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Starting Out with C++ from Control Structures to Objects, 8e (Gaddis)
Chapter 6 Functions

6.1 Multiple Choice Questions

1) This is a collection of statements that performs a specific task.

A) infinite loop
B) variable
C) constant
D) function
E) None of these
Answer: D

2) A function ________ contains the statements that make up the function.

A) definition
B) prototype
C) call
D) expression
E) parameter list
Answer: A

3) A function can have zero to many parameters, and it can return this many values.
A) zero to many
B) no
C) only one
D) a maximum of ten
E) None of these
Answer: C

4) A function is executed when it is:

A) defined
B) prototyped
C) declared
D) called
E) None of these
Answer: D

5) In a function header, you must furnish:

A) data type(s) of the parameters
B) data type of the return value
C) the name of function
D) names of parameter variables
E) All of these
Answer: E

1
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) Functions are ideal for use in menu-driven programs. When a user selects a menu item, the program
can ________ the appropriate function.
A) call
B) prototype
C) define
D) declare
E) None of these
Answer: A

7) This type of variable is defined inside a function and is not accessible outside the function.
A) global
B) reference
C) local
D) counter
E) None of these
Answer: C

8) The value in this type of local variable persists between function calls.
A) global
B) internal
C) static
D) dynamic
E) None of these
Answer: C

9) These types of arguments are passed to parameters automatically if no argument is provided in the
function call.
A) Local
B) Default
C) Global
D) Relational
E) None of these
Answer: B

10) When used as parameters, these types of variables allow a function to access the parameter's original
argument.
A) reference
B) floating-point
C) counter
D) undeclared
E) None of these
Answer: A

2
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
11) This statement causes a function to end.
A) end
B) terminate
C) return
D) release
E) None of these
Answer: C

12) ________ functions may have the same name, as long as their parameter lists are different.
A) Only two
B) Two or more
C) Zero
D) Un-prototyped
E) None of these
Answer: B

13) This function causes a program to terminate, regardless of which function or control mechanism is
executing.
A) terminate()
B) return()
C) continue()
D) exit()
E) None of these
Answer: D

3
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
14) Given the following function definition:

void calc (int a, int& b)

{
int c;

c = a + 2;
a = a * 3;
b = c + a;
}

What is the output of the following code fragment that invokes calc?

int x = 1;
int y = 2;
int z = 3;

calc(x, y);
cout << x << " " << y << " " << z << endl;

A) 1 2 3
B) 1 6 3
C) 3 6 3
D) 1 14 9
E) None of these
Answer: B

15) This is a statement that causes a function to execute.

A) for loop
B) do-while loop
C) function prototype
D) function call
E) None of these

Answer: D

16) It is a good programming practice to ________ your functions by writing comments that describe
what they do.
A) execute
B) document
C) eliminate
D) prototype
E) None of these
Answer: B

4
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
17) A(n) ________ is information that is passed to a function, and a(n) ________ is information that is
received by a function.
A) function call, function header
B) parameter, argument
C) argument, parameter
D) prototype, header
E) None of these
Answer: C

18) Which of the following statements about global variables is true?

A) A global variable is accessible only to the main function.
B) A global variable is declared in the highest-level block in which it is used.
C) A global variable can have the same name as a variable that is declared locally within a function.
D) If a function contains a local variable with the same name as a global variable, the global variable's
name takes precedence within the function.
E) All of these are true.
Answer: C

19) A function ________ eliminates the need to place a function definition before all calls to the function.
A) header
B) prototype
C) argument
D) parameter
E) None of these
Answer: B

20) A ________ variable is declared outside all functions.

A) local
B) global
C) floating-point
D) counter
E) None of these
Answer: B

21) If a function is called more than once in a program, the values stored in the function's local variables
do not ________ between function calls.
A) persist
B) execute
C) communicate
D) change
E) None of these
Answer: A

5
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
22) A ________ argument is passed to a parameter when the actual argument is left out of the function
call.
A) false
B) true
C) null
D) default
E) None of these
Answer: D

23) If a function does not have a prototype, default arguments may be specified in the function ________.
A) call
B) header
C) execution
D) return type
E) None of these
Answer: B

24) EXIT_FAILURE and ________ are named constants that may be used to indicate success or failure
when the exit() function is called.
A) EXIT_TERMINATE
B) EXIT_SUCCESS
C) EXIT_OK
D) RETURN_OK
E) None of these
Answer: B

25) The value in a ________ variable persists between function calls.

A) dynamic
B) local
C) counter
D) static local
Answer: D

26) This is a dummy function that is called instead of the actual function it represents.
A) main function
B) stub
C) driver
D) overloaded function
Answer: B

6
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
27) What is the output of the following program?

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

void showDub(int);

int main()
{
int x = 2;

showDub(x);
cout << x << endl;
return 0;
}

void showDub(int num)

{
cout << (num * 2) << endl;
}

A) 2
2

B) 4
2

C) 2
4

D) 4
4
Answer: B

7
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
28) What is the output of the following program?

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

void doSomething(int);

int main()
{
int x = 2;

cout << x << endl;

doSomething(x);
cout << x << endl;
return 0;
}

void doSomething(int num)

{
num = 0;
cout << num << endl;
}

A) 2
0
2

B) 2
2
2

C) 0
0
0

D) 2
0
0
Answer: A

8
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
29) What is the output of the following program?

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

void doSomething(int&);

int main()
{
int x = 2;

cout << x << endl;

doSomething(x);
cout << x << endl;
return 0;
}

void doSomething(int& num)

{
num = 0;
cout << num << endl;
}

A) 2
0
2

B) 2
2
2

C) 0
0
0

D) 2
0
0
Answer: D

9
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
30) Which line in the following program contains the prototype for the showDub function?

1 #include <iostream>
2 using namespace std;
3
4 void showDub(int);
5
6 int main()
7 {
8 int x = 2;
9
10 showDub(x);
11 cout << x << endl;
12 return 0;
13 }
14
15 void showDub(int num)
16 {
17 cout << (num * 2) << endl;
18 }

A) 4
B) 6
C) 10
D) 15
Answer: A

10
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31) Which line in the following program contains the header for the showDub function?

1 #include <iostream>
2 using namespace std;
3
4 void showDub(int);
5
6 int main()
7 {
8 int x = 2;
9
10 showDub(x);
11 cout << x << endl;
12 return 0;
13 }
14
15 void showDub(int num)
16 {
17 cout << (num * 2) << endl;
18 }

A) 4
B) 6
C) 10
D) 15
Answer: D

11
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
32) Which line in the following program contains a call to the showDub function?

1 #include <iostream>
2 using namespace std;
3
4 void showDub(int);
5
6 int main()
7 {
8 int x = 2;
9
10 showDub(x);
11 cout << x << endl;
12 return 0;
13 }
14
15 void showDub(int num)
16 {
17 cout << (num * 2) << endl;
18 }

A) 4
B) 6
C) 10
D) 15
Answer: C

33) Look at the following function prototype.

int myFunction(double);

What is the data type of the function's parameter variable?

A) int
B) double
C) void
D) Can't tell from the prototype
Answer: B

34) Look at the following function prototype.

int myFunction(double);

What is the data type of the function's return value?

A) int
B) double
C) void
D) Can't tell from the prototype
Answer: A

12
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
35) Look at the following function prototype.

int myFunction(double, double, double);

How many parameter variables does this function have?

A) 1
B) 2
C) 3
D) Can't tell from the prototype
Answer: C

36) What is the output of the following program?

#include <iostream>
using namespace std;

int getValue(int);

int main()
{
int x = 2;

cout << getValue(x) << endl;

return 0;
}

int getValue(int num)

{
return num + 5;
}

A) 5
B) 2
C) 7
D) "getValue(x)"
Answer: C

37) Here is the header for a function named computeValue:

void computeValue(int value)

Which of the following is a valid call to the function?

A) computeValue(10)
B) computeValue(10);
C) void computeValue(10);
D) void computeValue(int x);
Answer: B

13
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
6.2 True/False Questions

1) True/False: When a function is called, flow of control moves to the function's prototype.
Answer: FALSE

2) True/False: A parameter is a special-purpose variable that is declared inside the parentheses of a

function definition.
Answer: TRUE

3) True/False: A local variable and a global variable may not have the same name within the same
program.
Answer: FALSE

4) True/False: A static variable that is defined within a function is initialized only once, the first time the
function is called.
Answer: TRUE

5) True/False: It is possible for a function to have some parameters with default arguments and some
without.
Answer: TRUE

6) True/False: A function's return data type must be the same as the function's parameter(s).
Answer: FALSE

7) True/False: One reason for using functions is to break programs into manageable units, or modules.
Answer: TRUE

8) True/False: You must furnish an argument with a function call.

Answer: FALSE

9) True/False: Global variables are initialized to zero by default.

Answer: TRUE

10) True/False: Local variables are initialized to zero by default.

Answer: FALSE

11) True/False: It is not considered good programming practice to declare all of your variables globally.
Answer: TRUE

12) True/False: You may use the exit() function to terminate a program, regardless of which control
mechanism is executing.
Answer: TRUE

14
Copyright © 2015 Pearson Education, Inc.
Other documents randomly have
different content
In 1663, Sieur Duquet, the King's Attorney for Quebec, and Jean
L'Anglois, a Canadian colonist, are said to have gone to Hudson's Bay
by order of Sieur D'Argenson, and to have renewed possession by
setting up the King's arms there a second time. Such an order could
hardly have been given by D'Argenson, because he had left Canada
on September 16th, 1671, two years before this pretended order
was given to Sieur Duquet.
It has been attempted to explain the silence of the
French falsehoods
and fallacies.
"Relations of the Jesuits" concerning Bourdon's
voyage, by asserting that they were naturally
anxious that members of their own society should be the pioneers in
discovery, and that therefore many important discoveries were never
brought to light in their relations because they were not made by
Jesuits. It is enough to say that such an argument cannot apply to
the voyage of Dablon. He was a Jesuit, a man in whom the interests
of the society were centred, and if a voyage had been made by him,
no doubt a great deal of prominence would have been given to it.
On the contrary, in the third volume of the "Jesuit Relations," 1662,
we find this Jesuit, Father Dablon, describing an unsuccessful voyage
that he made. There can be no doubt that he attempted a voyage. A
portion of this relation is written by himself, and he calls it, "Journal
du Premier Voyage Fait Vers la Mer du Nord." The first portion of it is
most important and conclusive, as showing that De Callieres, in his
memoir to M. De Seignely, twenty-one years afterwards, must have
been speaking from hearsay, and without any authentic documents
on which to base his assertions. Dablon says that the highest point
which he did reach was Nekauba, a hundred leagues from
Tadoussac, and that subsequently he returned; and this is from a
report of this journey written by himself. Some have attempted to
raise a doubt as to the identity of the Dablon in De Callieres' memoir,
with the Dablon of the "Relations des Jesuites." But at the end of
one of the volumes is a complete list of all the Jesuits, pioneers both
of the faith and in the way of discovery, and there is only one Dablon
mentioned. Another inaccuracy of this memoir is as to the trip of
Duquet, under an order said to have been given by Sieur
D'Argenson. There can be no doubt that at the time this pretended
order was given, D'Argenson had left Canada.
On the whole it may be as well for the reader to dismiss the French
pretensions. They are no longer of interest, save to the hair-splitting
student of the country's annals: but in their day they gave rise to a
wilderness of controversy, through which we in the twentieth century
may yet grope vainly for the light. For all practical purposes the
question of priority was settled forever by the Ontario Boundary
Commission of 1884. Let us turn rather to behold to what account
the Honourable Adventurers turned their new property.
 CHAPTER VI.

1671.
First Public Sale at Garraway's—Contemporary Prices of Fur—The
Poet Dryden—Meetings of the Company—Curiosity of the Town—
Aborigines on View.
On the seventeenth day of November, 1671, the wits, beaux and
well-to-do merchants who were wont to assemble at Garraway's
coffee-house, London, were surprised by a placard making the
following announcement:—"On the fifth of December, ensuing, There
Will Be Sold, in the Greate Hall of this Place, 3,000 weight of Beaver
Skins,[16] comprised in thirty lotts, belonging to the Honourable, the
Governour and Company of Merchants-Adventurers Trading into
Hudson's Bay."

The Beaver.
Such was the notice of the first official sale of the Company. Up to
this date, the peltries brought back in their ships had been disposed
of by private treaty, an arrangement entrusted chiefly to Mr. John
Portman and Mr. William Prettyman, both of whom appear to have
had considerable familiarity with the European fur-trade. The
immediate occasion of this sale is a trivial matter. The causes lying
behind it are of interest.
Among the numerous houses which cured and dealt in furs at this
period, both in London and Bristol, there were none whose business
seems to have been comparable, either in quantity or quality, to that
of the great establishments which flourished in Leipsic and
Amsterdam, Paris and Vienna. Indeed, it was a reproach continually
levelled at the English fur-dressers that such furs as passed through
their hands were vastly inferior to the foreign product; and it is
certain that it was the practice of the nobles and wealthier classes,
as well as the municipal and judicial dignitaries, for whose costume
fur was prescribed by use and tradition, to resort not to any English
establishment, but to one of the cities above-mentioned, when
desirous of replenishing this department of their wardrobe. Hitherto,
then, the Company had had but little opportunity of extending its
trade, and but little ground to show why an intending purchaser
should patronize its wares. But the superiority both in the number
and quality of the skins which now began to arrive seems to have
encouraged the directors to make a new bid for public custom; and
as the purchasing public showed no disposition to visit their
warehouses they determined to take their wares to the public.
This sale of the Company, however, the first, as it
First sale well
attended.
subsequently proved, of a series of great
transactions which during the past two centuries
have made London the centre of the world's fur-trade, did not take
place until the twenty-fourth of January. It excited the greatest
interest. Garraway's was crowded by distinguished men, and both
the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, besides Dryden, the poet,
were among the spectators. There are some lines attributed to him,
under date of 1672, which may have been improvised on this
occasion.
 "Friend, once 'twas Fame that led thee forth
To brave the Tropic Heat, the Frozen North,
Late it was Gold, then Beauty was the Spur;
But now our Gallants venture but for Fur."

A number of purchases seem to have been made by private parties;

but the bulk of the undressed beaver-skins probably went to fur
merchants, and there is good reason to believe that the majority
found their way into the hands of Portman and Prettyman. Beaver
seems on this occasion to have fetched from thirty-five to fifty-five
shillings—a high figure, which for a long time was maintained. But
the Company showed considerable sagacity by not parting with its
entire stock of furs at once. Only the beaver-skins were disposed of
at this sale; the peltries of moose, marten, bear and otter were
reserved for a separate and subsequent auction.
Prior to its incorporation, and for a year
Meeting at John
afterwards, the Company does not seem to have
Horth's.
pursued any formal course with regard to its
meetings. At first, they met at the Tower, at the Mint, or at Prince
Rupert's house in Spring Garden. Once or twice they met at
Garraway's. But at a conclave held on November 7th, 1671, it was
resolved that a definite procedure should be established with regard
both to the time and place of meeting, and to the keeping of the
minutes and accounts. These latter, it was ordered, were forthwith to
be rendered weekly to the General Court, so that the adventurers
might be conversant with all sales, orders and commissions included
in the Company's dealings. Employees' accounts were also to be
posted up; and the same regulation was applied to the lists of goods
received for the two ships then lying in the Thames. It was further
decreed that the weekly meetings should take place at Mr. John
Horth's office, "The Excise Office," in Broad Street, pending the
building of a "Hudson's Bay House."
Soon afterwards, a "General Court" of the adventurers was held, at
which the Prince, Lord Ashley, Sir John Robinson, Sir Peter Colleson,
Sir Robert Viner, Mr. Kirke and Mr. Portman were in attendance. We
catch a thoroughly typical glimpse of Prince Rupert at this meeting;
sober business was not at all to his taste, and at a very early stage
in the proceedings he feigned either indisposition or another
appointment, and took his departure. A hint, however, may possibly
have been given to him to do so, for, no sooner was the door closed
behind him, than his friend Lord Ashley introduced a very delicate
topic which was entered into by all those present. It concerned
nothing less than Prince Rupert's profits, which up to this time seem
to have been very vaguely defined.
Lord Ashley spoke for the Prince and he seems to have demanded
some definite payment besides a share in the enterprise; but there is
no record of an agreement or of any exact sum, nor is there any
basis for the conjecture that his share was ten thousand pounds.
The charter of monopoly was an important one, and the King
certainly not the man to fail in appreciating its value; but how much
he did out of good will to his kinsman, and how much out of
consideration for his own profit, will never be known. A perusal of
the vast quantity of manuscript matter which exists relating to this
arrangement leads to the conclusion that Charles sold the charter
out of hand. And indeed one pamphleteer, intent on defaming the
Company in 1766, even goes so far as to profess actual knowledge
of the sum paid to his Majesty by the adventurers. Upon a
consideration of all the speculations advanced, I have come to the
conclusion that it is highly improbable that the King received any
immediate pecuniary advantage whatever on account of the charter.
There is no shadow of evidence to support the charge; and there is
at least some presumptive evidence against it. Charters were both
commonly and cheaply given in those days. Even where
consideration was given, the amount was insignificant. In 1668, for
example, Charles transferred the province of Bombay, which had
come to the British Crown as portion of the dower of Catherine of
Braganza, to the East India Company for an annual rent of no more
than £10. On the whole then the data, such as they are, strongly
favour the belief that he granted the charter simply in the cause of
friendship and at the urgent instance of his cousin; while, as an
additional motive, it was probably also urged upon him that a
charter boasting the royal signature would be a virtual assertion of
his dominion over territory which was always somewhat in dispute.
Prince Rupert himself in any case was paid a lump sum by the
adventurers, but the amount will probably never be known.
The early meetings of the Company seem to have been largely
occupied in considering the question of cargoes. This was, no doubt,
a very important business. The Company appear to have had two
precedents which, in part, they naturally adopted, those of the
Dutch (or West India Company) and the French Company. The East
India Company's practice could have afforded them little assistance.
They also struck out a line for themselves, and in their selection of
goods for the purposes of barter they were greatly guided by the
advice of Radisson, who had a very sound conception of the Indian
character. From the first the Company rejected the policy of seeking
to exchange glass beads and gilded kickshaws for furs. Not that they
found it inexpedient to include these trifles in their cargoes: for we
read in one of the news-letters of 1671, speaking of the doings at
Garraway's:—
"Hither came Mr. Portman, to whom, reports says, is entrusted the
purchase of beads and ribbons for the American savages by the new
Adventurers, and who is charged with being in readiness to bargain
for sackfuls of child's trinkets as well as many outlandish things,
which are proper for barter. He takes the rallying in great good-
humour."
Long before the Company was thought of, the
Solid character of
the merchandise.
manufacture of beads and wampum for the New
England trade had been going on in London. But
beads and jewellery, it was argued, were better suited for the
African and East Indian trade. It was Radisson who pointed out with
great propriety that the northern tribes would become most useful to
the Company if they were provided with weapons for killing or
ensnaring the game, as well as with the knives, hatchets and kettles,
which were indispensable for dressing it, and for preparing
pemmican. And his advice was taken on this, as on most other
points. Thus for the Prince Rupert and the Imploy, which were to sail
in the following spring, the following cargo was prescribed by
Radisson and Captain Gillam:—

500 fowling pieces, and powder and shot in proportion.

500 brass kettles, 2 to 16 gallons apiece.
30 gross of knives.
2,000 hatchets.

But it is curious to note how this list of exports was continually

added to. For instance, one of the Company on one occasion rose at
the weekly meeting and stated that he had been told by an
experienced Indian trader that scarlet cloth was very highly
esteemed among the Indians.
"I hear," said he, "that an Indian will barter anything he possesses
for a couple of yards of scarlet cloth and a few dyed feathers."
Whereupon, the chairman turned to the original adventurer in the
region controlled by the Company.
"What does Mr. Radisson say to this?"
"I think," said Mr. Radisson, "that the honourable adventurer does
not understand the Indian trade as well as I do. He forgets that
Indians are of many races; and that what will suit the case and
attract the cupidity of an Indian far to the south, will have little
effect on the northern tribes. An Iroquois would think more of a
brass nail than of twenty yards of scarlet cloth. In the north, where
we have built a factory, the Indians are more peaceful; but they do
not care much for kickshaws and coloured rags. They, too, esteem
powder and shot and the means of discharging them. But they are
just as fond, particularly Eskimaux, of knives and kettles and
hatchets."
On a subsequent occasion, a third as many again of these
implements were taken as cargo.
In the meantime, it was not to be supposed that
Ships besieged by
the rumours of the great value put upon petty
peddlers.
merchandise by the hyperborean savages, could
fail to excite the cupidity of London merchants and dealers in these
things. The ships that sailed in the spring of 1671 were besieged by
peddlers and small dealers, who were prepared to adventure their
property in the wilds. Not only the ships, but the houses selected for
the Company's meetings were beset with eager throngs, praying the
adventurers, collectively and individually, to act as middlemen for
their trumpery merchandise.
Not only did the ships and the place of meeting suffer siege, but as
many as thirty persons shipped out to Hudson's Bay in the first two
voyages after the granting of the charter, while twenty-one of them
returned in the next two vessels fully determined, apparently, to
repeat a journey which had proved so lucrative.
To abate this nuisance, it was enacted that no persons would
"hereafter be employed to stay in the country or otherwise but by
consent of the Committee, nor any goods be put aboard the ships
but with their knowledge and consent, to the end that the ships be
not hereafter pestered as they were the last voyage."
This enactment may have had its rise in the dishonesty of these self-
appointed adventurers. On several occasions on unshipping the
cargo, boxes and barrels containing valuable furs would be found
missing, or their loss would coincide with the disappearance of a
reprobate who had joined the ship without a character.
Thus we read in the minutes that at one meeting it was ordered that
enquiry be made as to sixty beaver skins, "very good and large,
packed up with the others, in one of the casks, which were not
found." One Jeremiah Walker, a second mate and supercargo was
required to state which cask they were taken in, and his cross-
examination reveals the loose and unbusiness-like methods then in
vogue.
Nothing could be more entertaining than the character of these
meetings, as compared with a modern board-meeting of a joint
stock enterprise. A great air of mystery was kept up. The novelty of
the undertaking was so great as to imbue the committee with a high
sense of the importance and interest of their weekly conclaves. The
length of the speeches bears witness to this spirit. A member had
been known to speak for a whole hour on the edifying theme as to
whether the furs should be placed in barrels or boxes.

Arms of the Hudson's Bay Company.

Vague rumours of these secret proceedings permeated the town.

They became a standing topic at the places where men
foregathered. To the popular imagination, the north was a land of
fable. The denizens of those countries were invested with strange
attributes and clothed in weird and wonderful garments. The
Hudson's Bay Company dealt with picturesque monarchs and a
fierce, proud and noble people, whose ordinary attire was the furs of
sable, of ermine, of fox, and of otter; who made treaties and
exacted tributes after the fashion of the ceremonial East. Petty chiefs
and sachems were described as kings and emperors; the wretched
squaws of a redskin leader as queens. It was, perhaps, only natural
for a generation which banqueted its imagination on the seductive
fable of a North-West Passage to confuse the Red Indians of North
America with the inhabitants of the East; a very long period was to
pass away before the masses were able to distinguish between the
tawny-skinned Indian of the North American continent and the
swarthy servants of the East India Company. Nor were the masses
alone sinners in this respect. The Indians of Dryden, of Congreve, of
Steele, and even of writers so late as Goldsmith no more resembled
the real Red-men than the bison of the western prairies was akin to
the buffalo of the Himalayas.
For such reasons as these, the Adventurers kept their ways and their
superior knowledge with superior discretion to themselves.
It was never known in the seventeenth century
Capital of the
Company.
what actually constituted the original capital of the
Adventurers. So small was it that when, in the
course of the Parliamentary Committee of Enquiry in 1749, nearly
eighty years after the Company had received its charter, the figures
were divulged, the pettiness of the sum occasioned universal
surprise. Each adventurer was apparently required to pay £300,
sterling; and the gross sum was divided into thirty-four equal shares.
Besides Prince Rupert's "sundry charges" (the euphemism employed
to describe the sum paid him for his interest in obtaining the
charter), his Highness was offered a share amounting to one equal
share. "He having graciously signified his acceptance thereof," says
the secretary in the minute-book, "credit given him for three
hundred pounds." The capital thus stood at £10,500.
 CHAPTER VII.

1671-1673.
Mission of the Père Albanel—Apprehension at Fort Charles—Bailey's
Distrust of Radisson—Expedition to Moose River—Groseilliers and
the Savages—The Bushrangers Leave the Company's Service—
Arrival of Governor Lyddal.
While the Honourable Company of Adventurers was holding its
meetings in Mr. Alderman Horth's house, and gravely discussing its
huge profits and its motley wares, an event was happening some
thousands of miles away which was to decide the fate, for some
years at least, of the two picturesque figures to whom the inception
of the whole enterprise was due.
In August, 1671, M. Talon, the Intendant of New France, sent for a
certain Father Albanel and a young friend of his, the Sieur de St.
Simon, and after embracing them sent both forth on a perilous
mission to the North. They were directed to "penetrate as far as the
Mer du Nord; to draw up a memoir of all they would discover, drive a
trade in fur with the Indians, and especially reconnoitre whether
there be any means of wintering ships in that quarter." Such were
the injunctions bestowed upon these hardy spirits on the eve of their
errand. To recur to a theme already touched upon, if the French
Government of the day had previously caused visits to be made to
Hudson's Bay in the manner described several years later, all this
knowledge would have been already acquired; and there would have
been no necessity to despatch either priest or layman thither to
make that discovery anew.
In the "Jesuit Relations" for 1672 is found Father
Father Albanel's
journey.
Albanel's own narration of his journey:
"Hitherto this voyage had been considered
impossible for Frenchmen, who, after having undertaken it three
times and not having been able to surmount the obstacles, had seen
themselves to abandon it in despair of success. What appears as
impossible is found not to be so when it pleases God. The conduct of
it was reserved to me after eighteen years' prosecution that I had
made, and I have very excellent proofs that God reserved the
execution of it for me, after the singular favour of a sudden and
marvellous, not to say miraculous, recovery that I received as soon
as I devoted myself to this mission at the solicitation of my Superior;
and in fact I have not been deceived in my expectation; I have
opened the road, in company with two Frenchmen and six savages."
Thus it is made apparent that so far as the Jesuits, pioneers of this
country, were concerned, no knowledge of any of their compatriots
having penetrated to Hudson's Bay had ever reached them. The
letter that M. Talon was writing to his royal master is proof that he,
too, was unaware of any prior discovery. No doubt remains that the
worthy priest and the young chevalier, his servant, were the first
party travelling overland from Quebec to penetrate into those
regions and to behold that vast expanse of water.
The little band of English at Fort Charles, under Charles Bailey, who
had been sent out as Governor of Rupert's Land by the Company,
were soon made aware of the proximity of the French, and no one
seems to have been more affected by the news than Radisson and
Groseilliers. The two brothers-in-law indulged in many anxious
surmises. Radisson offered to go and find out who the intruders
were, but the Governor by no means favoured the idea. In those
days, when national rivalries and prejudices were so intense, and
especially so among the English middle classes, Bailey seems to
have felt a great deal of distrust with regard to the two Frenchmen;
and he early made up his mind to let them know his opinion and feel
his authority. The two parties were continually at loggerheads; the
Frenchmen naturally resenting the Governor's unjust suspicions, and
the Governor retorting by a ponderous irony and a surly and
continual surveillance of their speech and movements.
In the following year, 1673, the occupants of the
Rivals on the scene.
Company's post, at Rupert's River, were made
aware of the neighbourhood of their trade rivals in
no pleasant manner. The Indians of the country round about began
to show signs of disaffection. On being questioned, some of the
more friendly ones were induced to betray the cause. They had been
informed by the Frenchmen, who in that and the previous years had
reached the shores of the Bay, distant some twenty or thirty leagues,
that the English were not to be trusted, that their firearms were
bewitched, and their religion was that of the evil one. Peaceably
inclined, the Nodwayes, who were the principal inhabitants of that
region, fell an easy prey to the proselytism of the indomitable
Jesuits, and many of their younger braves had journeyed to Quebec
and taken part in the mission services there, and at Montreal, before
the arrival of Dablon in their midst. But they were readily adaptable
to the racial and commercial antagonisms of their teachers; and late
in 1673 Governor Bailey was informed that they contemplated an
attack on the fort.
 Type of Early Trading Post.
(From an old print.)
On this, the Company's servants began the task of strengthening
their frail defences. The Governor alleged that he had received
instructions from England to despatch Groseilliers to the other side
of the Bay, called the "West Main." Radisson sought to accompany
his kinsman, but was met with a peremptory refusal. This action by
no means increased the amity between him and his rather stupid
and choleric superior. Nevertheless the winter passed without any
open exhibition of hostility between the two men; and it seemed
likely that no difficulties would arise while the cold weather
continued. The ground was, however, still covered with snow when
several Indians appeared and asked to be allowed to take up their
abode at the east end of the fort, that they might be ready for trade
in the spring. Bailey, with his customary sagacity in such matters,
suspected some treachery in this; but on the active expostulations of
Radisson the simple request was granted, and the Indians
immediately proceeded to erect their wigwams. On the 25th of
March, when the thaw commenced, six savages, announcing
themselves as ambassadors from Kas-Kidi-dah, the chief of the tribe,
(referred to by Bailey's secretary as "King Cusciddidah,") came to
herald the approach of that potentate. It so chanced that both the
Governor and Radisson were absent, having gone out to reconnoitre
and to obtain an addition to their now slender stock of meat. In all
these little expeditions the Governor and Radisson were inseparable.
The former swore privately he could never bring himself to trust the
fort in the hands of a Frenchman; and, although there was no
reason whatever to apprehend such consequences, the Governor
constantly acted as if any such show of confidence on his part would
emphatically jeopardize the interests of the Company.
King Cusciddidah arrived on the following day. "His
Governor Bailey's
distrust.
Majestie brought a retinue with him," records
Thomas Gorst, the Governor's secretary, "but very
little beaver, the Indians having already sent their best to Canada."
In the absence of the Governor, the occupants of the fort regarded
Captain Cole as their superior. Cole did not place much confidence in
the pacific mien of the savages surrounding the fort, and a guard
was kept up night and day. Under cover of darkness two sailors were
despatched to find the Governor; but scarcely had they departed on
their quest than Cusciddidah proposed that two of his Indians should
go on the same errand. The acting commandant of the fort could
not well decline this offer, and on the 31st of March the second party
returned, bringing with them the Governor. To the surprise of all
Radisson did not accompany him. No explanation was offered; but
the next day the rumour ran that they had quarrelled in the
wilderness, that from words they came to blows, and that finally
Radisson had attempted to shoot the Governor.
Filled with a natural alarm, Groseilliers made several attempts to
obtain from Bailey the true story of the affair, but the Governor
declined to affirm or confirm anything, saying that he had no doubt
Groseilliers knew quite as much of the matter as himself. Groseilliers'
anxiety, however, was considerably lessened when at a formal
conference with the Indian king, held at the latter's wigwams near
the fort, he learnt that the French had made a settlement not above
eight days' journey from Rupert's River. Hither, in effect, Radisson
had repaired; and afterwards from thence made his way back to
Quebec. Of his subsequent adventures mention will be made later in
the narrative.
Cusciddidah openly demanded the English
First French rivalry.
protection. He declared his apprehension of being
attacked by other Indians, whom the French had
animated against the English and all who dealt with them. He even
gave a description of the fort the French had erected on the banks
of Moose River, and the contents of its store-house. Already the
French were resorting to many artifices to hinder the natives from
trading with the heretic pale-faces; they gave higher value for the
furs brought them, and lost no opportunity of instilling into the
minds of the Indians a far from flattering opinion of their trade
rivals, the English.
One hearer received these tidings with complete equanimity. That
which surprised and confounded his companions, filled the bosom of
Chouart des Groseilliers with a secret joy. The Governor's high-
handed deportment had oppressed, if it had not angered him; and
he had, together with his brother-in-law, begun to suspect that this
policy of enmity was dictated by a desire to rid himself and the
Company of them both. But in the proximity of the French he found
a weapon of great utility in his relations with the Governor, his
superior officer.
On the third of April a council was held, to debate upon the
advisability of the Company's agents removing from Rupert's to
Moose River, thus to prevent their traffic being intercepted by the
French. The Governor adopted a tone of great cordiality towards
Groseilliers, and listened with deference to his advice. Groseilliers
boldly counselled giving up the present fort and establishing
themselves close to the French. Bailey, much to Captain Cole's
astonishment, instantly approved of the plan. In vain did Cole
protest against the course as dangerous; the Governor professed his
confidence in Groseilliers' wisdom, and ordered the sloop to be got
ready for the journey.
 Bark Canoe of Indians on Hudson's Bay.
In the meantime the Indians in the neighbourhood of Fort Charles
continued building their wigwams. They raised their wauscohegein
or fort so near the English that the palisades joined. As their
numbers increased, Groseilliers advised putting off their own
expedition until the savages were gone hunting, so that Fort Charles
and those left in charge might not be surprised in their absence. On
the 20th of May, seven canoes containing more subjects of
Cusciddidah arrived, bringing the news to the English that few, if
any, Upland Indians might be expected to visit them that season, the
French having persuaded them to journey with their goods to
Canada instead. Indeed, said they, the tribes had already left, so
that even if the English expedition were made, it would be fruitless.
At this depressing intelligence Bailey again sought Groseilliers'
advice, and this being still in favour of advancing to Moose River, it
was adopted. Before the departure, on the 27th of May, a band of
about fifty men, women and children appeared, anxious to trade;
but instead of furs they offered wampum, feathers, and a few small
canoes, for none of which merchandise the Company's agents had
need. They were of the nation called Pishapocanoes, a tribe allied to
the Esquimaux, and like them, a "poor, beggarly people; by which,"
adds one of the party, "we may perceive the French ran away with
the best of the trade."
Everything being now in readiness, the expedition started, but
without Bailey. The Governor, at the last moment, decided to remain
behind at Fort Charles and await their return.
The voyage across the Bay was made in safety,
First visit to Moose
River.
and on the very day of landing at the mouth of
Moose River, a band of Tabiti Indians were
encountered, from whom they obtained about two hundred pelts.
The chief of this band denied that the French had bribed them or the
other Indians not to trade with the English. They declared that as
yet their intercourse had been almost entirely with the Jesuits, one
of whom was Father Albanel, who had merely urged them to live on
terms of friendship with the nations in league with the French. The
chief blamed the English for trading with such pitiful tribes as
Cusciddidah's and the Pishapocanoes, advising them instead to settle
at Moose River, where, he asserted, the Upland Indians would come
and trade with them.
One curious incident occurred in the course of this parley. The Tabiti
chief, who had been for some time looking rather sharply at
Groseilliers, suddenly broke off the intercourse. When Captain Cole
demanded the reason, the chief declared that it was on Groseilliers'
account, whom he had recognized as the Frenchman with whom he
had had dealings many years before. Groseilliers, nothing loth,
stepped forward, and declared that the chief might possess himself
in easiness on that score, as he was now to all intents and purposes
an Englishman; and that he would always trade with the Tabitis as
such.
"But you drove hard bargains," returned the chief. "You took our
silkiest, softest and richest furs, and you gave us but beads and
ribbons. You told us the skins of the sable, and marten, and beaver
were of little account to you, whereas the English give us, and the
French traders as well, guns and hatchets in exchange."
This harangue does not seem to have particularly disconcerted
Groseilliers; he was an old Indian trader; he returned a polite
answer, renewing his expressions of amity. Nevertheless, it made a
profound impression upon the other members of the party, who
reported to Bailey on their return that the Indians thought
Groseilliers too hard on them, and refused to deal with him. Indeed,
they did not scruple to assert that the comparative failure of their
expedition was owing to Groseilliers' presence; that both the Tabitis
and the Shechittiwans, hard by, were really possessed of peltries
which they chose to conceal.
On hearing this intelligence, Bailey himself was
Bailey at Moose
induced to set out for Moose River. By rare good
River. fortune, he found the Tabitis reinforced by a
numerous band of Shechittiwans, who had
journeyed thither some fifty leagues and were eager to trade. From
this tribe, the Governor procured no fewer than fifteen hundred
skins on very good terms. Charmed with his adventure, he decided
to pursue his course, discover the Chechouan River, and thence
coast along the west shore of the Bay, to Port Nelson, where there
was, as yet, no fort.
On the 18th of July, he arrived at Chechouan River, "where no
Englishman had been before," but secured little or no beaver. He
treated with the chief of the tribe he found there and with his son,
who exacted from him a promise that he would come with a ship
and trade the next year. In return, they assured him they would
provide a quantity of beaver and induce the Upland tribes to travel
thence. Hardly had the sloop departed than, on the 27th, it ran upon
a mass of floating ice and narrowly escaped foundering. This
catastrophe precipitated the Governor's return to Rupert's River. He
arrived to find Groseilliers and his protégé Gorst at daggers drawn,
and the factors, traders and sailors almost at the point of mutiny,
and all this because they objected to serve under a Frenchman.
Bailey now seems to have made up his mind what
Jesuit priest at Fort
Charles.
course to pursue with regard to Groseilliers; but if
anything were wanting to complete his decision,
he had not long to wait. On the next day but one, that is to say the
30th of August, a messenger came to him to announce the arrival of
a canoe. In it was a Jesuit missionary, accompanied by one of
Cusciddidah's own sons. The worthy priest was in a sorry condition
with regard to his apparel, most of which he had either been robbed
of or been compelled to barter for food during his long sojourn in
the wilderness. He had left Quebec during the preceding October,
but had been detained for many months owing to the impassability
of the route. He bore with him letters; one of them for Mr. Bailey
from the Governor of Quebec. This epistle seems to have given
Bailey a great deal of pleasure, and as a communication from one
great man to another, he caused it to be publicly read out in the fort.
The French Governor desired Bailey to treat the priest civilly "on
account of the amity between the two crowns"; and the bearer of
this letter had no reason to complain of a lack of hospitality. He was
clothed and entertained with great kindness.
Unhappily, on the very evening of his arrival, the Governor was
made aware that the Jesuit had brought other letters, and that these
had been delivered into the hands of Groseilliers. Always suspicious,
he now became convinced of treachery. He saw in this harmless visit
of a pious missionary a deep-laid plot to capture the fort and allow it
to be pillaged by the hostile Indians. He ordered Groseilliers to
appear before him. But Groseilliers was not to be found, and Gorst
returned to say that both the Frenchmen were out walking together.
Bailey, taking several men with him, now went himself in search of
the pair; he confronted Groseilliers, and hurled a host of accusations
at his head. To these accusations, all ill-founded and ill-advised,
Groseilliers very promptly responded by knocking the Governor
down. He then returned calmly to the fort, demanded his wages and
possessions, and calling three of the Indians to his side, including
the young brave who had accompanied the priest, set off valiantly
into the wilderness. In due time he reached Quebec, where he
rendered a faithful account to the authorities of what had transpired.
He also forwarded to England, by way of New England, a minute
account of his experiences, which was duly read out at one of the
meetings of the Company.
The Jesuit, who had offered to proceed with Groseilliers, had been
detained. He seems to have made himself very useful to the English
in their dealings with the Indians, although he was thoroughly
distrusted, as was to be expected, by the Governor.
On the 24th of September, a sloop was descried in
Arrival of the
"Prince Rupert."
the river, which, with joy, they soon made out to
be the Prince Rupert, just arrived from England.
She was commanded by Captain Gillam, and with her came the new
Governor, William Lyddal, to supersede Bailey. Captain Gillam
reported that the sister-ship, the Shaftesbury, commanded by
Captain Shepherd, was likewise at the mouth of the river. The new
Governor's commission and instructions being read, all hands were
immediately put to work, with the intention of unloading and
reloading the ships for the return voyage immediately. Bailey seems
to have expressed the greatest anxiety to proceed to London without
delay; but at length he was induced to listen to reason. It was
pointed out to him that the season would be far spent before the
work of equipment could be properly concluded. After several
councils, it was resolved that they should winter at Rupert's River;
and no effort was made to unload the vessels until the following
spring. In the meantime, the crews were not idle. Under Lyddal's
direction they found employment in cutting timber and building
houses, more particularly a bake-house and a brew-house, which
latter added greatly to the comfort of the fort.
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