through
thirst of blood and that they were sincerely desirous to save both the body
and soul of the heretic, in the same spirit that torture was sometimes piously
administered in order to confirm the sufferer in the faith. Still, at times,
there was doubtless a certain pride in affording to the populace the spectacle
of a relaxation and thus demonstrating the authority of the Holy Office.
That the public should relish the entertainment thus provided was natural,
both from the inherent attraction which the sight of suffering has for a
certain class of minds, and from the assiduous teaching that heresy was to
be exterminated and that the slaying of a heretic was an acceptable offering
to God. The Inquisitor Lorenzo Flores relates that, at the great Valladolid
auto of 1609, where there were seventy penitents, many of them reconciled
or sentenced to abjuration de vehementi, the people murmured because the
one condemned to relaxation had professed conversion in time and had thus
escaped the stake, and there were many complaints that the auto was not
worth the expense of coming to see. He adds that, at Toledo, where there
was no one relaxed, the people declared that the auto was a failure.[1172]
There is something terrible in the fierce exultation
which fanaticism experienced in the agonies of the PROFITABLE
PERSECUTION
misbeliever. Padre Garau, in his account of the Mallorquin
auto of May 6, 1691, gloats with an exuberance, which he knew would be
shared by his readers, on the agonies of the three impenitents who were
burnt alive. As the flames reached them they struggled desperately to free
themselves from the iron ring which clasped them to the stake. Rafael
Benito Terongi succeeded in releasing himself but to no purpose, for he fell
sideways into the fire. His sister Cathalina, who had boasted that she would
cast herself into the flames, when they began to lick her, shrieked to be set
free. Rafael Valls, who had professed stoical insensibility, stood motionless
as a statue so long as only the smoke reached him, but, when the flames
attacked him, he bent and twisted and writhed till he could no more; he was
as fat as a sucking-pig and burnt internally, so that, after the flames left him,
he continued burning like a hot coal and, bursting open, his entrails fell out
like those of Judas. Thus burning alive they died, to burn forever in hell.
[1173] Such were the lessons which the Church inculcated and such was the
training which it gave to Spain, so that the auto de fe came to be regarded as
a spectacular religious entertainment on the occasion of a royal visit, or in
honor of the marriage of princes. Incidental to this was the cruel
perpetuation of ancestral disgrace by the display of sanbenitos in churches,
which Philip II rightly reckoned as the severest of inflictions. It intensified
the terror inspired by the tribunal which, with a word, could consign a
whole lineage to infamy. It kept alive and vigorous the horror of heresy and
was aggravated by the statutes of Limpieza.
I hesitate to impugn the motives of those who were active in these
terrible “triumphs of the faith,” as they were fondly termed and, as stated
above, the efforts to induce conversion show that there was no absolute
thirst of blood, yet it is impossible, in reviewing the career of the
Inquisition, not to recognize how powerful an adjunct to fanaticism was the
profitableness of persecution. Had the Holy Office been a source of expense
instead of income, we may reasonably doubt whether the ardor of
Ferdinand and Isabella would have sufficed for its introduction, and it
certainly would have had but a comparatively short and inactive career. We
have seen how closely Ferdinand watched its expenditures and endeavored
to keep down its cost, while enjoying the results of its productiveness, and
how grudgingly the crown ministered to its necessities when aid was
unavoidable. We have seen moreover how eagerly the Inquisition itself
grasped at all sources of gain, how it was stimulated to convict its victims
by the prospect of their confiscations, and how fines and penances were
scaled, not by the guilt of the culprits but by its necessities; how jealously it
guarded its receipts, and how little it recked of deception and mendacity
when there was attempt to investigate its finances. After all is said, the
Inquisition was an institution with a double duty—the destruction of heresy
and the raising of money to encompass that destruction—and there are not
wanting indications that the latter tended to supersede, or at least to
obscure, the former. We may well question the purity of zeal which
provided punishments and disabilities for heresy and at the same time
chaffered over the market price of commutations and dispensations through
which those penalties could be evaded. Not only confiscation but pecuniary
penance and fines were a source of revenue provocative of continual abuse,
and the rage for Limpieza provided abundant opportunities for extortion.
The filthy odor of gain pervades all the active period of the Inquisition, and
its comparative inactivity during its later career may perhaps be attributed
as much to the absence of wealthy heretics as to the diminishing spirit of
intolerance.

Various ingenious theories have been framed to relieve the Inquisition of

responsibility for the remarkable eclipse of Spanish intellectual progress
after the sixteenth century.[1174] It is one of the interesting problems in the
history of literature that Spain, whose brilliant achievements throughout the
Reformation period promised to make her as dominant in the world of
letters as in military and naval enterprise, should, within the space of a
couple of generations, have become the most uncultured land in
Christendom, without a public to encourage learning and genius, and
without learning and genius to stimulate a public. For this there must have
been a cause and no other adequate one than the Inquisition has been
discovered to account for this occultation.
Indeed, but for the effort to argue it away, it would
seem superfluous to insist that a system of severe INTELLECTUA
L TORPIDITY
repression of thought, by all the instrumentalities of
Inquisition and State, is an ample explanation of the decadence of Spanish
learning and literature, especially when coupled with the obstacles thrown
around printing and publication by their combined censorship. The
tribulations of Luis de Leon and Francisco Sánchez illustrate the dangers to
which independent thinkers were exposed; the great printing-house of
Portonares was ruined by the exigencies of the Inquisition in the matter of
the Vatable Bible. All a priori considerations cast the responsibility on the
censorship of thought, whether printed or expressed verbally in what were
known as “propositions,” and the burden of proof is thrown upon those who
deny it. Their reliance is on the fact that Isabella stimulated the
development of Spanish culture and, at the same time, established the
Inquisition, which thus was in existence for more than a century before the
decadence became marked. This is quite easily explicable. The Inquisition
was founded to extirpate Jewish and Moorish apostasy; in this it long had
ample work without developing its evil capacity in the direction of
censorship, save in such a sporadic instance as Diego Deza’s prosecution, in
1504, of the foremost scholar of his time, Elío Antonio de Nebrija, for
venturing to correct the errors of the Vulgate for the Complutensian
Polyglot, in the service of Ximenez who protected him and, when
inquisitor-general, allowed him to resume his labors.[1175] With the advent
of Lutheranism there gradually commenced the search for errors; crude
Indexes of condemned books were compiled, reading and investigation
became restricted; the pragmática of 1559 forbade education at foreign
seats of learning and an elaborate system was gradually organized for
protecting Spain from intellectual intercourse with other lands, while at
home every phrase that could be construed in an objectionable sense was
condemned. For awhile the men whose training had been free from these
trammels persisted, in spite of persecution more or less severe, but they
gradually died out and had no successors. In 1601 Mariana explained that
he translated his History from the original Latin because there were few
who understood that language; such learning brought neither honor nor
profit and he feared the unskilfulness of those who threatened to undertake
the task.[1176] It is true, however, that Latin was widely studied as essential
to gaining place in Church or State, but to the neglect of everything else.
Fray Peñalosa y Mondragon, in 1629, while boasting of the thirty-two
universities and four thousand Latin schools and of Spanish pre-eminence
in the supreme science of theology, for which there were infinite rewards,
admits that there were none for the other sciences and arts, which were not
regarded with favor or estimated as formerly.[1177] The intellectual energy
of the nation, diverted from more serious channels, continued through
another period to exhibit itself in the lighter fields of literature, where the
names of Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Tirso de Molina, Calderon de la Barca,
Quevedo de Villegas and others show of what Spanish intellect was still
capable if it were allowed free play. Even these however passed away and
had no successors in the growing intellectual torpor created by obscurantist
censorship, and a dreary blank followed which even the stimulation
attempted by Philip V could not relieve.
To produce and preserve this torpor, by repressing all
dangerous intellectuality, Spain was carefully kept out of INFLUENCE
FOR EVIL
the current of European progress. In other lands the
debates of the Reformation forced Catholics as well as Protestants to
investigations and speculations shocking to Spanish conservatism. The
human mind was enabled to cast off the shackles of the Dark Ages, and was
led to investigate the laws of nature and the relations of man to the universe
and to God. From all this bustling intellectual movement Spain was
carefully secluded. Short-sighted opportunism, seeing the turmoil which
agitated France and England and Germany, might bless the institution
which preserved the Peninsula in peaceful stagnation, but the price paid for
torpidity was fearfully extravagant, for Spain became an intellectual
nonentity. Even the great theologians and mystics disappeared from the
field which they had made their own, and were succeeded by a race of
probabilistic casuists, who sought only to promote and to justify self-
indulgence. How intellectual progress fared under these influences may be
estimated by a single instance. When, in England, Halley was investigating
the periodicity of the comet which bears his name, in Spain learned
professors of the universities of Salamanca and Saragossa were publishing
tracts to reassure the frightened people, by proving that the dreadful portent
boded evil only to the wicked—to the Turk and the heretic.[1178] The
perfect success of the Inquisition in its work is manifested in the contrast
between the eighteenth and the early sixteenth century, as illustrated by the
statement of Juan Antonio Mayans y Siscar, that a cartload of the precious
MSS. bestowed by Ximenes on his University of Alcalá was sold to the
fire-works maker Torrecilla, for a display in honor of Philip V, and that
several other similar collections had shared the same fate.[1179] Even after
half a century of Bourbon effort to revitalize the dormant intellect of Spain,
Father Rábago, the royal confessor, grudged the money spent on
historiographers and academies; it was a pure gift, he says, for it yields no
fruits.[1180] In fact, the awakening from intellectual stupor was slow, for
Dom Clemencin tells us that there was less printing in Spain at the
commencement of the nineteenth century than there had been in the
fifteenth under Isabella.[1181]
It is impossible not to conclude that the Inquisition paralyzed both the
intellectual and the economic development of Spain and it is scarce
reasonable for Valera to complain that, when Spain was aroused from its
mental marasmus, it was to receive a foreign and not to revive a native
culture.[1182]
That science and art and literature should thus be submerged was a
national misfortune, but even more to be deplored were the indirect
consequences. Material progress became impossible, industry languished,
and the inability to meet foreign competition assisted the mistaken internal
policy of the government in prolonging and intensifying the poverty of the
people. Nor was this the chief of the evils that sprung from keeping the
mind of the nation in leading-strings, from repressing thought and from
excluding foreign ideas, for the people were thus rendered absolutely
unfitted to meet the inevitable change that came with the Revolution. To
this, in large measure, may be attributed the sufferings through which Spain
has passed in the transition from absolutism to modern conditions.

We have thus followed the career of the Spanish Inquisition from its
foundation to its suppression; we have examined its methods and its acts
and have sought to appraise its influence and its share in the misfortunes
which overwhelmed the nation. The conclusion can scarce be avoided that
its work was almost wholly evil and that, through its reflex action, the
persecutors suffered along with the persecuted. Yet who can blame Isabella
or Torquemada or the Hapsburg princes for their share in originating and
maintaining this disastrous instrument of wrong? The Church had taught for
centuries that implicit acceptance of its dogmas and blind obedience to its
commands were the only avenues to salvation; that heresy was treason to
God, its extermination the highest service to God and the highest duty to
man. This grew to be the universal belief and, when Protestant sects framed
their several confessions, each one was so supremely confident of
possessing the secret of the Divine Being and his dealings with his creatures
that all shared the zeal to serve God in the same cruel fashion.
Spanish Inquisition was only a more perfect and a more lasting
institution than the others were able to fashion—as regards witchcraft,
indeed, a more humane and rational one, for no one can appreciate the
service which in this matter it rendered to Spain who has not realized the
horrors of the witchcraft trials in which Catholic and Protestant Europe
rivalled each other. The spirit among all was the same, and none are entitled
to cast the first stone, unless we except the humble and despised Moravian
Brethren and the disciples of George Fox. The faggots of Miguel Servet
bear witness to the stern resolve of Calvinism. Lutheranism has its roll-call
of victims. Anglicanism, under Edward VI, in 1550 undertook to organize
an Inquisition on the Spanish pattern, which burnt Joan of Kent for
Arianism, and the writ De hæretico comburendo was not abolished until
1676.[1183] Much as we may abhor and deplore this cruelty, we must acquit
the actors of moral responsibility, for they but acted in the conscientious
belief that they were serving the Creator and his creatures. The real
responsibility can be traced to distant ages, to St. Augustin and St. Leo the
Great and the fathers, who deduced, from the doctrine of exclusive
salvation, that the obstinate dissident is to be put to death, not only in
punishment for his sin but to save the faithful from infection. This hideous
teaching, crystallized into a practical system, came, in the course of
centuries, to be an essential feature of the religion which it distorted so
utterly from the love and charity inculcated by the Founder. To dispute it
was a heresy subjecting the disputant to the penalties of heresy, and not to
enforce it was to misuse the powers entrusted by God to rulers for the
purpose of establishing his kingdom on earth.
In Spain, under peculiar conditions, this resolve to
enforce unity of belief, in the conviction that it was RETRIBUTION
essential to human happiness here and hereafter, led to the
framing of a system of so-called justice more iniquitous than has been
evolved by the cruellest despotism; which placed the lives, the fortunes and
the honor, not only of individuals but of their posterity, in the hands of those
who could commit wrong without responsibility; which tempted human
frailty to indulge its passions and its greed without restraint, and which
subjected the population to a blind and unreasoning tyranny, against which
the slightest murmur of complaint was a crime. The procedure which left
the fate of the accused virtually in the hands of his judges was rendered
doubly vicious by the inviolable secrecy in which it was enveloped—a
secrecy which invited injustice by shielding its perpetrators and enabling
them to make a parade of benignant righteousness. It was the crowning
iniquity of the Inquisition that it thus afforded to the evil-minded the
amplest opportunity of wrong-doing. History affords no parallel to such a
skilfully organized system, working relentlessly through centuries.
The inquisitors were men, not demons or angels, and when injustice and
oppression were rife in the secular courts it would be folly not to expect
them in the impenetrable recesses of the Holy Office. If we have
occasionally met with instances of kindliness and genuine desire to do right,
we have incidentally encountered the opposite too often for us to doubt its
frequency. That the rulers of the Inquisition recognized the danger of this
and sought to diminish it by moral influences is evident from the admirable
prayer the utterance of which, by a carta acordada of April 13, 1600, was
ordered daily after mass at the opening of the morning session. This
implored the Holy Spirit to fill their hearts and guide their judgements, so
that they might not be misled by ignorance or favor, or be corrupted by gifts
or acceptance of persons; that their decisions might be in unison with His
will, so that in the end they might earn eternal reward by well-doing.[1184]
Yet we might feel more confidence in the sincerity of this attempt to curb
by moral influence the evil tendencies fostered by the system if there had
been stern repression and punishment of official wrong-doing, instead of
the habitual mercy which served as an encouragement.
After all, the great lesson taught by the history of the Inquisition is that
the attempt of man to control the conscience of his fellows reacts upon
himself; he may inflict misery but, in due time, that misery recoils on him
or on his descendants and the full penalty is exacted with interest. Never
has the attempt been made so thoroughly, so continuously or with such
means of success as in Spain, and never has the consequent retribution been
so palpable and so severe. The sins of the fathers have been visited on the
children and the end is not yet. A corollary to this is that the unity of faith,
which was the ideal of statesman and churchman alike in the sixteenth
century, is fatal to the healthful spirit of competition through which
progress, moral and material, is fostered. Improvement was impossible so
long as the Holy See held a monopoly of salvation and, however deplorable
were the hatred and strife developed by the rivalry which followed the
Reformation, it yet was of inestimable benefit in raising the moral standards
of both sides, in breaking down the stubbornness of conservatism and in
rendering development possible. Terrible as were the wars of religion which
followed the Lutheran revolt, yet were they better than the stagnation
preserved in Spain through the efforts of the Inquisition. So long as human
nature remains what it is, so long as the average man requires stimulation
from without as well as from within, so long as progress is the reward only
of earnest endeavor, we must recognize that rivalry is the condition
precedent of advancement and that competition in good works is the most
beneficent sphere of human activity.

APPENDIX.

I.
Abjuration of Joseph Fernandez de Toro, Bishop of Oviedo.
(Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 150). (See p. 75).
 Ego Joseph Fernandez de Toro, olim episcopus Ovetensis, coram
Sanctissimo in Christo Patre et Domino nostro Domino Clemente Divina
Providentia papa undecimo humiliter genuflexus vobis Emis et Rmis DD.
cardinalibus contra hæreticam pravitatem Generalibus Inquisitoribus ei
assistentibus, sacrosancta Dei Evangelia coram me posita manibus tangens,
sciens neminem salvum fieri posse extra illam fidem quam tenet, credit,
profitetur ac docet Sancta Catholica et Apostolica Romana Ecclesia contra
quam fateor et doleo me graviter errasse quia tenui et docui respective
errores et hæreses formales ac dogmata contra veritatem ejusdem S.
Ecclesiæ, et præcipue quia tenui et credidi quod non peccaverim nec
peccare fecerim ex speciali Providentia Dei in quibusdam actibus turpibus a
me habitis cum fœminis. Quod concussiones et corporis tremores cum
pollutione sequuta attribuendi essent operationi Dæmonis ideoque absque
peccato essent. Quod actus exteriores amplexuum, osculorum aliarumque
operationum inhonestarum essent supernaturales in causa, adeoque a Deo et
a Jesu procederent. Quod prædicta oscula et amplexus essent immunes a
motu libidinis et essent motiva maximæ humiliationis ex supposita unione
cum Deo. Quod facta turpia cum fœmina complici procederent ex
redundantia amoris erga Jesum adeoque a parte inferiore procederent et ex
motu ipsius Jesu impellerentur. Quod stante supposita tam mea quam
fœminæ complicis unione cum Deo, posset utriusque status componi una
simul cum exterioribus actibus peccaminosis omnesque impulsus quos in
eandam fœminam habebam, Dei et Jesu essent impulsus. Quod pessima
doctrina a me insinuata Dei esset doctrina. Quod a Deo haberem donum
discretionis, spirituum impulsus et illustrationes ad agnoscendum
spiritualem animæ statum, ipsaque spirituum discretio ac doctrinarum
cognitio, esset lux mihi a Deo infusa, essem super omnes illustratus,
ideoque essem omnibus superior. Quod facta turpia a me habita cum
fœmina complici essent exercitium et martyrium a Deo missum ad
utriusque humiliationem et purificationem. Quod deosculando et
amplectendo fœminam complicem in me adesset Jesus ipseque Jesus
mediante me ita ageret et loqueretur. Quod stante dicta supposita unione
cum Deo ab ipso motæ essent potentiæ meæ, memoria, intellectus et
voluntas, ipseque Deus esset meus intellectus, memoria, voluntas et spiritus
idque esset idem, ac tres distinctæ personæ, una Majestas et unus Deus, et
alias credidi propositiones et dogmata mihi in processu contestata; quæ
quidem propositiones tanquam temerariæ, erroneæ, scandalosæ, Christianæ
disciplinæ relaxativæ, male sonantes, periculosæ, præsumptuosæ, errori
proximæ, abusivæ verborum Sacræ Scripturæ, injuriosæ in Sanctos, insanæ,
sacrilegæ, hæresim sapientes, de hæresi suspectæ, impiæ, blasphemæ,
coincidentes cum propositionibus Molinos et hæreticæ respective censuratæ
et qualificatæ fuerunt. Nunc de prædictis erroribus et hæresibus dolens,
certus de veritate fidei Catholicæ, corde sincero ac fide non ficta abjuro,
detestor, maledico, anathematizo et respective retracto omnes supradictos
errores et hæreses, quos et quas tenui et credidi, et promitto ac juro me nunc
toto corde absque ulla hæsitatione credere et in futurum firmiter crediturum
quicquid tenet, credit, prædicat, profitetur ac docet eadem S. Catholica
Ecclesia, et abjuro, detestor, maledico et anathematizo non solum
supradictos errores et hæreses verumetiam generaliter omnem alium
errorem dietæ sanctæ Ecclesiaæ contrarium, omnemque aliam hæresim et
promitto et juro me neque corde neque voce neque scripto unquam
recessurum quacunque occasione sive prætextu a sancta fide Catholica nec
crediturum vel edocturum aliquem errorem eidem contrarium seu aliquam
hæresim. Promitto etiam me integre adimpleturum omnes et singulas
pœnitentias mihi a Sanctitate vestra impositas sive imponendas et si
unquam alicui ex dictis meis promissionibus et juramentis (quod Deus
avertat) contravenero me subjicio omnibus pœnis a sacris canonibus
aliisque constitutionibus generalibus et particularibus contra hujusmodi
delinquentes inflictis et promulgatis. Sic me Deus adjuvet et illius sancta
Evangelia quæ propriis manibus tango. Ego Joseph Fernandez de Toro
supradictus abjuravi, juravi, promisi et me obligavi ut supra et in fidem
veritatis præsentem schedulam meæ abjurationis propria mea manu
subscripsi eamque recitavi de verbo ad verbum. Romæ, in palatio Quirinali
hac die, 17 Julii, 1719.—Ego Joseph Fernandez de Toro Episcopus abjuravi
ut supra manu propria.

II.
Abstract of the Case of Catalina Matheo in 1591.
(Relacion de las causas despachadas en el auto de la fee que se celebro en la
Inquisicion de Toledo, Domingo de la SSma Trinidad, nueve dias de Junio,
1591 años.—Königl. Universitäts Bibliothek of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.). (See p.
224).
 Catalina Matheo, viuda, vezina del Cazar, de edad de cinquenta años fue
presa por el vicario de Alcala con diez y seis testigos de que en la dicha
villa de quatro años a esta parte abian muerto quatro o cinco criaturas de
muertes violentas que era imposible averlas hecho sino bruxas, y de que la
dicha Catalina Matheo y Olalla Sobrina y Joana Yzquierda eran tenidas por
tales publicas, y specialmente la dicha Matheo. Hizòle proceso y diòle
tormento y en el la dicha Catalina Matheo dixò que era berdad, que podria
aber quatro o cinco años que Olalla Sobrina la abia dicho si queria ser
bruxa, ofreciendole que el Demonio tendria con ella aceso torpe y que era
buen officio. Y que una noche por medio de la dicha Joana Yzquierda la
abia llamado a su casa adonde estando todas tres abia entrado el demonio en
figura de cabron, y hablando aparte primero con las dichas Olalla y Joana
las abia abraçado y despues a la dicha Matheo, porque ellas le abian dicho
que tambien ella queria ser bruxa, y que el dicho Demonio le abia pedido
alguna cosa de su cuerpo, y ella le abia ofrecido una uña de un dedo del
medio de la mano derecha, y que por regozijo del concierto abian bailado
con el dicho cabron y el se abia echado carnalmente con todas tres en
presencia de todas. Y que aquella noche la dicha Olalla la abia untado las
coiunturas de los dedos de pies y manos y en compañia del dicho cabron
abian ydo a una casa y llebando unas brosas en una teja abian entrado por
una ventana a las doze de la noche y echando sueno a los padres con unas
dormideras y otras yerbas puestas debaxo de la almohada, les abian sacado
una niña de la cama y apretandola por las arcas la abian ahogado, y
encendido lumbre con lo que llebaban, y la quemaron las partes traseras, y
quebrantando los braços, y que al ruido abian despertado los dichos padres,
y ellas se abian buelto con el dicho cabron por el ayre a casa de la dicha
Olalla, adonde se abian bestido y ydo cada una a su casa, y que a la yda y
buelta yban por el ayre desnudas, y diziendo de viga (?) con la yra de
Sancta Maria. Y que de alli a pocos dias el dicho cabron abia ydo una noche
a casa de la dicha Matheo y hallandola acostada la abia forçado y tenido
cuenta carnal con ella, diziendo en esto algunas particularidades y lo
mesmo abia tenido otras diez o doze noches, y en los dichos quatro años
otras vezes a menudo, y lo mesmo abia hecho en las carceles del dicho
vicario. Y que a cabo de algunos pocos dias en casa de la dicha Olalla le
abia dado un cuchillo y con el se abia cortado la uña que le abia mandado y
se la abia entregado. Y otras noches untandose en casa de la dicha Olalla y
en compañia de lo dicho cabron abian ydo a otra casa y ahogado un niño y
arrancadole sus berguenzas, y despues a otras dos casas en diferentes
noches y ahogado otras dos criaturas. Y que una sola vez abia inbocado al
demonio diziendole Demonio ven a mi llamado y mandado. Y pasadas las
oras del derecho se ratifico en la dicha confesion, y el dicho vicario hiço
acareacion de la dicha Catalina Matheo con la dicha Olalla y en su
presencia la dicha Matheo le dixo todo lo arriba dicho, afirmandose en ello,
y la otra negandolo. Y en este estado remitio a la dicha Matheo a este Sto
Offº al qual aviendo sido trayda presa en la primera audiencia que con ella
se tubo dixo que pedia misericordia del grave pecado que havia hecho en
lebantarse a si y las dichas Olalla y Yzquierda lo que dellas avia dicho y de
si confessado ante el dicho vicario lo qual avia dicho por miedo del
tormento. Y abiendose examinados diez y seis testigos en el Cazar consto
ser verdad que los dichos niños abian sido muertos y se hallaron de la
misma manera y forma muertos y maltratados que la sobredicha Matheo lo
abia confessado. Y aviendose substanciado su processo fue puesta a
question de tormento, y abiendose pronunciado la sentencia y abaxadola a
la camara para executarse antes de desnudarse abiendo sido amonestada
dixo ser berdad todo lo que abia dicho antel vicario de Alcala, y en efecto lo
refirio en substancia, aunque en algunas circonstancias mudo alguna cossa,
asegurando mucho ser berdad ansi en la manera del confesar como del
jurarlo, y pasadas las oras del derecho se ratifico en sus confesiones, y en
otras audiencias que con ella se tubieron despues dixo lo mesmo, negando
saber de que fuesen hechos los dichos inguentos ni aber tenido otro pacto
tacito ni expresso con el Demonio mas de que abia dicho, y dixo las causas
que abia tenido de bengarse de los padres en la muerte de sus hijos que son
las mesmas que los padres testificaron, por donde sospechaban que ellas se
los obiesen muerto. Y subtenciose su causa y votose auto con coroça, levi,
doçiento açotes y reclusa por el tiempo que pareciere.

III.
Letter of the Suprema on the Tumult of May 2, 1808.
(Archivo histórico nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo,
Legajo 17, No. 3, fol. 31). (See p. 401).
Las fatales resultas que se ban experimentado en esta Corte el dia 2 del
corriente por el alboroto escandaloso del bajo Pueblo contra las tropas del
Emperador de los Franceses hacen necesaria la vigilancia mas activa y
esmerada de todas las autoridades y cuerpos respetables de la Nacion para
evitar que se repitan iguales excesos y mantener en todos los pueblos la
tranquilidad y sosiego que exige su propio interes no menos que la
hospitalidad y atencion debida á los oficiales y soldados de una nacion
amiga que á ninguno ofenden y han dado hasta ahora las mayores pruebas
de buen orden y disciplina, castigando con rigor á los que se propasan ó
maltratan á los Españoles en su persona ó bienes. Es bien presumible que la
malevolencia ó la ignorancia haian seducido á los incautos y sencillos para
empeñarles en el desorden revolucionario so color de patriotismo y amor al
Soberano, y corresponde por lo mismo á la ilustracion y zelo de los
entendidos el desimpresionarles de un error tan prejudicial, haciendoles
conocer que semejantes movimientos tumultuarios lejos de producir los
efectos propios del amor y lealtad bien dirigidos, solo sirven para poner la
Patria en convulsion, rompiendo los vinculos de subordinacion en que esta
afianzada la salud de los Pueblos, apagando los sentimientos de humanidad
y destruyendo la confianza que se debe tener en el Gobierno, que es el
unico á quien toca dirigir y dar impulso con uniformidad y con provecho al
valor y á los esfuerzos del patriotismo. Estas verdades de tanta importancia
ninguno puede persuadirlas mejor que los Ministros de la Religion de Jesu
Cristo, que toda respira paz y fraternidad entre los hombres igualmente que
sumision, respeto y obediencia á las autoridades; y como los individuos y
Dependientes del Santo Oficio deban ser y han sido siempre los primeros en
dar exemplo de Ministros de paz y que procuran la paz, hemos creydo,
Señores, conveniente y muy propio de la obligacion de nuestro Ministerio
el dirigiros la presente carta para que enterados de su contexto y penetrados
de la urgente necesidad de concurrir unanimemente á la conservacion de la
tranquilidad publica la hagais entender á los subalternos de ese Tribunal y á
los Comisarios y Familiares del Distrito, á fin de que todos y cada uno
contribuir (sic) por su parte con quanto zelo, actividad y prudencia les fuere
posible á tan interesante objeto. Tendreislo entendido, y del recibo de esta
dareis el correspondiente aviso. Dios os guarde. Madrid 6 de Maio de 1808.
—Dr. D. Gabl Nevia y Noriega.—D. Raimundo Eltenhard y Salinas.—Fr.
Manl de San Joseph.—Rubricado. Recibida en 9 de Mayo de 1808.—SS.
Bertran, Laso, Acedo, Encina.—Executese como S. A. lo manda. Rubrica.
Valencia.
Certifico el infrascrito Secretario del Secreto del Santo Oficio de la
Inquisicion de Valencia que en el dia once del mes de Mayo del año mil
ochociento y ocho, estando en su audiencia de la mañana los Sres
Inquisidores Dr. D. Mathias Bertran, Licendo D. Nicolas Rodriguez Laso,
Dr. D. Pablo Acedo Rico y Dr. D. Franco de la Encina, entraron en ella los
Ministros, Calificadores, Titulados, Notarios y Familiares que viven en esta
ciudad, á los quales, precedida convocacion para este fin, se les leyó esta
carta de los Señores del Consejo de S. M. de la Santa y General Inquisicion
y en seguida se les exortó por el Señor Inquisidor Decano á su mas exacto
cumplimiento. Y para que lo susodicho conste doy la presente Certificacion
que firmo en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Valencia, en el dia
11 del mes de Mayo de 1808.—D. Manl Fuster y Bertran, Secretario.
Rubricado.

IV.
Decree of Fernando Vii, September 9, 1814, Restoring The Property
Or the Inquisition.
(Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559).
(See p. 427).
Excmo Señor:—Por Real decreto de veintiuno de Julio ultimo, se sirvio
S. Magestad mandar restablecer en todos sus dominios el Santo Oficio de la
Inquisicion al pie y estado en que se hallaba el año de mil ochocientos ocho
y que para la subsistencia y decoro de los Ministros y demas empleados de
sus tribunales se restituyesen toda clase de bienes y efectos pertenecientes á
su dotacion, como son frutos, creditos, reditos de censos, vales y caudales
que se hallan impuestos en la Caja de consolidacion, asi como de los
rendimientos de las canongias perpetuamente anejas al Santo Officio
afectas por Brebes apostolicos.
Comunicado este Real decreto al supremo Consejo de Inquisicion para
su observancia consulto á S. Magestad lo que en su razon tubo por
combeniente al cabal cumplimiento de las piadosas Reales intenciones,
manifestando al propio tiempo los ruinosos y destruidos que se hallaban los
edificios destinados al tribunal del Santo Oficio, estravio de sus papelea
mas interesantes, ya de causas de fe, ya de la Hacienda del Real fisco que
fueron presa de los executores de los decretos de abolicion de los tribunales
de Inquisicion. Enterado S. Magestad de todo y deseoso de llevar á debido
efecto su citado Real Decreto de veinteuno de Julio ha resuelto se pongan
desde luego sin demora ni detencion alguna á disposicion de los tesoreros
de los respectivos tribunales de Inquisicion todas las fincas y efectos de
qualquiera clase que sean pertinecientes al tribunal y que en este concepto
hayan sido secuestrados, confiscados, detenidos ó aplicados á lo que se
llama hacienda publica ó Nacional, devolviendo todos los titulos de
propiedad y legitimacion de creditos que hubiesen recebido y cortando la
cuenta el dia veinteuno de Julio del presente año den razon de las personas
obligadas al pago de sus arrendamientos y obligaciones con expression de
sus cantidades y procedencias.
De orden del Rey lo comunico á V. E. para su inteligencia y puntual
cumplimiento, y á fin de que esta real resolucion la haga circular á los
Gobernadores, Intendentes, Directores del credito publico ó sugetos
encargados de la Real recaudacion de intereses en los Pueblos de sus
distritos. Dios guarde á V. E. muchos años. Madrid, 3 de Setiembre de
1814.
Sr Virrey y Capitan General de etc.

V.
Decree of Suppression, March 9, 1820.
(Miraflores, Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los Apuntes
histórico-criticos, I, 93.—Rodrigo, Historia Verdadera, III, 494). (See p.
436).
Considerando que es incompatible la existencia del Tribunal de la
Inquisicion con la constitucion de la Monarquia Española promulgada en
Cádiz en 1812 y que por esta razon lo suprimieron las Córtes generales y
estraordinarias por decreto de 22 de Febrero de 1813, previa una madura y
larga discusion: oida la opinion de la Junta formada por decreto de este dia,
y conformandome con su parecer, he venido en mandar que desde hoy
quede suprimido el referido Tribunal en toda la Monarquia y por
consecuencia el Consejo de la Suprema Inquisicion, poniendose
inmediatamente en libertad á todos los presos que estén en sus cárceles por
opiniones políticas ó religiosas, pasandose á los Reverendos Obispos las
causas de estos últimos en sus respectivas Diócesis para que las sustancien
y determinen con arreglo en todo al espresado decreto de las Córtes
estraordinarias. Tendréislo entendido y dispondréis lo conveniente á su
cumplimiento. Palacio, 9 de Marzo de 1820. Esta rubricado. Al Secretario
de Gracia y Justicia.
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookluna.com