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Name:_______________________ CSCI 1302 OO Programming
Armstrong Atlantic State University
(50 minutes) Instructor: Dr. Y. Daniel Liang
Part I:
A. (2 pts)
What is wrong in the following code?
public class Test {
public static void main(String[] args) {
Number x = new Integer(3);
System.out.println(x.intValue());
System.out.println(x.compareTo(new Integer(4)));
}
}
B. (3 pts)
statement4;
}
1
C. (2 pt)
d. (2 pt)
of object?
import java.io.*;
output.writeObject(t);
output.close();
System.out.println(t1.a);
System.out.println(t1.b);
System.out.println(t1.m);
input.close();
}
}
(5 pts) Write a program that stores an array of the five int values 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5, a Date object
for the current time, and the double value 5.5 into the file named Test.dat.
2
(10 pts) Write a class named Hexagon that extends GeometricObject and
implements the Comparable interface. Assume all six sides of the
hexagon are of equal size. The Hexagon class is defined as
follows:
@Override
public double getArea() {
// Implement it ( area = 3* 3 * side * side )
@Override
public double getPerimeter() {
// Implement it
@Override
public int compareTo(Hexagon obj) {
// Implement it (compare two Hexagons based on their sides)
@Override
public Object clone() {
// Implement it
3
}
}
4
Part III: Multiple Choice Questions: (1 pts each)
(Please circle your answers on paper first. After you
finish the test, enter your choices online to LiveLab. Log
in and click Take Instructor Assigned Quiz. Choose Quiz2.
You have 5 minutes to enter and submit the answers.)
a. [New York]
b. [New York, Atlanta]
c. [New York, Atlanta, Dallas]
d. [New York, Dallas]
#
2. Show the output of running the class Test in the following code:
interface A {
void print();
}
class C {}
a. Nothing.
b. b is an instance of A.
c. b is an instance of C.
d. b is an instance of A followed by b is an instance of C.
5
3. Suppose A is an interface, B is an abstract class that partial
implements A, and A is a concrete class with a default constructor that
extends B. Which of the following is correct?
a. A a = new A();
b. A a = new B();
c. B b = new A();
d. B b = new B();
Key:c
#
4. Which of the following is correct?
a. An abstract class does not contain constructors.
b. The constructors in an abstract class should be protected.
c. The constructors in an abstract class are private.
d. You may declare a final abstract class.
e. An interface may contain constructors.
Key:b
#
5. What is the output of running class C?
class A {
public A() {
System.out.println(
"The default constructor of A is invoked");
}
}
class B extends A {
public B(String s) {
System.out.println(s);
}
}
public class C {
public static void main(String[] args) {
B b = new B("The constructor of B is invoked");
}
}
a. none
b. "The constructor of B is invoked"
c. "The default constructor of A is invoked" "The constructor of B
is invoked"
d. "The default constructor of A is invoked"
#
6. Analyze the following code:
6
}
a. The program has a syntax error because Test1 does not have a main
method.
b. The program has a syntax error because o1 is an Object instance
and it does not have the compareTo method.
c. The program has a syntax error because you cannot cast an Object
instance o1 into Comparable.
d. The program would compile if ((Comparable)o1.compareTo(o2) >= 0)
is replaced by (((Comparable)o1).compareTo(o2) >= 0).
e. b and d are both correct.
#
7. Which of the following statements regarding abstract methods is not
true?
a. An abstract class can have instances created using the constructor
of the abstract class.
b. An abstract class can be extended.
c. A subclass of a non-abstract superclass can be abstract.
d. A subclass can override a concrete method in a superclass to declare
it abstract.
e. An abstract class can be used as a data type.
#
8. Which of the following possible modifications will fix the errors in
this code?
#
9. Analyze the following code.
class Test {
public static void main(String[] args) {
Object x = new Integer(2);
System.out.println(x.toString());
}
}
7
c. When x.toString() is invoked, the toString() method in the
Integer class is used.
d. None of the above.
#
10. What exception type does the following program throw?
public class Test {
public static void main(String[] args) {
Object o = new Object();
String d = (String)o;
}
}
a. ArithmeticException
b. No exception
c. StringIndexOutOfBoundsException
d. ArrayIndexOutOfBoundsException
e. ClassCastException
#
11. What exception type does the following program throw?
public class Test {
public static void main(String[] args) {
Object o = null;
System.out.println(o.toString());
}
}
a. ArrayIndexOutOfBoundsException
b. ClassCastException
c. NullPointerException
d. ArithmeticException
e. StringIndexOutOfBoundsException
#
12. To append data to an existing file, use _____________ to construct a
FileOutputStream for file out.dat.
a. new FileOutputStream("out.dat")
b. new FileOutputStream("out.dat", false)
c. new FileOutputStream("out.dat", true)
d. new FileOutputStream(true, "out.dat")
#
13. After the following program is finished, how many bytes are written to the file t.dat?
import java.io.*;
8
public class Test {
public static void main(String[] args) throws IOException {
DataOutputStream output = new DataOutputStream(
new FileOutputStream("t.dat"));
output.writeInt(1234);
output.writeShort(5678);
output.close();
}
}
a. 2 bytes.
b. 4 bytes.
c. 6 bytes.
d. 8 bytes.
e. 12 bytes
#
14. Which of the following statements is not true?
a. ObjectInputStream/ObjectOutputStream enables you to perform I/O for objects in
addition for primitive type values and strings.
b. Since ObjectInputStream/ObjectOutputStream contains all the functions of
DataInputStream/DataOutputStream, you can replace
DataInputStream/DataOutputStream completely by
ObjectInputStream/ObjectOutputStream.
c. To write an object, the object must be serializable.
d. The Serializable interface does not contain any methods. So it is a mark interface.
e. If a class is serializable, all its data fields are seriablizable.
9
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different content
injunction of the brave old Captain, to make sure work of it. The
unfortunate targets for so many bullets from the enemy, some of
them received two or three balls. There fell poor Kagi, the friend and
adviser of Captain Brown in his most trying positions, and the
cleverest man in the party; and there also fell Sherrard Lewis Leary,
generous-hearted and companionable as he was, and in that and
other difficult positions, brave to desperation. There fought John
Copeland, who met his fate like a man. But they were all “honorable
men,” noble, noble fellows, who fought and died for the most holy
principles. John Copeland was taken to the guard-house, where the
other prisoners afterwards were, and thence to Charlestown jail. His
subsequent mockery of a trial, sentence and execution, with his
companion Shields Green, on the 16th of December—are they not
part of the dark deeds of this era, which will assign their
perpetrators to infamy, and cause after generations to blush at the
remembrance?
CHAPTER XVI.
OUR ESCAPE FROM VIRGINIA—HAZLETT BREAKS
DOWN FROM FATIGUE AND HUNGER—
NARROW ESCAPE IN PENNSYLVANIA.
I have said elsewhere, that Hazlett and I crossed over to the
Maryland side, after the skirmish with the troops about nightfall. To
be more circumstantial: when we descended from the rocks, we
passed through the back part of the Ferry on the hill, down to the
railroad, proceeding as far as the saw-mill on the Virginia side,
where we came upon an old boat tied up to the shore, which we
cast off, and crossed the Potomac. The Maryland shore once gained,
we passed along the tow-path of the canal for some distance, when
we came to an arch, which led through under the canal, and thence
to the Kennedy Farm, hoping to find something to eat, and to meet
the men who had been stationed on that side. When we reached the
farm-house, all our expectations were disappointed. The old house
had been ransacked and deserted, the provisions taken away, with
every thing of value to the insurgents. Thinking that we should fare
better at the school-house, we bent our steps in that direction. The
night was dark and rainy, and after tramping for an hour and a half,
at least, we came up to the school-house. This was about two
o’clock in the morning. The school-house was packed with things
moved there by the party the previous day, but we searched in vain,
after lighting a match, for food, our great necessity, or for our young
companions in the struggle. Thinking it unsafe to remain in the
school-house, from fear of oversleeping ourselves, we climbed up
the mountain in the rear of it, to lie down till daylight.
It was after sunrise some time when we awoke in the morning. The
first sound we heard was shooting at the Ferry. Hazlett thought it
must be Owen Brown and his men trying to force their way into the
town, as they had been informed that a number of us had been
taken prisoners, and we started down along the ridge to join them.
When we got in sight of the Ferry, we saw the troops firing across
the river to the Maryland side with considerable spirit. Looking
closely, we saw, to our surprise, that they were firing upon a few of
the colored men, who had been armed the day before by our men,
at the Kennedy Farm, and stationed down at the school-house by C.
P. Tidd. They were in the bushes on the edge of the mountains,
dodging about, occasionally exposing themselves to the enemy. The
troops crossed the bridge in pursuit of them, but they retreated in
different directions. Being further in the mountains, and more
secure, we could see without personal harm befalling us. One of the
colored men came towards where we were, when we hailed him,
and inquired the particulars. He said that one of his comrades had
been shot, and was lying on the side of the mountains; that they
thought the men who had armed them the day before must be in
the Ferry. That opinion, we told him, was not correct. We asked him
to join with us in hunting up the rest of the party, but he declined,
and went his way.
While we were in this part of the mountains, some of the troops
went to the school-house, and took possession of it. On our return
along up the ridge, from our position, screened by the bushes, we
could see them as they invested it. Our last hope of shelter, or of
meeting our companions, now being destroyed, we concluded to
make our escape North. We started at once, and wended our way
along until dark, without being fortunate enough to overtake our
friends, or to get any thing to eat. As may be supposed, from such
incessant activity, and not having tasted a morsel for forty-eight
hours, our appetites were exceedingly keen. So hungry were we,
that we sought out a cornfield, under cover of the night, gathered
some of the ears,—which, by the way, were pretty well hardened,—
carried them into the mountains,—our fortunate resource,—and,
having matches, struck fire, and roasted and feasted.
During our perilous and fatiguing journey to Pennsylvania, and for
some time after crossing the line, our only food was corn roasted in
the ear, often difficult to get without risk, and seldom eaten but at
long intervals. As a result of this poor diet and the hard journey, we
became nearly famished, and very much reduced in bodily strength.
Poor Hazlett could not bear the privations as I could; he was less
inured to physical exertion, and was of rather slight form, though
inclined to be tall. With his feet blistered and sore, he held out as
long as he could, but at last gave out, completely broken down, ten
miles below Chambersburg. He declared it was impossible for him to
go further, and begged me to go on, as we should be more in
danger if seen together in the vicinity of the towns. He said, after
resting that night, he would throw away his rifle, and go to
Chambersburg in the stage next morning, where we agreed to meet
again. The poor young man’s face was wet with tears when we
parted. I was loth to leave him, as we both knew that danger was
more imminent than when in the mountains around Harper’s Ferry.
At the latter place, the ignorant slaveholding aristocracy were
unacquainted with the topography of their own grand hills;—in
Pennsylvania, the cupidity of the pro-slavery classes would induce
them to seize a stranger on suspicion, or to go hunting for our party,
so tempting to them is the bribe offered by the Slave Power. Their
debasement in that respect was another reason why we felt the
importance of travelling at night, as much as possible. After leaving
young Hazlett, I travelled on as fast as my disabled condition would
admit of, and got into Chambersburg about two hours after
midnight.
I went cautiously, as I thought, to the house of an acquaintance,
who arose and let me in. Before knocking, however, I hid my rifle a
little distance from the house. My appearance caused my friend to
become greatly agitated. Having been suspected of complicity in the
outbreak, although he was in ignorance of it until it happened, he
was afraid that, should my whereabouts become known to the
United States Marshal, he would get into serious difficulty. From him
I learned that the Marshal was looking for Cook, and that it was not
only unsafe for me to remain an hour, but that any one they chose
to suspect would be arrested. I represented to him my famished
condition, and told him I would leave as soon as I should be able to
eat a morsel. After having despatched my hasty meal, and while I
was busy filling my pockets with bread and meat, in the back part of
the house, the United States Marshal knocked at the front door. I
stepped out at the back door to be ready for flight, and while
standing there, I heard the officer say to my friend, “You are
suspected of harboring persons who were engaged in the Harper’s
Ferry outbreak.” A warrant was then produced, and they said they
must search the house. These Federal hounds were watching the
house, and, supposing that who ever had entered was lying down,
they expected to pounce upon their prey easily. Hearing what I did, I
started quietly away to the place where I left my arms, gathered
them up, and concluded to travel as far as I could before daylight.
When morning came, I went off the road some distance to where
there was a straw stack, where I remained throughout the day. At
night, I set out and reached York, where a good Samaritan gave me
oil, wine and raiment. From York, I wended my way to the
Pennsylvania railroad. I took the train at night, at a convenient
station, and went to Philadelphia, where great kindness was
extended to me; and from there I came to Canada, without mishap
or incident of importance. To avoid detection when making my
escape, I was obliged to change my apparel three times, and my
journey over the railway was at first in the night-time, I lying in
concealment in the day-time.
CHAPTER XVII.
A WORD OR TWO MORE ABOUT ALBERT HAZLETT.
I left Lieut. Hazlett prostrate with fatigue and hunger, the night on
which I went to Chambersburg. The next day, he went into the town
boldly, carrying his blanket, rifle and revolver, and proceeded to the
house where Kagi had boarded. The reward was then out for John E.
Cook’s arrest, and suspecting him to be Cook, Hazlett was pursued.
He was chased from the house where he was by the officers,
dropping his rifle in his flight. When he got to Carlisle, so far from
receiving kindness from the citizens of his native State,—he was
from Northern Pennsylvania,—he was arrested and lodged in jail,
given up to the authorities of Virginia, and shamefully executed by
them,—his identity, however, never having been proven before the
Court. A report of his arrest at the time reads as follows:—
“The man arrested on suspicion of being concerned in the
insurrection was brought before Judge Graham on a writ
of habeas corpus to-day. Judge Watts presented a warrant
from Governor Packer, of Pennsylvania, upon a requisition
from the Governor of Virginia for the delivery of the
fugitive named Albert Hazlett. There was no positive
evidence to identify the prisoner.”
Hazlett was remanded to the custody of the Sheriff. The Judge
appointed a further hearing, and issued subpœnas for witnesses
from Virginia, &c. No positive evidence in that last hearing was
adduced, and yet Governor Packer ordered him to be delivered up;
and the pro-slavery authorities made haste to carry out the
mandate.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CAPT. OWEN BROWN, CHARLES P. TIDD, BARCLAY
COPPIC, F. J. MERRIAM, JOHN E. COOK.
In order to have a proper understanding of the work done at
Harper’s Ferry, I will repeat, in a measure, separately, information
concerning the movements of Capt. O. Brown and company, given in
connection with other matter.
This portion of John Brown’s men was sent to the Maryland side
previous to the battle, except Charles P. Tidd and John E. Cook, who
went with our party to the Ferry on Sunday evening. These two were
of the company who took Col. Washington prisoner, but on Monday
morning, they were ordered to the Kennedy Farm, to assist in
moving and guarding arms. Having heard, through some means,
that the conflict was against the insurgents, they provided
themselves with food, blankets, and other necessaries, and then
took to the mountains. They were fourteen days making the journey
to Chambersburg. The weather was extremely bad the whole time; it
rained, snowed, blew, and was freezing cold; but there was no
shelter for the fugitive travellers, one of whom, F. J. Merriam, was in
poor health, lame, and physically slightly formed. He was, however,
greatly relieved by his companions, who did every thing possible to
lessen the fatigue of the journey for him. The bad weather, and their
destitution, made it one of the most trying journeys it is possible for
men to perform. Sometimes they would have to lie over a day or two
for the sick, and when fording streams, as they had to do, they
carried the sick over on their shoulders.
They were a brave band, and any attempt to arrest them in a body
would have been a most serious undertaking, as all were well
armed, could have fired some forty rounds apiece, and would have
done it, without any doubt whatever. The success of the Federal
officers consisted in arresting those unfortunate enough to fall into
their clutches singly. In this manner did poor Hazlett and John E.
Cook fall into their power.
Starvation several times stared Owen Brown’s party in the face. They
would search their pockets over and over for some stray crumb that
might have been overlooked in the general search, for something to
appease their gnawing hunger, and pick out carefully, from among
the accumulated dirt and medley, even the smallest crumb, and give
it to the comrade least able to endure the long and biting fast.
John E. Cook became completely overcome by this hungry feeling. A
strong desire to get salt pork took possession of him, and against
the remonstrances of his comrades, he ventured down from the
mountains to Montaldo, a settlement fourteen miles from
Chambersburg, in quest of it. He was arrested by Daniel Logan and
Clegget Fitzhugh, and taken before Justice Reisher. Upon
examination, a commission signed by Captain Brown, marked No. 4,
being found upon his person, he was committed to await a
requisition from Governor Wise, and finally, as is well-known, was
surrendered to Virginia, where he was tried, after a fashion,
condemned, and executed. It is not my intention to dwell upon the
failings of John E. Cook. That he departed from the record, as
familiar to John Brown and his men, every one of them “posted” in
the details of their obligations and duties, well-knows; but his very
weakness should excite our compassion. He was brave—none could
doubt that, and life was invested with charms for him, which his new
relation as a man of family tended to intensify; and charity suggests
that the hope of escaping his merciless persecutors, and of being
spared to his friends and associates in reform, rather than treachery
to the cause he had espoused, furnishes the explanation of his
peculiar sayings.
Owen Brown, and the other members of the party, becoming
impatient at Cook’s prolonged absence, began to suspect something
was wrong, and moved at once to a more retired and safer position.
Afterwards, they went to Chambersburg, and stopped in the
outskirts of the town for some days, communicating with but one
person, directly, while there. Through revelations made by Cook, it
became unsafe in the neighborhood, and they left, and went some
miles from town, when Merriam took the cars for Philadelphia;
thence to Boston, and subsequently to Canada. The other three
travelled on foot to Centre County, Pennsylvania, when Barclay
Coppic separated from them, to take the cars, with the rifles of the
company boxed up in his possession. He stopped at Salem, Ohio, a
few days, and then went to Cleveland; from Cleveland to Detroit,
and over into Canada, where, after remaining for a time, he
proceeded westward. Owen Brown and C. P. Tidd went to Ohio,
where the former spent the winter. The latter, after a sojourn,
proceeded to Massachusetts.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE BEHAVIOR OF THE SLAVES—CAPTAIN
BROWN’S OPINION.
Of the various contradictory reports made by slaveholders and their
satellites about the time of the Harper’s Ferry conflict, none were
more untruthful than those relating to the slaves. There was
seemingly a studied attempt to enforce the belief that the slaves
were cowardly, and that they were really more in favor of Virginia
masters and slavery, than of their freedom. As a party who had an
intimate knowledge of the conduct of the colored men engaged, I
am prepared to make an emphatic denial of the gross imputation
against them. They were charged specially with being unreliable,
with deserting Captain Brown the first opportunity, and going back
to their masters; and with being so indifferent to the work of their
salvation from the yoke, as to have to be forced into service by the
Captain, contrary to their will.
On the Sunday evening of the outbreak, when we visited the
plantations and acquainted the slaves with our purpose to effect
their liberation, the greatest enthusiasm was manifested by them—
joy and hilarity beamed from every countenance. One old mother,
white-haired from age, and borne down with the labors of many
years in bonds, when told of the work in hand, replied: “God bless
you! God bless you!” She then kissed the party at her house, and
requested all to kneel, which we did, and she offered prayer to God
for His blessing on the enterprise, and our success. At the slaves’
quarters, there was apparently a general jubilee, and they stepped
forward manfully, without impressing or coaxing. In one case, only,
was there any hesitation. A dark-complexioned free-born man
refused to take up arms. He showed the only want of confidence in
the movement, and far less courage than any slave consulted about
the plan. In fact, so far as I could learn, the free blacks South are
much less reliable than the slaves, and infinitely more fearful. In
Washington City, a party of free colored persons offered their
services to the Mayor, to aid in suppressing our movement. Of the
slaves who followed us to the Ferry, some were sent to help remove
stores, and the others were drawn up in a circle around the engine-
house, at one time, where they were, by Captain Brown’s order,
furnished by me with pikes, mostly, and acted as a guard to the
prisoners to prevent their escape, which they did.
As in the war of the American Revolution, the first blood shed was a
black man’s, Crispus Attuck’s, so at Harper’s Ferry, the first blood
shed by our party, after the arrival of the United States troops, was
that of a slave. In the beginning of the encounter; and before the
troops had fairly emerged from the bridge, a slave was shot. I saw
him fall. Phil, the slave who died in prison, with fear, as it was
reported, was wounded at the Ferry, and died from the effects of it.
Of the men shot on the rocks, when Kagi’s party were compelled to
take to the river, some were slaves, and they suffered death before
they would desert their companions, and their bodies fell into the
waves beneath. Captain Brown, who was surprised and pleased by
the promptitude with which they volunteered, and with their manly
bearing at the scene of violence, remarked to me, on that Monday
morning, that he was agreeably disappointed in the behavior of the
slaves; for he did not expect one out of ten to be willing to fight.
The truth of the Harper’s Ferry “raid,” as it has been called, in regard
to the part taken by the slaves, and the aid given by colored men
generally, demonstrates clearly: First, that the conduct of the slaves
is a strong guarantee of the weakness of the institution, should a
favorable opportunity occur; and, secondly, that the colored people,
as a body, were well represented by numbers, both in the fight, and
in the number who suffered martyrdom afterward.
The first report of the number of “insurrectionists” killed was
seventeen, which showed that several slaves were killed; for there
were only ten of the men that belonged to the Kennedy Farm who
lost their lives at the Ferry, namely: John Henri Kagi, Jerry Anderson,
Watson Brown, Oliver Brown, Stewart Taylor, Adolphus Thompson,
William Thompson, William Leeman, all eight whites, and
Dangerfield Newby and Sherrard Lewis Leary, both colored. The rest
reported dead, according to their own showing, were colored.
Captain Brown had but seventeen with him, belonging to the Farm,
and when all was over, there were four besides himself taken to
Charlestown, prisoners, viz: A. D. Stevens, Edwin Coppic, white;
John A. Copeland and Shields Green, colored. It is plain to be seen
from this, that there was a proper per centage of colored men killed
at the Ferry, and executed at Charlestown. Of those that escaped
from the fangs of the human bloodhounds of slavery, there were
four whites, and one colored man, myself being the sole colored
man of those at the Farm.
That hundreds of slaves were ready, and would have joined in the
work, had Captain Brown’s sympathies not been aroused in favor of
the families of his prisoners, and that a very different result would
have been seen, in consequence, there is no question. There was
abundant opportunity for him and the party to leave a place in which
they held entire sway and possession, before the arrival of the
troops. And so cowardly were the slaveholders, proper, that from
Colonel Lewis Washington, the descendant of the Father of his
Country, General George Washington, they were easily taken
prisoners. They had not pluck enough to fight, nor to use the well-
loaded arms in their possession, but were concerned rather in
keeping a whole skin by parleying, or in spilling cowardly tears, to
excite pity, as did Colonel Washington, and in that way escape
merited punishment. No, the conduct of the slaves was beyond all
praise; and could our brave old Captain have steeled his heart
against the entreaties of his captives, or shut up the fountain of his
sympathies against their families—could he, for the moment, have
forgotten them, in the selfish thought of his own friends and
kindred, or, by adhering to the original plan, have left the place, and
thus looked forward to the prospective freedom of the slave—
hundreds ready and waiting would have been armed before twenty-
four hours had elapsed. As it was, even the noble old man’s mistakes
were productive of great good, the fact of which the future historian
will record, without the embarrassment attending its present
narration. John Brown did not only capture and hold Harper’s Ferry
for twenty hours, but he held the whole South. He captured
President Buchanan and his Cabinet, convulsed the whole country,
killed Governor Wise, and dug the mine and laid the train which will
eventually dissolve the union between Freedom and Slavery. The
rebound reveals the truth. So let it be!
[From the New York Tribune.]
And the Lord did aid these men, and they labored day and
even,
Saving Kansas from its peril—and their very lives seemed
charmed;
Till the Ruffians killed one son, in the blesséd light of heaven
—
In cold blood the fellows slew him, as he journeyed all
unarmed;
Then Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
Shed not a tear, but shut his teeth, and frowned a terrible
frown.
Then his beard became more grizzled, and his wild blue eye
grew wilder,
And more sharply curved his hawk’s nose, snuffing battle
from afar;
And he and the two boys left, though the Kansas strife waxed
milder,
Grew more sullen, till was over the bloody Border War,
And Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
Had grown crazy, as they reckoned, by his fearful glare and
frown.
“Whip the town and seize the muskets, free the negroes, and
then arm them—
Carry the County and the State; ay, and all the potent
South;
On their own heads be the slaughter, if their victims rise to
harm them—
These Virginians! who believed not, nor would heed the
warning mouth.”
Says Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
“The world shall see a Republic, or my name is not John
Brown!”
Took the guarded armory building, and the muskets and the
cannon;
Captured all the country majors and the colonels, one by
one;
Scared to death each gallant scion of Virginia they ran on,
And before the noon of Monday, I say, the deed was done.
Mad Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
With his eighteen other crazy men, went in and took the
town.
Very little noise and bluster, little smell of powder, made he;
It was all done in the midnight, like the Emperor’s coup
d’etat:
“Cut the wires: stop the rail-cars: hold the streets and
bridges!” said he—
Then declared the new Republic, with himself for guiding
star—
This Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown!
And the bold two thousand citizens ran off and left the town.
But to storm with all the forces we have mentioned was too
risky;
So they hurried off to Richmond for the Government Marines
—
Tore them from their weeping matrons—fired their souls with
Bourbon whiskey—
Till they battered down Brown’s castle with their ladders
and machines;
And Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
Received three bayonet stabs, and a cut on his brave old
crown.
But, Virginians, don’t do it! for I tell you that the flagon,
Filled with blood of Old Brown’s offspring, was first poured
by Southern hands:
And each drop from Old Brown’s life-veins, like the red gore
of the dragon,
May spring up a vengeful Fury, hissing through your slave-
worn lands;
And Old Brown,
Osawatomie Brown,
May trouble you more than ever, when you’ve nailed his coffin
down!
FOOTNOTES:
[A] “The hunt was up—woe to the game enclosed within that
fiery circle! The town was occupied by a thousand or fifteen
hundred men, including volunteer companies from
Shepherdstown, Charlestown, Winchester, and elsewhere; but the
armed and unorganized multitude largely predominated, giving
the affair more the character of a great hunting scene than that
of a battle. The savage game was holed beyond all possibility of
escape.”—Virginia Correspondent of Harper’s Weekly.
You think, no doubt, you’ve tried John Brown, but he’s laid
there trying you,
And the world has been his jury, and its judgment’s swift and
true:
Over the globe the tale has rung, back to your hearts the
verdict’s flung,
That you’re found, as you’ve been always found, a brutal,
cowardly crew!
At the wave of his hand to a dozen men, two thousand slunk
like hounds;
He kennelled you up, and kept you too, till twice you saw
through the azure blue,
The day-star circle round.
Ages hence, when all is over that shocks the sense of the
world to-day,
Pilgrims will mount the western wave, seeking the new
Thermopylæ;
Then, for that brave old man with many sons, mangled and
murdered, one by one,
Whose ghosts rise up from Harper’s gorge, Missouri’s plains,
and far away
Where Kansas’ grains wave tinged with their blood, will the
column rise!
The Poet’s song and History’s page will the deeds prolong of
John of Osawatomie,
The Martyr to Truth and Right!
Rear on high the scaffold altar! all the world will turn to see
How a man has dared to suffer that his brothers may be free!
Hear it on some hill-side looking North and South and East
and West,
Where the wind from every quarter fresh may blow upon his
breast,
And the sun look down unshaded from the chill December
sky,
Glad to shine upon the hero who for Freedom dared to die!
All the world will turn to see him;—from the pines of wave-
washed Maine
To the golden rivers rolling over California’s plain,
And from clear Superior’s waters, where the wild swan loves
to sail,
To the Gulf-lands, summer-bosomed, fanned by ocean’s
softest gale,—
Every heart will beat the faster in its sorrow or its scorn,
For the man nor courts nor prisons can annoy another morn!
And from distant climes and nations men shall westward
gaze, and say,
“He who perilled all for Freedom on the scaffold dies to-day.”
They may hang him on the gibbet; they may raise the victor’s
cry,
When they see him darkly swinging like a speck against the
sky;—
Ah! the dying of a hero, that the right may win its way,
Is but sowing seed for harvest in a warm and mellow May!
Now his story shall be whispered by the firelight’s evening
glow,
And in fields of rice and cotton, when the hot noon passes
slow,
Till his name shall be a watch-word from Missouri to the sea,
And his planting find its reaping in the birthday of the Free!
DIRGE
Sung at a Meeting in Concord, Mass., Dec. 2, 1859.
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