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Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering
Joel P. Conte
Rodrigo Astroza
Gianmario Benzoni
Glauco Feltrin
Kenneth J. Loh
Babak Moaveni Editors
Experimental
Vibration
Analysis for Civil
Structures
Testing, Sensing, Monitoring,
and Control
Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering
Volume 5
Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering (LNCE) publishes the latest developments in
Civil Engineering - quickly, informally and in top quality. Though original research
reported in proceedings and post-proceedings represents the core of LNCE, edited
volumes of exceptionally high quality and interest may also be considered for
publication. Volumes published in LNCE embrace all aspects and subfields of, as
well as new challenges in, Civil Engineering. Topics in the series include:
Editors
Experimental Vibration
Analysis for Civil
Structures
Testing, Sensing, Monitoring,
and Control
123
Editors
Joel P. Conte Glauco Feltrin
Department of Structural Engineering Swiss Federal Laboratories for Materials
University of California at San Diego Science and Technology (EMPA)
La Jolla, CA Zürich
USA Switzerland
v
vi Preface
We express our sincere thanks to the members of the Organizing Committee, the
members of the Scientific Committee, and, in particular, all the authors and par-
ticipants for their essential and valuable contributions.
Joel P. Conte
Rodrigo Astroza
Gianmario Benzoni
Glauco Feltrin
Kenneth Loh
Babak Moaveni
Organization
Editors/Organizing Committee
Joel P. Conte
Professor, Ph.D.
Department of Structural Engineering
University of California, San Diego
USA
jpconte@ucsd.edu
Rodrigo Astroza
Assistant Professor, Ph.D.
Faculty of Engineering and Applied Sciences
Universidad de los Andes
Chile
rastroza@miuandes.cl
Gianmario Benzoni
Research Scientist, Ph.D.
Department of Structural Engineering
University of California, San Diego
USA
gbenzoni@ucsd.edu
Glauco Feltrin
Senior Researcher, Ph.D.
Swiss Federal Laboratories for Materials Science and Technology (EMPA)
Switzerland
glauco.feltrin@empa.ch
vii
viii Organization
Kenneth Loh
Associate Professor, Ph.D.
Department of Structural Engineering
University of California, San Diego
USA
kjloh@ucsd.edu
Babak Moaveni
Associate Professor, Ph.D.
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering
Tufts University
USA
babak.moaveni@tufts.edu
Scientific Committee
Keynote Papers
Assessment of Small Damage by Direct Modal
Strain Measurements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
G. De Roeck, E. Reynders, and D. Anastasopoulos
Flexible Architectures for Full-Scale Performance Evaluation
of Tall Buildings: Burj Khalifa and Beyond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Tracy Kijewski-Correa and Andrew Bartolini
Information-Driven Modeling of Structures
Using a Bayesian Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Costas Papadimitriou, Costas Argyris, and Panagiotis Panetsos
Development of a High Accuracy and High Sampling Rate
Displacement Sensor for Civil Engineering Structures Monitoring . . . . 62
Hoon Sohn, Kiyoung Kim, Jaemook Choi, Gunhee Koo,
and Junyeon Chung
ix
x Contents
Abstract. Vibration based Structural Health Monitoring was and is still a hot
topic in research. Much progress has been made both from the theoretical as well
as the practical side. Vibration-based SHM traditionally makes use of
uniaxial/triaxial accelerometers or velocity meters. Also sometimes inclinome-
ters are installed. Recent trends in SHM are the use of high-rate GPS receivers
[1], wave propagation-based piezoelectric ceramic sensing technology and
optical fiber sensors for dynamic strain and temperature measurements [2].
A particular challenge for structural health assessment is the discovery of
small local damage. It is well known that for small damages, the changes in
natural frequencies remain very low. Moreover, they are considerably influenced
by environmental conditions (mainly temperature) [3], which influence has to be
eliminated on beforehand [4, 5]. Also modal displacements are rather insensitive
to small stiffness perturbations. On the contrary, modal strains (or curvatures)
are very receptive to small stiffness changes. Additionally, they immediately
spot the damage location. Some authors have tried to derive curvatures from
modal displacements but this procedure is very prone to even slight measure-
ment and/or identification errors. Therefore, the key issue is the direct mea-
surement of (modal) strains. However, the development of a distributed strain
sensor network able to cope with the very low strain intensities during ambient
excitation is still a challenge. In this paper by recent experiments on steel and
concrete beams the extreme accuracy of dynamic measurements with optical
FBG strain sensors is demonstrated.
Another possibility to obtain precise modal strains would be the development
of a transducer that amplifies the strains. In a recent research project, by using
Topology Optimization [6], a transducer was developed that measures differ-
ential axial displacements over a sufficient long distance and at the same time is
upscaling the strains. Results obtained with this transducer are reported.
In this context, a new challenge for Optimal Sensor Placement [7] is to deal
with different sensor types, e.g. displacement transducers, accelerometers and
strain sensors.
For localization and quantification of damage, the most powerful method is
FE-model updating based on minimizing differences between measured and
calculated modal parameters [8]. The addition of modal strains to the objective
function of the minimization problem will improve the damage identification
process.
1 Introduction
2.1 Background
A particular challenge for structural health assessment is the discovery of small local
damage. Not only natural frequencies and mode shapes will hardly be affected but also
its influence hidden in the uncertainty blur. Therefore, the development of a distributed
strain sensor network able to cope with the very low strain intensities during ambient
excitation is a challenge. Optical fiber sensors with Bragg grating technology perma-
nently attached to the structure could be a good choice in this respect. Interrogation
units are still quite expensive but can be coupled and uncoupled when adopting a
periodic monitoring maintenance strategy. An additional advantage of the measured
strain field is that it can be directly related to the stress field. Such a system will also be
able to measure quasi-static deformation as occurs in case of shrinkage, creep, thermal
expansion and very slowly applied dynamic loads. The idea of directly measuring
accurate strains is explored in the next sections.
is still reasonably well fulfilled. This also implies that (modal) curvatures can be used
for damage assessment.
Therefore a transducer that measures differential axial displacements over a suffi-
cient long distance and at the same time amplifies the strains would be of great benefit.
In a recent research project such transducer was developed by using Topology Opti-
mization [14]. The transducer is connected by bolts to the test structure (Fig. 2: points 1
and 2). The actual strain is the one between the two bolts. The goal of the Topology
Optimization is to amplify the strain occurring between points A and B (Fig. 1), which
is measured by a Bragg grating on an optical fiber between these two points.
min cðxÞ
x
V
subject to : KU ¼ F; fv ; 0 xe 1 ð1Þ
V0
In this equation, x is the vector with the element densities xe, ranging from 0 (void)
to 1 (solid). These element densities will be altered to obtain an optimal objective value
c. K is the global stiffness matrix, U is the global displacement vector containing the
displacements in all degrees of freedom and F is the global force vector. V is the
material volume and V0 is the total volume of the design domain. The ratio of these
parameters must be smaller than a prescribed volume fraction fv. This volume con-
straint is applied to this optimization, ensuring the total amount of material remains
below a certain amount. Through calibration a volume constraint of 50% was selected,
as a higher volume would not result in a higher objective value but would have a
negative influence on the natural frequencies of the transducer.
Assessment of Small Damage by Direct Modal Strain Measurements 7
The optimum of the objective function is calculated using the Method of Moving
Asymptotes [6]. This algorithm will iteratively calculate the optimum. Convergence
will be assumed when a change in material distribution of less than 5% occurs. This
standard optimization approach results in one node hinges and bending in the optical
fiber. To obtain a more robust design, extra constraints are applied. The first constraints
ensured a local length scale control, preventing one node hinges. Another constraint
was added, ensuring the mounting platforms of the optical fiber will not rotate, pre-
venting bending of the fiber. This algorithm will iteratively calculate the optimum.
Convergence will be assumed when a change in material distribution of less than 5%
occurs.
The result of the optimization is shown in Fig. 2. A strain amplification by a factor
120 can theoretically be obtained.
Figure 3 shows a displacement plot by ANSYS for the right half of the sensor.
A compression between 1 and 2 results in an elongation of AB. A prototype of this
sensor has been produced by laser cutting and its upscaling factor tested in the labo-
ratory [14].
suspended on flexible springs. The beam was excited through a shaker located at the
left end (Fig. 5) with various force amplitudes (2.3–13.5 N) and excitation signals
(pure random, swept sign, periodic random) from [0:200] Hz and from [0:500] Hz. The
low forces produce strain RMS values below one micro-strain.
The beam was instrumented with a chain of multiplexed Bragg Grating (FBG) strain
sensors glued at the top and the bottom flange of the beam (Fig. 5) and accelerometers
(Fig. 6). The sampling frequency was fs = 20000 Hz for the accelerometers and fs =
950 Hz for the FBGs.
FBG based sensing relies on tracking the Bragg peak wavelength as it shifts with a
change in the measured peak. Recently a fast and accurate peak detection algorithm has
been recently proposed [17]. The fast phase-correlation (FPC) algorithm determines the
wavelength shift from the phase shift between the undisturbed FBG spectrum and the
perturbed spectrum.
Three modal analyses were performed by applying the Matlab toolbox MACEC
[18] with two algorithms, SSI-cov and CSI [10]: (1) using FBG strain data; (2) using
accelerometer data; (3) using both data. In the latter case, the accelerometer data were
down-sampled at 950 Hz.
In the interval [0:200] Hz 2 bending modes and 3 torsional modes could be
identified. An excellent correspondence with FE calculated modal properties is
observed [16]. Moreover, the obtained modal characteristics from the combined modal
analysis show a high consistency with the ones obtained from the separate analyses.
The differences in modal displacements are less than 5%. The combined analysis, using
data from both FBG strain sensors and accelerometers, allows to obtain mass nor-
malized modal strains. Mass normalization is possible because acceleration was
measured at the same location and direction as the applied force. Figure 7 shows the
ciently long length (e.g. typically one or two crack distances). Small measurement
lengths will show a clear discontinuous behavior, depending on the location of the
strain sensor: above a crack or between cracks.
A connector (Fig. 8) has been developed to clamp an optical glass fiber containing
Two chains of multiplexed FBG strain sensors were attached: one on the front side
at the bottom and on the back side at the top (Fig. 10). Each chain contains 14 FBG
sensors which measure the average strain along a length of 100 mm. The chains
measure the strains of the beam at a distance of about 1 cm from its edges.
At the top side of the beam 20 accelerometers were installed (Fig. 11). The distance
between the accelerometers was about 20 cm.
Prior to the dynamic tests, damage is induced by static loads in a four point bending
configuration (Fig. 12).
After each static test producing progressive damage, the beam is suspended from
flexible springs, approaching dynamic free-free boundary conditions, to perform a
modal identification. Dynamic response is provoked by hammer impacts and by a
12 G. De Roeck et al.
shaker, exciting both the bending and the torsion modes. Input signal to the shaker is a
sine sweep. The sampling frequency of the FBG strain acquisition system (FAZT I4) is
fs = 1000 Hz and 10000 Hz for the acceleration acquisition system (NI PXI-1050
chassis with NI PXI-4472B modules).
In the initial state, by using the acceleration data in MACEC, three vertical bending
modes (B1, B2, B3) and three torsional modes (T1, T2, T3) are identified (Table 1).
When applying system identification to the strain data, only one lateral bending mode
(L1) and one vertical bending mode (B1) could be extracted due to the limited sam-
pling frequency of the FBG strain acquisition system. No axial modes (A) are found. In
Table 1 also a comparison is made with a FE model (ANSYS) consisting of solid
elements for the concrete and truss elements for the reinforcement.
Table 2 gives a view of the corresponding experimental mode shapes.
Damage is applied at different static loads (Fig. 12) till failure. Dynamic tests are
performed after each unloading and change of boundary conditions to free-free, by
attaching the beam to flexible springs. The extensive dataset is currently analyzed. Some
preliminary results obtained after applying a static load P of 80 kN are presented. This
load exceeds the crack load (about 30 kN). Table 5 resumes the frequency shifts. Despite
the clear decrease of natural frequencies, the changes in mass normalized mode shapes
are rather small, as shown in Table 3 for the first bending mode B1 and the third bending
mode B3. The changes for the higher mode B3 are more pronounced, but still small.
The simultaneous measurement of accelerations (at the location of the applied load)
and strains also allows to obtain mass normalized modal strains.
Table 4 shows for mode B1 the mass normalized modal strains at the top (left
column) and at the bottom (right column). Results are given at initial undamaged state
and at P equal to 80 kN. The initial modal strains, measured over a length of 10 cm)
show a very good correspondence with the mass normalized strains from the FE model.
For the damaged beam the modal strains are more irregular. One of the reasons
could be the short measurement length (10 cm) compared to the mean crack spacing,
which is about 9 cm. Integrating over a longer length (by summing up over several
Assessment of Small Damage by Direct Modal Strain Measurements 13
Table 3. Mass normalized mode shapes B1 and B3, before (blue) and after damage (red).
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
More generous were the caciques of two towns at the other end
of the valley, who brought a few golden trifles and eight female
slaves.[278] The revelations of the Cempoalans and of Marina
concerning the wonderful power of the Spaniards, and the honors
paid them by Montezuma’s envoys, had the effect of making Olintetl
also more liberal with provisions at least. Being asked about the road
to Mexico he recommended that through Cholula, but the
Cempoalans representing the Cholultecs as highly treacherous, and
devoted to the Aztecs, the Tlascalan route was chosen, and four
Totonac chiefs were despatched to ask permission of the republican
rulers to pass through their lands. A letter served as mystic
credentials, and a red bushy Flemish hat for a present.[279]
After a stay of four days the army proceeded up the valley,
without leaving the customary cross, it seems, with which they had
marked their route hitherto; the reason for this was the objection of
Padre Olmedo to expose the emblem to desecration in a place not
wholly friendly to them.[280] The road lay for two leagues through a
densely settled district to Iztacmixtitlan, the seat of Tenamaxcuicuitl,
a town which Cortés describes as situated upon a lofty height, with
very good houses, a population of from five to six thousand families,
and possessing comforts superior to those of Xocotlan. “It has a
better fortress,” he writes, “than there is in half Spain, defended by a
wall, barbican, and moats.” The cacique who had invited the visit
made amends for the cold reception of the previous chief, and the
Spaniards remained for three days waiting in vain for the return of
the messengers sent to Tlascala. They then passed onward,
reinforced by about three hundred warriors from the town.[281] Two
leagues’ march brought them to the boundary of Tlascala,
conspicuous by a wall of stone and mortar nine feet in height and
twenty in breadth, which stretched for six miles across a valley, from
mountain to mountain, and was provided with breastworks and
ditches.[282]
Between latitude 19° and 20° ranges of hills cut the plain of
Anáhuac into four unequal parts. In the centre of the one eastward
stood the capital of Tlascala. The state so carefully protected was
about the same small territory which we now see on the map,[283]
with twenty-eight towns, and one hundred and fifty thousand
families, according to the rough census taken by Cortés.[284] A
branch of the Teo-Chichimec nation, the Tlascaltecs had, according
to tradition, entered upon the plateau shortly before the cognate
Aztecs, and, after occupying for a time a tract on the western shore
of Tezcuco Lake, they had tired of the constant disputes with
neighboring tribes and proceeded eastward, in three divisions, the
largest of which had, late in the thirteenth century, taken possession
of Tlascala, ‘Place of Bread.’ The soil was rich, as implied by the
name, but owing to the continued wars with former enemies,
reinforced by the Aztecs, they found little opportunity to make
available their wealth by means of industries and trade, and of late
years a blockade had been maintained which deprived them of many
necessaries, among others salt. But the greater attention given in
consequence to agriculture, had fostered temperate habits and a
sinewy constitution, combined with a deep love for the soil as the
source of all their prosperity. Compelled also to devote more time
and practice to warfare for the preservation of their liberty than to the
higher branches of culture, they presented the characteristics of an
isolated community, in being somewhat behind their neighbors in
refinement, as well as in the variety of their resources.
In government the state formed an aristocracy, ruled by a senate
of the nobility, presided over by four supreme hereditary lords, each
independent in his own section of the territory. This division extended
also to the capital, which consisted of four towns, or districts,
Tizatlan, Ocotelulco, Quiahuiztlan, and Tepeticpac, ruled respectively
by Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, Teohuayacatzin, and Tlehuexolotl.[285]
It was before this senate that the messengers of Cortés
appeared, informing them in the name of the Cempoalan lord of the
arrival of powerful gods from the east, who having liberated the
Totonacs from Montezuma’s sway, now desired to visit Tlascala in
passing through to Mexico, and to offer their friendship and alliance.
The messengers recommended an acceptance of the offer, for
although few in number the strangers were more than equal to a
host. They thereupon depicted their appearance, their swift steeds,
their savage dogs, their caged lightning, as well as their gentle faith
and manners. The messengers having retired, the senate proceeded
to discussion. Prudent Maxixcatzin, lord of the larger and richer
industrial district, called attention to the omens and signs which
pointed to these visitors, who from all accounts must be more than
mortal, and, if so, it would be best to admit them, since resistance
must be vain. Xicotencatl, the eldest lord, replied to this that the
interpretation of the signs could not be relied on. To him these beings
seemed monsters rejected by the sea-foam, greedy of gold and
luxuries, whose steeds devoured the very ground. To admit them
would be ruinous. Besides, should the invincible Tlascaltecs submit
to a mere handful? The gods forbid! It was further argued that the
amicable relations of the strangers with Montezuma and his vassals
did not accord with their protestations of friendship. This might be
one of the many Aztec plots to obtain a footing in the country. Nor
did the destruction of idols at Cempoala increase the confidence of a
people so jealous of its institutions. The discussion waxing warmer,
senator Temilotecatl suggested the middle course of letting the
Otomí frontier settlers, who were thoroughly devoted to their
Tlascaltec patrons, make an attack on the invaders, aided by their
own general Axayacatzin Xicotencatl, son of the old lord, and known
by the same name. If successful, they could claim the glory; if not,
they might grant the victors the permission they had desired, while
casting the blame for the attack on the Otomís. This was agreed to.
[286]
FOOTNOTES
[265] ‘Y todos â vna le respondimos, que hariamos lo que ordenasse, que echada
estaua la suerte de la buena ò mala ventura.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 40.
[266] Bernal Diaz states, 65, that on reaching Mexico City ‘no llegauamos á 450
soldados,’ intimating that they must have amounted to fully this figure on leaving
Villa Rica. This would allow fully 120 men to Escalante, which appears a large
garrison, even after making allowances for the old and infirm. Gomara places the
force at 400 Spaniards, with 15 horses, 6 guns, and 1300 Indians, including
Cubans and carriers. Conq. Mex., 67; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. i.; Torquemada,
i. 411, 517. Ixtlilxochitl increases this to 7 guns, 1300 warriors, and 1000 carriers.
‘Con quince de caballo y trescientos peones.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. Cortés refers
later on to 400 Cempoalans. He mentions merely 200 carriers. Clavigero has 415
Spaniards, a figure resulting from a misreading of his original. Storia Mess., iii. 36.
Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 216-17, followed of course by Robertson, changes the figures
to 500 men, 200 carriers, and 400 Indian troops. A page, twelve years old, was left
with the lord of Cempoala to learn the language. ‘Tomaron un indio principal que
llamaban Tlacochalcatl para que los mostrase el camino,’ taken from the country
by Grijalva, and brought back by Cortés. Sahagun, Conq. Mex., 16. Shortly before
beginning the march, says Duran, a messenger arrived from Mexico in the person
of Motelchiuh, sent by Montezuma to serve as guide, and to provide for the proper
service and hospitality on the way. Being told that no guide was needed, he
returned, leaving orders with the caciques en route to tender good reception to the
strangers. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 405-10.
[267] Meaning ‘Spring in the Sand.’ Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. app. 7. ‘Y la primera
jornado fuimos â vn pueblo, que se dize Xalapa.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
But the road was too long for one day’s march. I may here observe that Bernal
Diaz is remarkably faulty in his account of this march and of the campaign into
Tlascala, and this is admitted by several writers, who nevertheless follow him
pretty closely. The place is known the world over for its fairs and productions,
particularly for the drug bearing its name, and is famous in the neighboring
districts for its eternal spring and beautiful surroundings.
[269] Cortés refers to a friendly chat with the governor, who mentioned the orders
he had received to offer the Spaniards all necessities. Cartas, 57.
[270] ‘Por ser el primero que en estas tierras habíamos pasado. El cual es tan
agro y alto, que no lo hay en España otro.’ Cortés, Cartas, 57. ‘Hoy se llama el
Paso del Obispo.’ Lorenzana, ubi sup. ‘Ay en ella muchas parras con vuas, y
arboles cõ miel.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 68.
[272] ‘De Nauhcampa, quatre parties, et tepetl, montagne.’ Humboldt, Vues, ii.
191. Equivalent to the Spanish name of Cofre de Perote.
[273]Lorenzana believes it to be the later Sierra de la Agua. A map with profile of
the route is given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 201; and a still better map by
Orozco y Berra, Itinerario, in Noticias Mex., 233.
[274] The name must not be confounded with Zacatlan, as Ixtlilxochitl calls it, for
this lies north of Tlascala. ‘Este valle y poblacion se llama Caltanmi.’ ‘Tenia las
mayores y mas bien labradas casas que hasta entonces ... habiamos visto.’
Cortés, Cartas, 58. Lorenzana says, ‘the present Tlatlanquitepec,’ in the lower
lying portion of which stood the palace of Caltanni, ‘house below;’ and there
stands the big tree to which the natives say that Cortés tied his horse. Viage, pp.
iii.-iv. ‘Llamase ... Zaclotan aquel lugar, y el valle Zacatami.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex.,
68; Oviedo, iii. 260. Cocotlan. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 41.
[275] Gomara intimates that the Spaniards were well received, and had 50 men
sacrificed in their honor. Hist. Mex., 68. The native records state that bread
sprinkled with the blood of fresh victims was offered to them, as to idols, but this
being rejected with abhorrence, pure food was brought. Before this sorcerers had
been sent to use their arts against them, by spreading diseases, casting spells to
prevent their advance, and otherwise opposing them. But everything failed before
the magic influence shed perhaps by the banner of the cross. Duran, Hist. Ind.,
MS., ii. 401-8; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 14; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 518; Torquemada, i.
417-8.
[277] Conq. Mex., 42. ‘A muchos valientes por ventura desmayara,’ says to the
contrary Gomara, Hist. Mex., 69.
[278] Cortés, Cartas, 59. Bernal Diaz assumes that Olintetl was persuaded by the
Cempoalans to conciliate Cortés with four slaves, a few paltry pieces of jewelry,
and a load of cloth.
[279] Camargo sends the letter from Cempoala, together with a sword, a
crossbow, and a red silk cap. Hist. Tlax., 145. But it is not probable that Cortés
would deprive himself of such needful articles, not overabundant with him, even if
he had no objection to let Indians examine them. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 42-3,
despatches two Cempoalans from a later station, and this on hearing that the
Tlascaltecs had risen to oppose them.
[280] Still Gomara, in his sweeping way, declares that Cortés ‘puso muchas
cruzes en los templos, derrocãdo los idolos como lo hazia en cada lugar.’ Hist.
Mex., 70; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 567. Twenty leading
warriors were taken from here, says Bernal Diaz.
[281] Clavigero calls them ‘un competente numero di truppe Messicane del
presidio di Xocotla,’ Storia Mess., iii. 41, which is unlikely.
[283] Fifteen leagues from west to east, ten from north to south, says
Torquemada, i. 276. Herrera extends it to 30 leagues in width.
[284] ‘Hay en esta provincia, por visitacion que yo en ella mandé hacer, ciento
cincuenta mil vecinos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 69. In the older edition of these letters by
Lorenzana, it reads, 500,000 families, a figure which in itself indicates an
exaggeration, but has nevertheless been widely copied. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 87.
[285] For further information about Tlascala, see Native Races, ii. and v.
Torquemada gives a detailed history of the state in i. 259-78. See also Prescott’s
Mex., 411-19; Soria, Istoria y Fundacion de la Ciudad de Tlaxcala, MS. in Aztec,
sm. 4o of 48 leaves.
[286] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. iii., confounds the two Xicotencatls, and
Torquemada, in seeking to correct him, applies the title of general to Maxixcatzin,
i. 416, supposing besides, with Clavigero, that Temilotecatl may be another name
for Tlehuexolotl. Storia Mess., iii. 40; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
133. Jealous of the honor of his countrymen, and eager to vindicate them against
the charge of duplicity or enmity toward the Spaniards, Camargo lets the
messengers go back with a friendly invitation. After they had started on this
mission the idols were consulted, but remained mute; the temples were
overthrown by earthquakes, and comets appeared, creating a general panic. Hist.
Tlax., 144-6. The account of the conquest by this author is particularly interesting
since Diego Muñoz Camargo was a native of the valiant little republic of Tlascala,
a mestizo, says Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., ii. 91, who calls him Domingo, while
Clavigero gives him nobility. Storia Mess., i. 10. Born shortly after these events,
and in contact with the very men who figured therein, his stories are reproduced
from their lips, though colored with the spirit of a convert and patriot who, like
nearly all of his countrymen, was only too eager to curry favor with the dominant
race. This is apparent in nearly every line of his text, wherein the terms of praise
bestowed on the conquerors become not unfrequently absurd from the
contradictions implied by other passages. Nor does he neglect to hold forth on his
own people for their bravery and exploits in fighting the detested Aztecs, and their
unswerving devotion to the Spaniards. In the pursuit of this pleasing theme he
scruples not to sacrifice truth when it proves a stumbling-block. He leaves the
impression, for instance, that the Tlascaltecs never raised sword against Cortés.
Many of the misstatements are due to a non-critical acceptance of tales, for
Camargo was as simple and superstitious as any of his contemporaries. Although
acting as interpreter in the province, Torquemada, i. 523, he exhibits a not very
thorough acquaintance with Spanish, which is the cause of errors and repetitions.
The conquest forms but a portion of his narrative, which treats chiefly of aboriginal
history and customs, and touches lightly the events that passed before his eyes. It
was written in 1585, and lay for some time in the Felipe Neri convent archives,
where it was consulted by Torquemada. Taken afterward by Panes to Spain, it was
deposited by Muñoz with the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, from which
source copies were obtained, among others one by Ternaux-Compans, and a
faulty translation was published in the Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, xcviii.-ix.
[287] A short distance further they passed through a pine grove, wherein threads
and papers were fixed and scattered across the path, the work of Tlascaltec
sorcerers, who thus sought to cast a spell upon the invaders. Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
vi. cap. iv.
[288] ‘Segun algunos que lo vieron, cortaron cercen de vn golpe cada pescueço
con riendas y todo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 71. ‘Io viddi che cõbattẽdosi vn dì, diede
vn Indiano vna cortellata a vn cauallo ... nel petto, che glielo aperse fin alle
ĩteriora, et cadde icõtanẽte morto, & ... che vn’ altro Indiano diede vn’ altra
cortellata a vn’ altro cauallo su il collo che se lo gettò morto.’ Relatione per vn
gentil’huomo, in Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 305. According to Duran two warriors
stepped forth from a vast Tlascalan army before the regular battle, and issued a
challenge, which was accepted by two horsemen. After a short combat the
Indians, by deft movements, killed both horses, cutting off the neck of one, and
wounding the other in the pasterns. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 411-20; Tezozomoc, Hist.
Mex., ii. 255-6. This attack is the only resistance admitted by Camargo. The
assailants were all Otomís, who killed one Spaniard and two horses. Hist. Tlax.,
146.
[289] ‘Hirieron á quatro de los nuestros, y pareceme que desde alli á pocos dias
muriò el vno de las heridas ... quedaron muertos hasta diez y siete dellos.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 43; Cortés, Cartas, 61; Lorenzana calls the scene of this battle
the plain of Quimichoccan. Viage, p. viii.
[290] See Native Races, ii. 413; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 230. According to Bernal Diaz
the messengers are met before the Tlascalan border is reached, and they deliver
the announcement that the Tlascaltecs will kill the Spaniards and eat their flesh, in
order to test their reputed strength. The Cempoalans shall suffer the same fate,
since they are assumed to be plotting in behalf of the Aztecs, loc. cit. Sahagun
supposes that the Cempoalan guide had treacherously led the Spaniards against
the Otomís. Conq. Mex. (ed. 1840), 40; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 42-3.
[293] Tapia gives the higher and Herrera the lower figure, while Ixtlilxochitl makes
it 80,000.
[294] During the battle one of the late Cempoalan envoys recognized the captain
who had bound him for sacrifice, and with Cortés’ permission he sent him a
challenge. The duel was held in front of the armies, and after a tough struggle the
Cempoalan, with a feint, threw his opponent off guard, and secured his head,
which served as a centre-piece during the Cempoalan victory celebration. Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. vi. cap. vi. This author also relates that one of the final acts of the battle
was the capture by Ordaz, with 60 men, of a pass. ‘Les matamos muchos Indios, y
entre ellos ocho Capitanes muy principales, hijos de los viejos Caciques.’ Five
horses were wounded and fifteen soldiers, of whom one died. The other chronicles
admit of no dead. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44.
[295] Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 38-9; Wilson’s Conq. Mex., 360-70; Benzoni, Hist.
Mondo Nvovo, 51. It is seldom that I encounter a book which I am forced to regard
as beneath censure. He who prints and pays the printer generally has something
to say, and generally believes something of what he says to be true. An idiot may
have honest convictions, and a knave may have talents, but where a book carries
to the mind of the reader that its author is both fool and knave, that is, that he
writes only foolishness and does not himself believe what he says, I have not the
time to waste in condemning such a work. And yet here is a volume purporting to
be A New History of the Conquest of Mexico, written by Robert Anderson Wilson,
and bearing date Philadelphia, 1859, which one would think a writer on the same
subject should at least mention. The many and magnificent monuments which to
the present day attest the great number and high culture of the Nahua race, and
the testimony to this effect offered by witnesses on all sides, are ignored by him
with a contempt that becomes amusing as the pages reveal his lack of
investigation and culture. Indeed, the reader need go no further than the
introduction to be convinced on the latter point. Another amusing feature is that
the work pretends to vindicate the assertions of Las Casas, who, in truth, extols
more than other Spanish author the vast number and advanced culture of the
natives. In addition to this mistaken assumption, which takes away his main
support, he states that Prescott worked in ignorance of his subject and his
authorities, and to prove the assertion he produces wrongly applied or distorted
quotations from different authors, or assumes meanings that were never intended,
and draws erroneous conclusions. Thus it is he proves to his own satisfaction that
Mexico City was but a village occupied by savages of the Iroquois stamp, and that
Cortés was the boastful victor over little bands of naked red men. As for the ruins,
they were founded by Phœnician colonists in remote ages. Another tissue of
superficial observations, shaped by bigotry and credulous ignorance, was issued
by the same author under the title of Mexico and its Religion, New York, 1855,
most enterprisingly reprinted in the disguise of Mexico: its Peasants and its
Priests, New York, 1856. In common with Mr Morgan, and others of that stamp, Mr
Wilson seems to have deemed it incumbent on him to traduce Mr Prescott and his
work, apparently with the view of thereby attracting attention to himself. Such men
are not worthy to touch the hem of Mr Prescott’s garment; they are not worthy of
mention in the same category with him.
[296] Lorenzana, Viage, ix., wherein the appearance of the hill is described as the
bishop saw it. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 292; Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 146. Other
authors differ. ‘Teoatzinco, cioè il luogo dell’acqua divina.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess.,
iii. 44. Duran assumes that the battle was for the possession of this place, which
he calls Tecoac. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 418, 422; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 256. ‘Aldea
de pocas casas, que tenia vna torrezilla y tẽplo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 74.
[297] So Cortés distinctly says. Bernal Diaz writes, however, that this day was
devoted to rest. Still, a later observation indicates that Cortés is right.
[298] Id. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 44, admits only twenty captives, and blames
the allies for firing the villages; but Cortés is frank enough about it.
[299] Prescott, Mex., 438-42, gives a pretty description of the army, but is so
carried away that he dons it with helmets glittering with gold and precious stones,
etc.; and this in spite of the efforts of the chroniclers to exhibit the Tlascaltecs as
very poor in anything but rude comforts.
[300] Under five captains, to whom he applies the names of the four lords, as he
understands them, and of the ruler of Huexotzinco. Hist. Verdad., 45; Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 75. 149,000 men, says Cortés, in his second letter, 62, but this
exactness is probably due to a printer’s mistake.
[301] For colors and banners, and how carried, see Native Races, ii. 411-12, and
Torquemada, i. 436.
[302] He was detected in this trick afterward. ‘Lo qual fue gran refrigerio y socorro
para la necesidad que tenian.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 76. Oviedo increases the gift
to 700 baskets. iii. 495. Gomara proceeds to relate that in sign of contempt for the
small number of the enemy, whom it could be no honor for his large army to
overcome, Xicotencatl detached 2000 warriors—200 says Oviedo—to seize and
bring him the strangers bound. They attacked, and were routed with an almost
total destruction of their number. ‘No escapo hombre dellos, sino los q̄ acertaron el
passo de la barranca.’ loc. cit. 76.
[303] Bernal Diaz states that they did not wait for the enemy to attack, but
marched forth and met them one eighth of a league from camp. Hist. Verdad., 45.
But Cortés says distinctly, ‘Otro dia en amaneciendo dan sobre nuestro real mas
de ciento y cuarenta y nueve mil hombres.’ Cartas, 62. Gomara and Herrera also
allow Indians to attack the camp first. Cortés is too fond of announcing when he
takes the initiative to have failed to say so had he done it in this case.
[304] ‘Son of Chichimeclatecle,’ says Bernal Diaz, a name which should read
Chichimeca-tecuhtli.
[306] This soldier himself received two wounds, which did not prevent him from
fighting, however. ‘Nos mataron vn soldado,’ he says, and a few lines further
down, ‘y enterramos los muertos ... porque no viessen los Indios que eramos
mortales.’ Hist. Verdad., 45. Thus even the ‘True Historian’ reveals the common
weakness. Hazart, Kirchen-Geschichte, ii. 512-14; West-Indische Spieghel, 224-
35; Franck, Weltbuch, ccxxix.
CHAPTER XIII.
ENTRY INTO TLASCALA.
September, 1519.
In the late battle three chiefs had been captured, and they
together with two others were sent, this time to the Tlascalan capital
direct, to carry an offer of peace, and to explain that the Spaniards
would not have harmed their warriors had they not been obliged to
do so. If peace was still declined they would come and destroy them
all. Meanwhile Cortés set out on another foraging and raiding
expedition, and “burned more than ten towns, one exceeding three
thousand houses,” retiring by the early afternoon, when the Indians
began to gather in aid of the raided neighbors.[307]
Tired of the fruitless fighting, attended with loss of life and
property only to themselves as it appeared, the peace party in
Tlascala had been gaining the ascendancy, with the efforts of
Maxixcatzin, supported as he now was by the powerful factions
which had quarrelled with the general. When the peace messengers
of Cortés arrived they were therefore received with favor. His
previous friendly offers were considered, also his kind treatment of
captives, so unusual with the natives, and the oracles and signs of a
coming race of rulers. Whether gods or men, they were evidently
invincible, and the friendship and alliance held out by them must be
desirable, and ought to be secured before the strangers, embittered
by further resistance, should pass on to join their enemies. An
embassy, headed by Costomatl and Tolinpanecatl,[308] was
accordingly despatched with provisions and some other trifling gifts
to open negotiations for peace. Humbly these men appeared before
Cortés, expressing the sorrow of the lords for the hostility shown,
and their desire for peace. With a grave reproval for their obstinacy,
Cortés said that he would admit their apology, and the envoys
departed, after leaving beside the other gifts a number of male and
female slaves.[309]
Smarting under the disgrace of his defeats, Xicotencatl had
meanwhile been laying plans to retrieve himself. Among other
counsellors he had summoned diviners to his aid, and they, calling to
mind the assumption that the Spaniards were children of the sun,
declared that as such the new-comers were invincible only when
animated by its beams, and at night, when deprived of this
invigorating power, they became mortals, who must bow to superior
force. Knowing the strength of the party opposed to him in the
Tlascalan capital, he does not appear to have submitted his projects
there, but to have ventured upon detaining the envoys as they were
returning from the Spanish camp until the result of his plans should
have been ascertained; and this in face of the command to desist
from hostility.[310] In order to make everything as sure as possible for
the intended blow, Xicotencatl sent fifty Indians to the camp, with
instructions to gather information concerning the approaches, the
condition of the soldiers, and other points. They appeared before
Cortés with the usual demonstrations of respect, and, placing before
him five female slaves, a quantity of food, and other presents, they
said: “Lord, behold these slaves! If you are fierce gods, eat their
flesh and blood, and more shall be brought; if gentle gods, take
these feathers and incense; if men, here are fowl, bread, and fruit.”
Cortés answered that they required no sacrifices of men. Had they
desired such they could have taken by force all the victims needed.
He rebuked their obstinacy and advised submission.[311] They were
then taken aside to receive the hospitalities of the camp, after which
they dispersed to satisfy their curiosity, and to question the allies.
This aroused the suspicions of Teuch, the Cempoalan chief, who
warned the general. Seizing the men he examined them singly, and
soon ascertained that their object was not only to spy, but to fire the
huts, and otherwise to aid the attack which would be made upon the
camp that very night. Finding that his friendly advances had been
scorned, Cortés resolved to inflict a lesson that would be understood
by a people so deeply intent upon war and sacrifices. This was to cut
off the hands of the leading spies, and the thumbs of others, and to
send them back with the message that this would be the punishment
of spies, and that the Spaniards were prepared, night or day, to face
their enemies.[312]
Fearing the confusion and danger of a night attack, when the
artillery and other means would be less effective, Cortés resolved to
anticipate the enemy by a counter charge, wherein the cavalry might
render particular service. Learning that Xicotencatl was hidden with
ten thousand or twenty thousand men behind a hill not far off, Cortés
did not despatch the mutilated spies till after dusk, in order to let him
approach nearer to camp.[313] When his messengers returned to
Xicotencatl and displayed their bleeding stumps, the general was
troubled, and throughout his army there was consternation, and
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