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Java EE 5 Development with NetBeans 6 1st Edition
Heffelfinger Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Heffelfinger, David
ISBN(s): 9781847195463, 1847195466
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 23.45 MB
Year: 2008
Language: english
Java EE 5
Development with NetBeans 6

Develop professional enterprise Java EE 5 applications

quickly and easily with this popular IDE

David R. Heffelfinger

BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI

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Java EE 5 Development with NetBeans 6

Copyright © 2008 Packt Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written
permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embedded in
critical articles or reviews.

Every effort has been made in the preparation of this book to ensure the accuracy of
the information presented. However, the information contained in this book is sold
without warranty, either express or implied. Neither the author, Packt Publishing,
nor its dealers or distributors will be held liable for any damages caused or alleged to
be caused directly or indirectly by this book.

Packt Publishing has endeavored to provide trademark information about all the
companies and products mentioned in this book by the appropriate use of capitals.
However, Packt Publishing cannot guarantee the accuracy of this information.

First published: October 2008

Production Reference: 2241008

Published by Packt Publishing Ltd.

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Birmingham, B27 6PA, UK.

ISBN 978-1-847195-46-3
www.packtpub.com

Cover Image by Michelle O'Kane (michelle@kofe.ie)

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 Credits

Author Project Manager

David R. Heffelfinger Abhijeet Deobhakta

Reviewers Project Coordinator

David Salter Neelkanth Mehta
Mario Pérez Madueño
Indexer
Senior Acquisition Editor Monica Ajmera
Douglas Paterson
Proofreader
Development Editor Cathy Cumberlidge
Swapna V. Verlekar
Production Coordinator
Technical Editor Shantanu Zagade
Bhupali Khule
Cover Work
Editorial Team Leader Shantanu Zagade
Akshara Aware

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 About the Author

David Heffelfinger is the Chief Technology Officer of Ensode Technology, LLC,

a software consulting firm based in the greater Washington DC area. He has been
architecting, designing, and developing software professionally since 1995, and has
been using Java as his primary programming language since 1996. He has worked
on many large scale projects for several clients including the US Department of
Homeland Security, Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae, and the US Department of Defense.
He has a Masters degree in Software Engineering from Southern Methodist
University. David is editor in chief of Ensode.net (http://www.ensode.net), a web
site about Java, Linux, and other technology topics.

I would like to thank everyone at Packt Publishing for making this

book a reality. Douglas, Swapna, Bhupali, Neelkanth, Shantanu,
Abhijeet, Monica, Camilie, Akshara, without your help and
direction, this book wouldn't have been possible.

I would also like to thank the technical reviewers, David Salter and
Mario Pérez Madueño; your feedback certainly was essential, greatly
improving the quality of the material presented in the book.

Last, and most certainly not least, I would like to thank my wife and
daughter for enduring the long hours I spent working on the book,
unable to spend time with my family.

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 About the Reviewers

David Salter is an enterprise software architect who has been developing software
professionally since 1991. His relationship with Java goes right back to the beginning,
using Java 1.0 for writing desktop applications and applets for interactive web
sites. David has been developing Enterprise Java Applications using both the J2EE
standards and open source solutions for the last five years. David runs the Java
community web site, Develop In Java, a web site for all levels of Java developers.
David co-authored the book Building SOA-Based Composite Applications Using
NetBeans IDE 6.

Mario Pérez Madueño started developing applications for Zeus Sistemas in 1995
using Borland C++ Builder. He graduated in computer science in 2006 and is still
studying to obtain a Master's degree in the EHEA, although what he actually would
like is the Java programming with passion graduate.

Mario also works most recently as software engineer for Altra Software, helping to
develop Java desktop and EE5 applications.

Nothing attracts as much enthusiasm as an IDE for the developer, so Mario is

a NetBeans fan. His lastest contributions have been in the NetBeans 6 Spanish
localization process and currently as NetCAT 6.5 backup team member.

As technical reviewer, Mario also worked for Packt Publishing on the title Building
SOA-Based Composite Applications Using NetBeans IDE 6.

My warm acknowledgments always go to María for still supporting

or being compatible with Martín, with me, and now also with the
great thing she has in her paunch.

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This material is copyright and is licensed for the sole use by Henry Vanyan on 26th July 2009
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 Table of Contents
Preface 1
Chapter 1: Getting Started with NetBeans 7
Introduction 7
Downloading NetBeans 9
Installing NetBeans 12
Microsoft Windows 12
Mac OS X 13
Linux and Solaris 13
Other Platforms 13
Installation Procedure 14
Starting NetBeans for the First Time 19
Configuring NetBeans for Java EE Development 20
Integrating NetBeans with a Third Party Application Server 21
Integrating NetBeans with a Third Party RDBMS 24
Adding a JDBC Driver to NetBeans 24
Connecting to a Third Party RDBMS 26
Deploying Our First Application 28
NetBeans Tips for Effective Development 33
Code Completion 33
Code Templates 37
Keyboard Shortcuts 38
Understanding NetBeans Visual Cues 42
Summary 44
Chapter 2: Developing Web Applications with Servlets
and JSPs 45
Creating Our First Web Application 45
Modifying NetBeans' Generated Code 52
Developing the Input Page 52
Developing the Output Page 61

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Table of Contents

Servlet Development 68
Adding a Servlet to Our Application 68
Securing Web Applications 77
Implementing Form Based Authentication 79
Implementing the Login Page 79
Implementing a Login Error Page 81
Configuring Our Application for Form-Based Authentication 82
JSP Fragments 90
Creating a JSP Fragment in NetBeans 91
Monitoring Web Applications with NetBeans HTTP Monitor 93
Summary 100
Chapter 3: Enhancing JSP Functionality with JSTL
and Custom Tags 101
Core JSTL Tags 102
Conditionally Displaying Part of a Page with the <c:if> Tag 102
Displaying Mutually Exclusive Markup with the <c:choose> Tag 105
Iterating through Arrays or Collections with the <c:forEach> Tag 109
SQL JSTL Tags 112
Retrieving Database Data with the <sql:query> Tag 115
Modifying Database Data with the <sql:update> Tag 119
Inserting Database Data 119
Updating Database Data 123
Deleting Database Data 125
Closing Remarks about JSTL 128
Custom JSP Tags 128
Summary 134
Chapter 4: Developing Web Applications using
JavaServer Faces 135
Developing Our first JSF Application 136
Creating a New JSF Project 137
Modifying Our JSP to Capture User Data 141
Creating Our Managed Bean 147
Implementing Navigation 152
Executing Our Application 156
JSF Validation 158
Displaying Tabular Data 162
Summary 171
Chapter 5: Interacting with Databases through
the Java Persistence API 173
Creating Our First JPA Entity 174
Adding Persistent Fields to Our Entity 182

[ ii ]

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 Table of Contents

Creating a Data Access Object (DAO) 183

Generating the User Interface 188
Implementing the Controller 191
Trying Out Our Application 193
Automated Generation of JPA Entities 196
Named Queries and JPQL 203
Entity Relationships 204
Generating JSF Applications from JPA Entities 210
Summary 218
Chapter 6: Visual Web JSF Development 219
Writing Our first Visual Web Application 219
Adding Additional Components to Our Application 232
Adding Additional Text Fields 232
Adding a Drop-Down List Component 235
Adding a Message Component to Each Input Field 239
Grouping Error Messages with the Message Group Component 242
Ajax Autovalidation 244
Organizing Our Page into Tabs 249
Binding a Drop-Down List to a Database Table 253
Ajax-Enabling Visual Web Applications 256
Summary 261
Chapter 7: Implementing the Business Tier
with Session Beans 263
Introduction to Session Beans 264
Creating a Session Bean in NetBeans 264
Accessing the Bean from a Client 272
Executing the Client 274
Session Bean Transaction Management 276
Implementing Aspect-Oriented Programming with Interceptors 278
Implementing the Interceptor Class 279
Decorating the EJB with the @Interceptors Annotations 281
EJB Timer Service 282
Implementing the Client 284
Generating Session Beans from JPA Entities 286
Summary 290
Chapter 8: Messaging with JMS and Message Driven Beans 291
Introduction to JMS 291
Creating the Project and JMS Resources 293
Creating a JMS Destination 294
Sending Messages to a Message Destination 298
Processing JMS Messages with Message Driven Beans 303
Summary 306
[ iii ]

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Table of Contents

Chapter 9: Web Services 307

Introduction to Web Services 307
Creating a Simple Web Service 308
Testing Our Web Service 314
Developing a Client for Our Web Service 316
Exposing EJBs as Web Services 320
Implementing New Web Services as EJBs 321
Exposing Existing EJBs as Web Services 324
Creating a Web Service from an Existing WSDL 327
Summary 329
Chapter 10: Putting it all Together 331
Creating Our Enterprise Project 331
Implementing the Data Access Layer 334
Implementing the User Interface Layer 338
Adding User Interface Components to the Page 339
Populating the Table 344
Testing Our Application 346
Adding Missing Functionality 346
Defining Navigation Rules 361
Testing the Completed Application 362
Summary 365
Appendix A: Debugging Enterprise Applications
with the NetBeans Debugger 367
Debugging Enterprise Applications 367
Summary 374
Appendix B: Identifying Performance Issues
with NetBeans Profiler 375
Profiling Our Application 375
Summary 379
Index 381

[ iv ]

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 Preface
In 1999, Sun Microsystems split the Java language into three editions, J2SE
(Java 2, Standard Edition), J2ME (Java 2, Micro Edition), and J2EE (Java 2, Enterprise
Edition). The reason for the split was that the Java language was covering a lot of
territory, and not all developers used all the features of the language. To make the
language more manageable, the decision was made to split the language into the
three editions.

Since then, the different editions of the language have been renamed to Java SE,
Java ME, and Java EE. The reason for renaming the different editions was that the
Java platform obtained brand recognition among consumers, and Sun Microsystems
wanted to make it obvious that Java SE, ME, and EE were recognized as part of the
Java platform.

All three editions share the core of the Java language, but additional APIs are
included in each edition that are not available in the others. In this book we will
cover Java EE, and how to use NetBeans to more effectively write applications
conforming to the Java EE specification.

What This Book Covers

Chapter 1 provides an introduction to NetBeans, giving time saving tips and tricks
that will result in more efficient development of Java applications.

Chapter 2 covers how NetBeans aids in the development of web applications using
the servlet API and JavaServer Pages.

Chapter 3 shows how NetBeans can help us create maintainable web applications by
taking advantage of JavaServer Pages Standard Tag Library (JSTL), and it also covers
how to write our own custom JSP tags.

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Preface

Chapter 4 explains how NetBeans can help us easily develop web applications that
take advantage of the JavaServer Faces framework.

Chapter 5 explains how NetBeans allows us to easily develop applications taking

advantage of the Java Persistence API (JPA), including how to automatically
generate JPA entities from existing schemas. This chapter also covers how complete
web based applications can be generated with a few clicks from an existing
database schema.

Chapter 6 covers the NetBeans visual web JSF designer, which allows us to visually
build JSF applications by dragging and dropping components into our JSF pages.

Chapter 7 discusses how NetBeans simplifies EJB 3 session bean development.

Chapter 8 addresses Java EE messaging technologies such as the Java Messaging

Service (JMS) and Message Driven Beans (MDB), covering NetBeans features that
simplify application development taking advantage of these APIs.

Chapter 9 explains how NetBeans can help us easily develop web services based on
the Java API for XML Web Services (JAX-WS) API.

Chapter 10 provides a sample application taking advantages of most of the material

covered in the book, including Visual Web JSF, EJB 3, and JPA .

Appendix A provides an introduction to the NetBeans debugger, and how it can be

used to discover defects in our application.

Appendix B covers the NetBeans profiler, explaining how it can be used to analyze
performance issues in our applications.

Who is This Book For

The book is aimed at three different types of developers:

• Java developers (not necessarily familiar with NetBeans) wishing to

become proficient in Java EE 5, and who wish to use NetBeans for
Java EE development.
• NetBeans users wishing to find out how to use their IDE of choice to develop
Java EE applications.
• Experienced Java EE 5 developers wishing to find out how NetBeans can
make their Java EE 5 development easier.

[]

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 Preface

Conventions
In this book, you will find a number of styles of text that distinguish between
different kinds of information. Here are some examples of these styles, and an
explanation of their meaning.

Code words in text are shown as follows: "Earlier in this chapter we discussed how
the required attribute for JSF input fields allows us to easily make input
fields mandatory."
A block of code will be set as follows:
<navigation-rule>
<from-view-id>/welcomeJSF.jsp</from-view-id>
<navigation-case>
<from-outcome>submit</from-outcome>
<to-view-id>/confirmation.jsp</to-view-id>
</navigation-case>
</navigation-rule>

When we wish to draw your attention to a particular part of a code block, the
relevant lines or items will be made bold:
<h:inputText id="email" label="Email Address"
required="true" value="#{RegistrationBean.email}">
<f:validator validatorId="emailValidator"/>
</h:inputText>

Any command-line input and output is written as follows:

chmod +x ./filename.sh

New terms and important words are introduced in a bold-type font. Words that
you see on the screen, in menus or dialog boxes for example, appear in our text
like this: " At this point JSF navigation "kicks-in", and we are taken to the
Confirmation Page."

Important notes appear in a box like this.

Tips and tricks appear like this.

[]

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Preface

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Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Christian Materialism making small headway as formulated by him, though
it was followed up by the Unitarian Priestley. The reaction against the
Revolution, indeed, seems to have evicted everything in the nature of active
philosophic thought from the universities in the first decade of the
nineteenth century; at Oxford it was taught in a merely traditionary fashion,
in lamentable contrast to what was going on in Germany;317 and in
Scotland in the ‘thirties things had fallen to a similar level.318 It was over
practical issues that new thought germinated in England. The proof of the
change wrought in the direction of native thought is seen in the
personalities of the men who, in the teeth of the reaction, applied
rationalistic method to ethics and psychology. Bentham and James Mill
were in their kindred fields among the most convinced and active
freethinkers of their day, the former attacking both clericalism and
orthodoxy;319 while the latter, no less pronounced in his private opinions,
more cautiously built up a rigorously naturalistic psychology in his Analysis
of the Human Mind (1829). Bentham’s utilitarianism was so essentially
anti-Christian that he could hardly have been more disliked by discerning
theists if he had avowed his share in the authorship of the atheistic Analysis
of the Influence of Natural Religion, which, elaborated from his manuscript
by no less a thinker than George Grote, was published in 1822.320
Pseudonymous as that essay is, it seeks to guard against the risk of
prosecution by the elaborate stipulation that what it discusses is always the
influence of natural religion on life, revealed religion being another matter.
But this is of course the merest stratagem, the whole drift of the book being
a criticism of the effects of the current religion on contemporary society. It
greatly influenced J. S. Mill, whose essay on The Utility of Religion echoes
its beginning; and if it had been a little less drab in style it might have
influenced many more.

But Bentham’s ostensible restriction of his logic to practical problems of

law and morals secured him a wider influence than was wielded by any of
the higher publicists of his day. The whole tendency of his school was
intensely rationalistic; and it indirectly affected all thought by its treatment
of economics, which from Hume and Smith onwards had been practically
divorced from theology. Even clerical economists, such as Malthus and
Chalmers, alike orthodox in religion, furthered naturalism in philosophy in
spite of themselves by their insistence on the law of population, which is
the negation of divine benevolence as popularly conceived. A not unnatural
result was a religious fear of all reasoning whatever, and a disparagement of
the very faculty of reason. This, however, was sharply resisted by the more
cultured champions of orthodoxy,321 to the great advantage of critical
discussion.

10. When English metaphysical philosophy revived with Sir William

Hamilton,322 it was on the lines of a dialectical resistance to the pantheism
of Germany, in the interests of faith; though Hamilton’s dogmatic views
were always doubtful.323 Admirably learned, and adroit in metaphysical
fence, he always grounded his theism on the alleged “needs of our moral
nature”—a declaration of philosophical bankruptcy. The vital issue was
brought to the front after his death in the Bampton Lectures (1858) of his
supporter Dean Mansel; and between them they gave the decisive proof that
the orthodox cause had been philosophically lost while being socially won,
since their theism emphasized in the strongest way the negative criticism of
Kant, leaving deity void of all philosophically cognizable qualities.
Hamilton and Mansel alike have received severe treatment at the hands of
Mill and others for the calculated irrationalism and the consequent
immoralism of their doctrine, which insisted on attributing moral bias to an
admittedly Unknowable Absolute, and on standing for Christian mysteries
on the skeptical ground that reason is an imperfect instrument, and that our
moral faculties and feelings “demand” the traditional beliefs. But they did
exactly what was needed to force rationalism upon open and able minds. It
is indeed astonishing to find so constantly repeated by trained reasoners the
old religious blunder of reasoning from the inadequacy of reason to the
need for faith. The disputant says in effect: “Our reason is not to be trusted;
let us then on that score rationally decide to believe what is handed down to
us”: for if the argument is not a process of reasoning it is nothing; and if it
is to stand, it is an assertion of the validity it denies. Evidently the number
of minds capable of such self-stultification is great; but among minds at
once honest and competent the number capable of detecting the absurdity
must be considerable; and the invariable result of its use down to our own
time is to multiply unbelievers in the creed so absurdly defended.

It is difficult to free Mansel from the charge of seeking to confuse and

bewilder; but mere contact with the processes of reasoning in his Bampton
Lectures is almost refreshing after much acquaintance with the see-saw of
vituperation and platitude which up to that time mostly passed muster for
defence of religion in nineteenth-century England. He made for a revival of
intellectual life. And he suffered enough at the hands of his co-religionists,
including F. D. Maurice, to set up something like compassion in the mind of
the retrospective rationalist. Accused of having adopted “the absolute and
infinite, as defined after the leaders of German metaphysics,” as a
“synonym for the true and living God,” he protested that he had done
“exactly the reverse. I assert that the absolute and infinite, as defined in the
German metaphysics, and in all other metaphysics with which I am
acquainted, is a notion which destroys itself by its own contradictions. I
believe also that God is, in some manner incomprehensible by me, both
absolute and infinite; and that those attributes exist in Him without any
repugnance or contradiction at all. Hence I maintain throughout that the
infinite of philosophy is not the true infinite.”324 Charged further with
borrowing without acknowledgment from Newman, the Dean was reduced
to crediting Newman with “transcendent gifts” while claiming to have read
almost nothing by him,325 and winding up with a quotation from Newman
inviting men to seek solace from the sense of nescience in blind belief.

It was said of Hamilton that, “having scratched his eyes out in the bush of
reason, he scratched them in again in the bush of faith”; and when that
could obviously be said also of his reverend pupil, the philosophic tide was
clearly on the turn. Within two years of the delivery of Mansel’s lectures his
and Hamilton’s philosophic positions were being confidently employed as
an open and avowed basis for the naturalistic First Principles (1860–62) of
Herbert Spencer, wherein, with an unfortunate laxity of metaphysic on the
author’s own part, and a no less unfortunate lack of consistency as regards
the criticism of religious and anti-religious positions,326 the new cosmic
conceptions are unified in a masterly conception of evolution as a universal
law. This service, the rendering of which was quite beyond the capacity of
the multitude of Spencer’s metaphysical critics, marks him as one of the
great influences of his age. Strictly, the book is a “System of Nature” rather
than a philosophy in the sense of a study of the grounds and limitations of
knowledge; that is to say, it is on the former ground alone that it is coherent
and original. But its very imperfections on the other side have probably
promoted its reception among minds already shaken in theology by the
progress of concrete science; while at the same time such imperfections
give a hostile foothold to the revived forms of theism. In any case, the
“agnostic” foundation supplied by the despairing dialectic of Hamilton and
Mansel has always constituted the most effective part of the Spencerian
case.

11. The effect of the ethical pressure of the deistic attack on the intelligence
of educated Christians was fully seen even within the Anglican Church
before the middle of the century. The unstable Coleridge, who had gone
round the whole compass of opinion327 when he began to wield an
influence over the more sensitive of the younger Churchmen, was strenuous
in a formal affirmation of the doctrine of the Trinity, but no less anxious to
modify the doctrine of Atonement on which the conception of the Trinity
was historically founded. In the hands of Maurice the doctrine of sacrifice
became one of example to the end of subjective regeneration of the sinner.
This view, which was developed by John the Scot—perhaps from hints in
Origen328—and again by Bernardino Ochino,329 is specially associated
with the teaching of Coleridge; but it was quite independently held in
England before him by the Anglican Dr. Parr (1747–1825), who appears to
have been heterodox upon most points in the orthodox creed,330 and who,
like Servetus and Coleridge and Hegel, held by a modal as against a
“personal” Trinity. The advance in ethical sensitiveness which had latterly
marked English thought, and which may perhaps be traced in equal degrees
to the influence of Shelley and to that of Bentham, counted for much in this
shifting of Christian ground. The doctrine of salvation by faith was by many
felt to be morally indefensible. Such Unitarian accommodations presumably
reconciled to Christianity and the Church many who would otherwise have
abandoned them; and the only orthodox rebuttal seems to have been the old
and dangerous resort to the Butlerian argument, to the effect that the God of
Nature shows no such benign fatherliness as the anti-sacrificial school
ascribe to him.331 This could only serve to emphasize the moral bankruptcy
of Butler’s philosophy, to which Mansel, in an astonishing passage of his
Bampton Lectures,332 had shown himself incredibly blind.

The same pressure of moral argument was doubtless potent in the

development of “Socinian” or other rationalistic views in the Protestant
Churches of Germany, Holland, Hungary, Switzerland, and France in the
first half of the century. Such development had gone so far that by the
middle of the century the Churches in question were, to the eye of an
English evangelical champion, predominantly rationalistic, and in that sense
“infidel.”333 Reactions have been claimed before and since; but in our own
age there is little to show for them. In the United States, again, the ethical
element probably predominated in the recoil of Emerson from Christian
orthodoxy even of the Unitarian stamp, as well as in the heresy of
Theodore Parker, whose aversion to the theistic ethic of Jonathan
Edwards was so strong as to make him blind to the reasoning power of that
stringent Calvinist.

12. A powerful and wholesome stimulus was given to English thought

throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century by the many-sided
influence of John Stuart Mill, who, beginning by a brilliant System of
Logic (1843), which he followed up with a less durable exposition of the
Principles of Political Economy (1848), became through his shorter works
On Liberty and on various political problems one of the most popular of the
serious writers of his age. It was not till the posthumous issue of his
Autobiography and his Three Essays on Religion (1874) that many of his
readers realized how complete was his alienation from the current religion,
from his childhood up. In his Examination of Sir William Hamilton’s
Philosophy (1865), indeed, he had indignantly repudiated the worship of an
unintelligibly good God; but he had there seemed to take for granted the
God-idea; and save in inconclusive passages in the Liberty (1859) he had
indicated no rejection of Christianity. But though the Liberty was praised by
Kingsley and contemned by Carlyle, it made for freethinking no less than
for tolerance; and his whole life’s work made for reason. “The saint of
rationalism” was Gladstone’s334 account of him as a parliamentarian. His
posthumous presentment to the world of the strange conception of a
limited-liability God, the victim of circumstances—a theorem which meets
neither the demand for a theistic explanation of the universe nor the
worshipper’s craving for support—sets up some wonder as to his
philosophy; but was probably as disintegrative of orthodoxy as a more
philosophical performance would have been.
Section 7.—Modern Jewry

In the culture-life of the dispersed Jews, in the modern period, there is

probably as much variety of credence in regard to religion as occurs in the
life of Christendom so called. Such names as those of Spinoza, Jacobi,
Moses Mendelssohn, Heine, and Karl Marx tell sufficiently of Jewish
service to freethought; and each one of these must have had many disciples
of his own race. Deism among the educated Jews of Germany in the
eighteenth century was probably common.335 The famous Rabbi Elijah of
Wilna (d. 1797), entitled the Gaon, “the great one,” set up a movement of
relatively rationalistic pietism that led to the establishment in 1803 of a
Rabbinical college at Walosin, which has flourished ever since, and had in
1888 no fewer than 400 students, among whose successors there goes on a
certain amount of independent study.336 In the freer world outside critical
thought has asserted itself within the pale of orthodox Judaism; witness
such a writer as Nachman Krochmal (1785–1840), whose posthumous
Guide to the Perplexed of the Time337 (1851), though not a scientific work,
is ethically and philosophically in advance of the orthodox Judaism of its
age. Of Krochmal it has been said that he “was inspired in his work by the
study of Hegel, just as Maimonides had been by the study of Aristotle.”338
The result is only a liberalizing of Jewish orthodoxy in the light of historic
study,339 such as went on among Christians in the same period; but it is
thus a stepping-stone to further science.

To-day educated Jewry is divided in somewhat the same proportions as

Christendom into absolute rationalists and liberal and fanatical believers;
and representatives of all three types, of different social grades, may be
found among the Zionists, whose movement for the acquisition of a new
racial home has attracted so much attention and sympathy in recent years.
Whether or not that movement attains to any decisive political success,
Judaism clearly cannot escape the solvent influences which affect all
European opinion. As in the case of the Christian Church, the synagogue in
the centres of culture keeps the formal adherence of some who no longer
think on its plane; but while attempts are made from time to time to set up
more rationalistic institutions for Jews with the modern bias, the general
tendency is to a division between devotees of the old forms and those who
have decided to live by reason.
Section 8.—The Oriental Civilizations

We have already seen, in discussing the culture histories of India, China,

and Moslem Persia, how ancient elements of rationalism continue to
germinate more or less obscurely in the unpropitious soils of Asiatic life.
Ignorance is in most oriental countries too immensely preponderant to
permit of any other species of survival. But sociology, while recognizing
the vast obstacles to the higher life presented by conditions which with a
fatal facility multiply the lower, can set no limit to the possibilities of
upward evolution. The case of Japan is a sufficient rebuke to the
thoughtless iterators of the formula of the “unprogressiveness of the East.”
While a cheerfully superstitious religion is there still normal among the
mass, the transformation of the political ideals and practice of the nation
under the influence of European example is so great as to be unparalleled in
human history; and it has inevitably involved the substitution of rationalism
for supernaturalism among the great majority of the educated younger
generation. The late Yukichi Fukuzawa, who did more than any other man
to prepare the Japanese mind for the great transformation effected in his
time, was spontaneously a freethinker from his childhood;340 and through a
long life of devoted teaching he trained thousands to a naturalist way of
thought. That they should revert to Christian or native orthodoxy seems as
impossible as such an evolution is seen to be in educated Hindostan, where
the higher orders of intelligence are probably not relatively more common
than among the Japanese. The final question, there as everywhere, is one of
social reconstruction and organization; and in the enormous population of
China the problem, though very different in degree of imminence, is the
same in kind. Perhaps the most hopeful consideration of all is that of the
ever-increasing inter-communication which makes European and American
progress tend in every succeeding generation to tell more and more on
Asiatic life.

As to Japan, Professor B. H. Chamberlain pronounced twenty years ago that the

Japanese “now bow down before the shrine of Herbert Spencer” (Things
Japanese, 3rd ed. 1898, p. 321. Cp. Religious Systems of the World, 3rd ed. p.
103), proceeding in another connection (p. 352) to describe them as essentially an
undevotional people. Such a judgment would be hard to sustain. The Japanese
people in the past have exhibited the amount of superstition normal in their
culture stage (cp. the Voyages de C. P. Thunberg au Japon, French tr. 1796, iii,
206); and in our own day they differ from Western peoples on this side merely in
respect of their greater general serenity of temperament. There were in Japan in
1894 no fewer than 71,831 Buddhist temples, and 190,803 Shinto temples and
shrines; and the largest temple of all, costing “several million dollars,” was built
in the last dozen years of the nineteenth century. To the larger shrines there are
habitual pilgrimages, the numbers annually visiting one leading Buddhist shrine
reaching from 200,000 to 250,000, while at the Shintô shrine of Kompira the
pilgrims are said to number about 900,000 each year. (See The Evolution of the
Japanese, 1903, by L. Gulick, an American missionary organizer.)

Professor Chamberlain appears to have construed “devotional” in the light of a

special conception of true devotion. Yet a Christian observer testifies, of the
revivalist sect of Nichirenites, “the Ranters of Buddhism,” that “the wildest
excesses that seek the mantle of religion in other lands are by them equalled if not
excelled” (Griffis, The Mikado’s Empire, 1876, p. 163); and Professor
Chamberlain admits that “the religion of the family binds them [the Japanese in
general, including the ‘most materialistic’] down in truly sacred bonds”; while
another writer, who thinks Christianity desirable for Japan, though he apparently
ranks Japanese morals above Christian, declares that in his travels he was much
reassured by the superstition of the innkeepers, feeling thankful that his hosts
were “not Agnostics or Secularists,” but devout believers in future punishments
(Tracy, Rambles through Japan without a Guide, 1892, pp. 131, 276, etc.).

A third authority with Japanese experience, Professor W. G. Dixon, while noting a

generation ago that “among certain classes in Japan not only religious earnestness
but fanaticism and superstition still prevail,” decides that “at the same time it
remains true that the Japanese are not in the main a very religious people, and that
at the present day religion is in lower repute than probably it has ever been in the
country’s history. Religious indifference is one of the prominent features of new
Japan” (The Land of the Morning, 1882, p. 517). The reconciliation of these
estimates lies in the recognition of the fact that the Japanese populace is religious
in very much the same way as those of Italy and England, while the more
educated classes are rationalistic, not because of any “essential” incapacity for
“devotion,” but because of enlightenment and lack of countervailing social
pressure. To the eye of the devotional Protestant the Catholics of Italy, with their
regard to externals, seem “essentially” irreligious; and vice versâ. Such formulas
miss science. Two hundred years ago Charron, following previous schematists,
made a classification in which northerners figured as strong, active, stupid,
warlike, and little given to religion; the southerners as slight, abstinent, obstinate,
unwarlike, and superstitious; and the “middle” peoples as between the two. La
Sagesse, liv. i, ch. 42. The cognate formulas of to-day are hardly more
trustworthy. Buddhism triumphed over Shintôism in Japan both in ancient and
modern times precisely because its lore and ritual make so much more appeal to
the devotional sense. (Cp. Chamberlain, pp. 358–62; Dixon, ch. x; Religious
Systems of the World, pp. 103, 111; Griffis, p. 166.) But the æsthetically charming
cult of the family, with its poetic recognition of ancestral spirits (as to which see
Lafcadio Hearn, Japan: An Attempt at Interpretation, 1904), seems to hold its
ground as well as any.

So universal is sociological like other law that we find in Japan, among some
freethinkers, the same disposition as among some in Europe to decide that
religion is necessary for the people. Professor Chamberlain (p. 352) cites
Fukuzawa, “Japan’s most representative thinker and educationist,” as openly
declaring that “It goes without saying that the maintenance of peace and security
in society requires a religion. For this purpose any religion will do. I lack a
religious nature, and have never believed in any religion. I am thus open to the
charge that I am advising others to be religious while I am not so. Yet my
conscience does not permit me to clothe myself with religion when I have it not at
heart.... Of religions there are several kinds—Buddhism, Christianity, and what
not. From my standpoint there is no more difference between those than between
green tea and black.... See that the stock is well selected and the prices cheap....”
(Japan Herald, September 9, 1897). To this view, however, Fukuzawa did not
finally adhere. The Rev. Isaac Dooman, a missionary in Japan who knew him
well, testifies to a change that was taking place in his views in later life regarding
the value of religion. In an unpublished letter to Mr. Robert Young, of Kobe, Mr.
Dooman says that on one occasion, when conversing on the subject of
Christianity, Fukuzawa remarked: “There was a time when I advocated its
adoption as a means to elevate our lower classes; but, after finding out that all
Christian countries have their own lower classes just as bad, if not worse than
ours, I changed my mind.” Further reflection, marked by equal candour, may lead
the pupils of Fukuzawa to see that nations cannot be led to adore any form of
“tea” by the mere assurance of its indispensableness from leaders who confess
they never take any. His view is doubtless shared by those priests concerning
whom “it may be questioned whether in their fundamental beliefs the more
 scholarly of the Shinshiû priests differ very widely from the materialistic
agnostics of Europe” (Dixon, p. 516). In this state of things the Christian thinks he
sees his special opportunity. Professor Dixon writes (p. 518), in the manner of the
missionary, that “decaying shrines and broken gods are to be seen everywhere.
Not only is there indifference, but there is a rapidly-growing skepticism.... The
masses too are becoming affected by it.... Shintôism and ... Buddhism are
doomed. What is to take their place?... It must be either Christianity or Atheism.
We have the brightest hopes that the former will triumph in the near future....”

The American missionary before cited, Mr. Gulick, argues alternately that the
educated Japanese are religious and that they are not, meaning that they have
“religious instincts,” while rejecting current creeds. The so-called religious
instinct is in fact simply the spirit of moral and intellectual seriousness. Mr.
Gulick’s summing-up, as distinct from his theory and forecast, is as follows: “For
about three hundred years the intelligence of the nation has been dominated by
Confucian thought, which rejects active belief in supra-human beings.... The
tendency of all persons trained in Confucian classics was towards thoroughgoing
skepticism as to divine beings and their relation to this world. For this reason,
beyond doubt, has Western agnosticism found so easy an entrance into Japan....
Complete indifference to religion is characteristic of the educated classes of to-
day. Japanese and foreigners, Christians and non-Christians alike, unite in this
opinion. The impression usually conveyed by this statement, however, is that
agnosticism is a new thing in Japan. In point of fact, the old agnosticism is merely
reinforced by ... the agnosticism of the West” (The Evolution of the Japanese, pp.
286–87). This may be taken as broadly accurate. Cp. the author’s paper on
“Freethought in Japan” in the Agnostic Annual for 1906. Professor E. H. Parker
notes (China and Religion, 1905, p. 263) that “the Japanese in translating Western
books are beginning, to the dismay of our missionaries, to leave out all the
Christianity that is in them.”

But a very grave danger to the intellectual and moral life of Japan has been
of late set up by a new application of Shintôism, on the lines of the
emperor-worship of ancient Rome. A recent pamphlet by Professor
Chamberlain, entitled The Invention of a New Religion (R. P. A.; 1912),
incidentally shows that the Japanese temperament is so far from being
“essentially” devoid of devotion as to be capable of building up a fresh
cultus to order. It appears that since the so-called Restoration of 1868, when
the Imperial House, after more than two centuries of seclusion in Kyoto,
was brought from its retirement and the Emperor publicly installed as ruler
by right of his divine origin, the sentiment of religious devotion to the
Imperial House has been steadily inculcated, reaching its height during the
Russo-Japanese War, when the messages of victorious generals and
admirals piously ascribed their successes over the enemy to the “virtues of
the Imperial Ancestors.” In every school throughout the Empire there hangs
a portrait of the emperor, which is regarded and treated as is a sacred image
in Russia and in Catholic countries. The curators of schools have been
known on occasion of fire and earthquake to save the imperial portrait
before wife or child; and their action has elicited popular acclamation. On
the imperial birthday teachers and pupils assemble, and passing singly
before the portrait, bow in solemn adoration. The divine origin of the
Imperial House and the grossly mythical history of the early emperors are
taught as articles of faith in Japanese schools precisely as the cosmogony of
Genesis has been taught for ages in the schools of Christendom. Some years
ago a professor who exposed the absurdity of the chronology upon which
the religion is based was removed from his post, and a teacher who declined
to bow before a casket containing an imperial rescript was dismissed. His
life was, in fact, for some time in danger from the fury of the populace. So
dominant has Mikado-worship become that some Japanese Christian
pastors have endeavoured to reconcile it with Christianity, and to be
Mikado-worshippers and Christ-worshippers at the same time.341 All creeds
are nominally tolerated in Japan, but avowed heresy as to the divine origin
of the Imperial House is a bar to public employment, and exposes the
heretic to suspicion of treason. The new religion, which is merely old
Shintôism revised, has been invented as a political expedient, and may
possibly not long survive the decease of Mutsu Hito, the late emperor, who
continued throughout his reign to live in comparative seclusion, and has
been succeeded by a young prince educated on European lines. But the cult
has obtained a strong hold upon the people; and by reason of social pressure
receives the conventional support of educated men exactly as Christianity
does in England, America, Germany, and Russia.

Thus there is not “plain sailing” for freethought in Japan. In such a political
atmosphere neither moral nor scientific thought has a good prognosis; and if
it be not changed for the better much of the Japanese advance may be lost.
Rationalism on any large scale is always a product of culture; and culture
for the mass of the people of Japan has only recently begun. Down till the
middle of the nineteenth century nothing more than sporadic freethought
existed.342 Some famous captains were irreverent as to the omens; and in a
seventeenth-century manual of the principles of government, ascribed to the
great founder of modern feudalism, Iyéyasu, the sacrifices of vassals at the
graves of their lords are denounced, and Confucius is even cited as
ridiculing the burial of effigies in substitution.343 But, as elsewhere under
similar conditions, such displays of originality were confined to the ruling
caste.344 I have seen, indeed, a delightful popular satire, apparently a
product of mother-wit, on the methods of popular Buddhist shrine-making;
but, supposing it to be genuine and vernacular, it can stand only for that
measure of freethought which is never absent from any society not pithed
by a long process of religious tyranny. Old Japan, with its intense feudal
discipline and its indurated etiquette, exhibited the social order, the grace,
the moral charm, and the intellectual vacuity of a hive of bees. The higher
mental life was hardly in evidence; and the ethical literature of native
inspiration is of no importance.345 To this day the educated Chinese, though
lacking in Japanese “efficiency” and devotion to drill of all kinds, are the
more freely intellectual in their habits of mind. The Japanese feudal system,
indeed, was so immitigably ironbound, so incomparably destructive of
individuality in word, thought, and deed, that only in the uncodified life of
art and handicraft was any free play of faculty possible. What has happened
of late is the rapid and docile assimilation of western science. Another and a
necessarily longer step is the independent development of the speculative
and critical intelligence; and in the East, as in the West, this is subject to
economic conditions.

A similar generalization holds good as to the other Oriental civilizations.

Analogous developments to those seen in the latter-day Mohammedan
world, and equally marked by fluctuation, have been noted in the mental
life alike of the non-Mohammedan and the Mohammedan peoples of India;
and at the present day the thought of the relatively small educated class is
undoubtedly much affected by the changes going on in that of Europe, and
especially of England. The vast Indian masses, however, are far from
anything in the nature of critical culture; and though some system of
education for them is probably on the way to establishment,346 their life
must long remain quasi-primitive, mentally as well as physically. Buddhism
is theoretically more capable of adaptation to a rationalist view of life than
is Christianity; but its intellectual activities at present seem to tend more
towards an “esoteric” credulity than towards a rational or scientific
adjustment to life.

Of the nature of the influence of Buddhism in Burmah, where it has prospered, a

vivid and thoughtful account is given in the work of H. Fielding, The Soul of a
People, 1898. At its best the cult there deifies the Buddha; elsewhere, it is
interwoven with aboriginal polytheism and superstition (Davids, Buddhism, pp.
207–211; Max Müller, Anthro. Rel., P. 132).

Within Brahmanism, again, there have been at different times attempts to set up
partly naturalistic reforms in religious thought—e.g. that of Chaitanya in the
sixteenth century; but these have never been pronouncedly freethinking, and
Chaitanya preached a “surrender of all to Krishna,” very much in the manner of
evangelical Christianity. Finally he has been deified by his followers. (Müller,
Nat. Rel. p. 100; Phys. Rel. p. 356.)

More definitely freethinking was the monotheistic cult set up among the Sikhs in
the fifteenth century, as the history runs, by Nanak, who had been influenced both
by Parsees and by Mohammedans, and whose ethical system repudiated caste. But
though Nanak objected to any adoration of himself, he and all his descendants
have been virtually deified by his devotees, despite their profession of a
theoretically pantheistic creed. (Cp. De la Saussaye, Manual of the Science of
Religion, Eng. tr. pp. 659–62; Müller, Phys. Rel. p. 355.) Trumpp (Die Religion
der Sikhs, 1881, p. 123) tells of other Sikh sects, including one of a markedly
atheistic character belonging to the nineteenth century; but all alike seem to
gravitate towards Hinduism.

Similarly among the Jainas, who compare with the Buddhists in their nominal
atheism as in their tenderness to animals and in some other respects, there has
been decline and compromise; and their numbers appear steadily to dwindle,
though in India they survived while Buddhism disappeared. Cp. De la Saussaye,
Manual, pp. 557–63; Rev. J. Robson, Hinduism, 1874, pp. 80–86; Tiele, Outlines,
p. 141. Finally, the Brahmo-Somaj movement of the nineteenth century appears to
have come to little in the way of rationalism (Mitchell, Hinduism, pp. 224–46; De
la Saussaye, pp. 669–71; Tiele, p. 160).

The principle of the interdependence of the external and the internal life,
finally, applies even in the case of Turkey. The notion that Turkish
civilization in Europe is unimprovable, though partly countenanced by
despondent thinkers even among the enlightened Turks,347 had no
justification in social science, though bad politics may ruin the Turkish, like
other Moslem States; and although Turkish freethinking has not in general
passed the theistic stage,348 and its spread is grievously hindered by the
national religiosity,349 which the age-long hostility of the Christian States
so much tends to intensify, a gradual improvement in the educational and
political conditions would suffice to evolve it, according to the observed
laws of all civilization. It may be that a result of the rationalistic evolution
in the other European States will be to make them intelligently friendly to
such a process, where at present they are either piously malevolent towards
the rival creed or merely self-seeking as against each other’s influence on
Turkish destinies.

In any case, it cannot seriously be pretended that the mental life of Christian
Greece in modern times has yielded, apart from services to simple
scholarship, a much better result to the world at large than has that of
Turkey. The usual reactions in individual cases of course take place. An
American traveller writing in 1856 notes how illiterate Greek priests glory
in their ignorance, “asserting that a more liberal education has the effect of
making atheists of the youth.” He adds that he has “known several deacons
and others in the University [of Athens] that were skeptics even as to the
truth of religion,” and would gladly have become laymen if they could have
secured a livelihood.350 But there was then and later in the century no
measurable movement of a rationalistic kind. At the time of the
emancipation the Greek priesthood was “in general at once the most
ignorant and the most vicious portion of the community”;351 and it
remained socially predominant and reactionary. “Whatever progress has
been made in Greece has received but little assistance from them.”352
Liberal-minded professors in the theological school were mutinied against
by bigoted students,353 a type still much in evidence at Athens; and the
liberal thinker Theophilus Kaïres, charged with teaching “atheistic
doctrines,” and found guilty with three of his followers, died of jail fever
while his appeal to the Areopagus was pending.354
Thus far Christian bigotry seems to have held its own in what once was
Hellas. On the surface, Greece shows little trace of instructed freethought;
while in Bulgaria, by Greek testimony, school teachers openly proclaim
their rationalism, and call for the exclusion of religious teaching from the
schools.355 Despite the political freedom of the Christian State, there has
thus far occurred there no such general fertilization by the culture of the rest
of Europe as is needed to produce a new intellectual evolution of any
importance. The mere geographical isolation of modern Greece from the
main currents of European thought and commerce is probably the most
retardative of her conditions; and it is hard to see how it can be
countervailed. Italy, in comparison, is pulsating with original life, industrial
and intellectual. But, given either a renascence of Mohammedan civilization
or a great political reconstruction such as is latterly on foot, the whole life
of the nearer East may take a new departure; and in such an evolution
Greece would be likely to share.
1 Memoir of Sydney Smith, by his daughter, Lady Holland, ed. 1869, p. 49. Lady
Holland remarks on the same page that her father’s religion had in it “nothing intolerant.” ↑
2 Memoir of Sydney Smith, p. 142. ↑
3 Julien Luchaire, Essai sur l’évolution intellectuelle de l’Italie, 1906, pp. 5–7. ↑
4 Dr. Ramage, Nooks and Byeways of Italy, 1868, pp. 76, 105–13. Ramage describes the
helplessness of the better minds before 1830. ↑
5 Luchaire, pp. 35, 36. ↑
6 Id. p. 30. ↑
7 Doblado (Blanco White), Letters from Spain, 1822. p. 358. ↑
8 Thus the traveller and belletrist J. G. Seume, a zealous deist and opponent of atheism,
and a no less zealous patriot, penned many fiercely freethinking maxims, as: “Where were
the most so-called positive religions, there was always the least morality”; “Grotius and the
Bible are the best supports of despotism”; “Heaven has lost us the earth”; “The best
apostles of despotism and slavery are the mystics.” Apokryphen, 1806–1807, in
Sämmtliche Werke, 1839, iv, 157, 173, 177, 219. ↑
9 C. H. Cottrell, Religious Movements of Germany, 1849, p. 12 sq. ↑
10 Cp. the author’s Evolution of States, pp. 138–39. ↑
11 When I thus planned the treatment of the nineteenth century in the first edition of this
book, it was known to me that Mr. Alfred W. Benn had in hand a work on The History of
English Rationalism in the Nineteenth Century; and the knowledge made me the more
resolved to keep my own record condensed. Duly published in 1906 (Longmans, 2 vols.),
Mr. Benn’s book amply fulfilled expectations; and to it I would refer every reader who
seeks a fuller survey than the present. Its freshness of thought and vigour of execution will
more than repay him. Even Mr. Benn’s copious work, however—devoting as it does a large
amount of space to a preliminary survey of the eighteenth century—leaves room for
various English monographs on the nineteenth, to say nothing of the culture history of a
dozen other countries. ↑
12 Lecky, Hist. of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century, ed. 1892, iii, 382. ↑
13 Cp. Conway’s Life of Paine, ii, 252–53. ↑
14 This translation, issued by “Sherwood, Neely, and Jones, Paternoster Row, and all
booksellers,” purports to be “with additions.” The translation, however, has altered
d’Holbach’s atheism to deism. ↑
15 By W. Huttman. The book is “embellished with a head of Jesus”—a conventional
religious picture. Huttman’s opinions may be divined from the last sentence of his preface,
alluding to “the high pretentions and inflated stile of the lives of Christ which issue
periodically from the English press.” ↑
16 Cp. Dynamics of Religion, pp. 208–209. ↑
17 See Harriet Martineau’s History of the Peace, ed. 1877, ii, 87, and Mrs. Carlile
Campbell’s The Battle of the Press (Bonner, 1899), passim, as to the treatment of those
who acted as Carlile’s shopmen. Women were imprisoned as well as men—e.g. Susanna
Wright, as to whom see Wheeler’s Dictionary, and last ref. Carlile’s wife and sister were
likewise imprisoned with him; and over twenty volunteer shopmen in all went to jail. ↑
18 Hone’s most important service to popular culture was his issue of the Apocryphal New
Testament, which, by co-ordinating work of the same kind, gave a fresh scientific basis to
the popular criticism of the gospel history. As to his famous trial for blasphemy on the
score of his having published certain parodies, political in intention, see bk. i, ch. x (by
Knight) of Harriet Martineau’s History of the Peace. ↑
19 Holyoake, Sixty Years of an Agitator’s Life, i, 109–10. See p. 111 as to other cases. ↑
20 Art. by Holyoake in Dict. of Nat. Biog. Cp. Sixty Years, per index. ↑
21 Articles in Dict. of Nat. Biog. ↑
22 Holyoake, Sixty Years, i, 47. ↑
23 Kirkup, History of Socialism, 1892, p. 64. ↑
24 “From an early age he had lost all belief in the prevailing forms of religion” (Kirkup,
p. 59). ↑
25 Reformers of almost all schools, indeed, from the first regarded Owen with more or
less genial incredulity, some criticizing him acutely without any ill-will. See Podmore’s
Robert Owen, 1906, i, 238–42. Southey was one of the first to detect his lack of religious
belief. Id. p. 222, n. ↑
26 Podmore, i, 246. ↑
27 Kirkup, as cited, p. 64. ↑
28 Podmore, ii, 640. ↑
29 “Extraordinary self-complacency,” “autocratic action,” “arrogance,” are among the
expressions used of him by his ablest biographer. (Podmore, ii, 641.) Of him might be said,
as of Emerson by himself, “the children of the Gods do not argue”—the faculty being
absent. ↑
30 Pamphlet sold at 1½d., and “to be had of all the Booksellers.” ↑
31 Of George Combe’s Constitution of Man (1828), a deistic work, over 50,000 copies
were sold in Britain within twelve years, and 10,000 in America. Advt. to 4th ed. 1839.
Combe avows that his impulse came from the phrenologist Spurzheim. ↑
32 See the details in his Last Trial by Jury for Atheism in England. ↑
33 The Gospel its Own Witness, 1799. rep. in Bohn’s ed. of The Principal Works and
Remains of the Rev. Andrew Fuller, 1852, pp. 136–37. ↑
34 See Prof. Flint’s tribute to the reasoning power of Bradlaugh and Holyoake in his
Anti-Theistic Theories, 4th ed. pp. 518–19. ↑
35 See Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner’s Charles Bradlaugh, i, 149, 288–89. ↑
36 For a full record see Part II of Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner’s Charles Bradlaugh. ↑
37 After Bradlaugh had secured his seat, the noble lord even sought his acquaintance. ↑
38 Though young Conservative members, after 1886, privately professed sympathy. ↑
39 Work cited, p. 524. ↑
40 Coquerel, Essai sur l’histoire générale du christianisme, 1828, préf. ↑
41 Dr. Christopher Wordsworth, Diary in France, 1845, pp. 75–77. ↑
42 “The miserable and deistical principle of the equality of all religions” (id. p. 188). Cp.
pp. 151, 153. ↑
43 Id. pp. 15, 37, 45, 181, 185, 190. ↑
44 Id. pp. 157–61. As to the general vogue of rationalism in France at that period, see pp.
35, 204: and compare Saisset, Essais sur la philosophie et la religion, 1845; The Progress
of Religious Thought as illustrated in the Protestant Church of France, by Dr. J. R. Beard,
1861; and Wilson’s article in Essays and Reviews. As to Switzerland and Holland, see
Pearson, Infidelity, its Aspects, etc., 1853, pp. 560–64, 575–84. ↑
45 Louis Philippe sought to suppress this book, of which many editions had appeared
before 1830. See Blanco White’s Life, 1845, ii. 168. ↑
46 Prof. E. Lavisse, Un Ministre: Victor Duruy, 1895 (rep. of art. in Revue de Paris, Janv.
15 and Mars 1, 1895), p. 117. ↑
47 Id. pp. 99–105. ↑
48 Id. pp. 107–118. ↑
49 Id. pp. 118–27. ↑
50 Llorente, Hist. crit. de l’Inquisition de l’Espagne, 2e édit, iv, 153. ↑
51 Rapport of Ch. Fulpius in the Almanach de Libre Pensée, 1906. ↑
52 Squier, Notes on Central America, 1856, p. 227. ↑
53 Before 1840 the popular freethought propaganda had been partly carried on under
cover of Radicalism, as in Carlile’s Republican, and Lion, and in various publications of
William Hone. Cp. H. B. Wilson’s article “The National Church,” in Essays and Reviews,
9th ed. p. 152. ↑
54 Described as “our chief atheistic organ” by the late F. W. Newman “because Dr. James
Martineau declined to continue writing for it, because it interpolated atheistical articles
between his theistic articles” (Contributions ... to the early history of the late Cardinal
Newman, 1891, p. 103). The review was for a time edited by J. S. Mill, and for long after
him by Dr. John Chapman. It lasted into the twentieth century, under the editorship of Dr.
Chapman’s widow, and kept a free platform to the end. ↑
55 Pastor W. Baur, Hamburg, Religious Life in Germany during the Wars of
Independence, Eng. tr. 1872, p. 41. H. J. Rose and Pusey, in their controversy as to the
causes of German rationalism, were substantially at one on this point of fact. Rose, Letter
to the Bishop of London, 1829, pp. 19, 150, 161. ↑
56 Id. p. 481. ↑
57 Ueber die Religion: Reden an die gebildeten unter ihren Verächtern. These are
discussed hereinafter. ↑
58 Lichtenberger, Hist. of Ger. Theol. in the Nineteenth Cent. Eng. tr. 1889, pp. 122–23. ↑
59 See the same volume, passim. ↑
60 Karl von Raumer, Contrib. to the Hist. of the German Universities, Eng. tr. 1859, p.
79. The intellectual tone of W. Baur and K. von Raumer certainly protects them from any
charge of “enlightenment.” ↑
61 Laing, Notes of a Traveller, 1842, p. 181. ↑
62 C. H. Cotterill, Relig. Movements of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, 1849, pp.
39–40. ↑
63 Id. pp. 27–28, 41–42. ↑
64 Cp. Laing, as cited, pp. 206–207, 211. ↑
65 Cotterill, as cited, p. 84. ↑
66 Cotterill. as cited, pp. 43–47. ↑
67 Rapport de Ida Altmann, in Almanach de Libre Pensée, 1906, p. 20. ↑
68 The principal have been: Das freie Wort and Frankfurter Zeitung, Frankfort-on-Main;
Der Freidenker, Friedrichshagen, near Berlin; Das freireligiöse Sonntagsblatt, Breslau; Die
freie Gemeinde, Magdeburg; Der Atheist, Nuremberg; Menschentum, Gotha; Vossische
Zeitung, Berlin; Berliner Volkszeitung, Berlin; Vorwärts (Socialist), Berlin; Weser Zeitung,
Bremen; Hartungsche Zeitung, Königsberg; Kölnische Zeitung, Cologne. ↑
69 Studemund, Der moderne Unglaube in den unteren Ständen, 1901, p. 14. ↑
70 Id. p. 22. ↑
71 A. D. McLaren, An Australian in Germany, 1911, pp. 181, 184. ↑
72 Studemund, Der moderne Unglaube in den unteren Ständen, 1901, pp. 17, 21. ↑
73 Glossen zu Yves Guyot’s und Sigismund Lacroix’s “Die wahre Gestalt des
Christentums.” ↑
74 Studemund, p. 22. ↑
75 Id. p. 23. ↑
76 Id. p. 27. ↑
77 Id. pp. 37–38. ↑
78 Id. pp. 40–42. Cp. p. 43. Pastor Studemund cites other inquirers, notably Rade,
Gebhardt, Lorenz, and Dietzgen, all to the same effect. ↑
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