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Pro Cryptography
and Cryptanalysis
with C++20
Creating and Programming Advanced
Algorithms
—
Marius Iulian Mihailescu
Stefania Loredana Nita
Pro Cryptography and
Cryptanalysis with C++20
Creating and Programming
Advanced Algorithms
Copyright © Marius Iulian Mihailescu and Stefania Loredana Nita 2021, corrected
publication 2021
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To our families.
Table of Contents
About the Authors�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xiii
Part I: Foundations�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1
Chapter 1: Getting Started in Cryptography and Cryptanalysis�������������������������������� 3
Cryptography and Cryptanalysis��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 4
Book Structure������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 5
Internet Resources������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 9
Forums and Newsgroups������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 10
Standards������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 11
Conclusion���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12
References���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13
v
Table of Contents
Digital Signatures������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 32
Signing Process��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33
Verification Process��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 33
Public-Key Cryptography������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 33
Hash Functions��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 36
Case Studies������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 53
Caesar Cipher Implementation in C++20������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 53
Vigenére Cipher Implementation in C++20��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55
Conclusions��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58
References���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58
viii
Table of Contents
ix
Table of Contents
x
Table of Contents
xi
Table of Contents
Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 463
xii
About the Authors
Marius Iulian Mihailescu, PhD is the CEO of Dapyx Solution Ltd., a company based in
Bucharest, Romania. He is involved in information security- and cryptography-related
research projects. He is a lead guest editor for applied cryptography journals and a
reviewer for multiple publications on information security and cryptography profiles.
He has authored and co-authored more than 30 articles for conference proceedings, 25
articles for journals, and four books. For more than six years he has served as a lecturer
at well-known national and international universities (University of Bucharest, Titu
Maiorescu University, Spiru Haret University of Bucharest, and Kadir Has University,
Istanbul, Turkey). He has taught courses on programming languages (C#, Java, C++,
Haskell) and object-oriented system analysis and design with UML, graphs, databases,
cryptography, and information security. He worked for three years as an IT Officer
at Royal Caribbean Cruises Ltd. where he dealt with IT infrastructure, data security,
and satellite communications systems. He received his PhD in 2014 and his thesis is
on applied cryptography over biometrics data. He holds MSc degrees in information
security and software engineering.
Stefania Loredana Nita, PhD is a software developer and researcher at the Institute for
Computers of the Romanian Academy. Her PhD thesis is on advanced cryptographic
schemes using searchable encryption and homomorphic encryption. At the Institute for
Computers, she works on research and development projects that involve searchable
encryption, homomorphic encryption, cloud computing security, Internet of Things, and
big data. She worked for more than two years as an assistant lecturer at the University of
Bucharest where she taught courses on advanced programming techniques, simulation
methods, and operating systems. She has authored and co-authored more than 25
workpapers for conferences and journals, and has co-authored four books. She is a
lead guest editor for special issues on information security and cryptography such as
Advanced Cryptography and Its Future: Searchable and Homomorphic Encryption. She
has an MSc degree in software engineering and BSc degrees in computer science and
mathematics.
xiii
About the Technical Reviewer
Doug Holland is a Software Engineer and Architect at Microsoft Corporation. He holds
a Master’s degree in software engineering from the University of Oxford. Before joining
Microsoft, he was awarded the Microsoft MVP and Intel Black Belt Developer awards.
xv
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank our editors for their support, our technical reviewer for his
constructive comments and suggestions, the entire team that makes publishing this
book possible, and last but not least, our families for their unconditional support and
encouragement.
xvii
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Romance
of the Romanoffs
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.
Language: English
ILLUSTRATED
NEW YORK
DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY
1917
Copyright, 1917,
By DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY. Inc.
PREFACE
The history of Russia has attracted many writers and inspired many
volumes during the last twenty years, yet its most romantic and most
interesting feature has not been fully appreciated.
Thirteen years ago, when the long struggle of the Russian
democrats culminated in a bloody revolution, I had occasion to
translate into English an essay written by a learned professor who
belonged to what was called “the Russophile School.” It was a silken
apology for murder. The Russian soul, the writer said, was oriental,
not western. The true line of separation of east and west was, not
the great ridge of mountains which raised its inert barrier from the
Caspian Sea to the frozen ocean, but the western limit of the land of
the Slavs. In their character the Slavs were an eastern race, fitted
only for autocratic rule, indifferent to those ideas of democracy and
progress which stirred to its muddy depths the life of western
Europe. They loved the “Little Father.” They clung, with all the fervour
of their mild and peaceful souls, to their old-world Church. They had
the placid wisdom of the east, the health that came of living close to
mother-earth, the tranquillity of ignorance. Was not the Tsar justified
in protecting his people from the feverish illusions which agitated
western Europe and America?
Thus, in very graceful and impressive language, wrote the
“sound” professors, the clients of the aristocracy, the more learned of
the silk-draped priests. The Russia which they interpreted to us, the
Russia of the boundless horizon, could not read their works. It was
almost wholly illiterate. It could not belie them. Indeed, if one could
have interrogated some earth-bound peasant among those hundred
and twenty millions, he would have heard with dull astonishment that
he had any philosophy of life. His cattle lived by instinct: his path was
traced by the priest and the official.
But the American onlooker found one fatal defect in the
Russophile theory. These agents of the autocracy contended that the
soul of Russia rejected western ideas; yet they were spending
millions of roubles every year, they were destroying hundreds of fine-
minded men and women every year, they were packing the large jails
of Russia until they reeked with typhus and other deadly maladies, in
an effort to keep those ideas away from the Russian soul. While
Russophile professors were penning their plausible theories of the
Russian character, the autocracy which they defended was being
shaken by as brave and grim a revolution as any that has upset
thrones in modern Europe. Moscow, the shrine of this supposed
beautiful docility, was red with the blood of its children. In the jails
and police-cells of Russia about 200,000 men and women, boys and
girls, quivered under the lash or sank upon fever-beds, and almost as
many more dragged out a living death in the melancholy wastes of
Siberia. They wanted democracy and progress; and their introduction
of those ideas to the peasantry had awakened so ready and fervent a
response that it had been necessary to seal their lips with blood.
We looked back along the history of Russia, and we found that
the struggle was nearly a century old. The ghastly route to Siberia
had been opened eighty years before. Russia had felt the
revolutionary wave which swept over Europe during the thirties of the
nineteenth century, and the Tsar of those days had fought not less
savagely than the rulers of Austria, Spain, and Portugal for his
autocracy. Every democratic advance that has since been won in
western Europe has provoked a corresponding effort to advance in
Russia, and that effort has always been truculently suppressed.
Nearly every other country in Europe has had the courage to educate
its people and enable them to study its institutions with open mind.
Russia remains illiterate to the extent of seventy-five per cent, and its
rulers have ever discouraged or restricted education. The autocracy
rested, not upon the affection, but upon the ignorance, of its people.
When we regard the whole history of that autocracy we begin to
understand the tragedy of Russia. We dimly but surely perceive, in
the dawn of European history, that amongst the families which
wandered through the forests of Europe none were more democratic
than, few were as democratic as, the early Slavs. We find this great
family spread over an area so immense that it is further encouraged
to cling to democratic, even communistic, life, and avoid the making
of princes or kings. We then find the inevitable military chiefs, not
born of the Slav people, intruding and creating princedoms: we find
an oriental autocracy fastening itself, violently and parasitically, upon
the helpless nation: we find the evil example and the tincture of
foreign blood continuing the development until Princes of Moscow
become Tsars of all the Russias, and convert a title dipped in blood
into a title to rule by the grace of God and the affection of the
people. And we find that Moscovite dynasty, from which the
Romanoffs issued, playing such pranks before high heaven as few
dynasties have played, until the old Slav spirit awakens at the call of
the world and makes an end of it.
That is the romance of the Romanoffs, of Russia and its rulers,
which I propose to tell. This is not a history of Russia, but the history
of its autocracy as an episode: of its real origin, its long-drawn
brutality, its picturesque corruption, its sordid machinery of
government, its selfish determination to keep Russia from the
growing light, its terrible final struggle and defeat. To a democratic
people there can be no more congenial study than this exposure of
the crime and failure of an autocracy. To any who find romance in
such behaviour as kings and nobles were permitted to flaunt in the
eyes of their people in earlier ages the story of the Romanoffs must
be exceptionally attractive.
J. M.
CONTENTS
Chap.
I The Primitive Democracy of the Slav
II The Descent to Autocracy
III The Moscovites Become Tsars
IV The Rise of the Romanoffs
V The Early Romanoffs
VI A Romanoff Princess
VII The Great Peter
VIII Catherine the Little
IX Romance Upon Romance
X The Gay and Pious Elizabeth
XI Catherine the Great
XII In the Days of Napoleon
XIII The Fight Against Liberalism
XIV The Tragedy of Alexander II
XV Enter Pobiedonostseff
XVI The Last of the Romanoffs
ILLUSTRATIONS
The Tsar Nicholas II
Vladimir, Grande Duke of Kieff, 980-1015 From an Ancient Banner
Tatars of the Mongol Period
Costume of Boyars in the Seventeenth Century
The Patriarch Philaret, father of Mikhail Romanoff, the first Tsar of the
New Dynasty. Seventeenth Century
Ivan the Terrible, by Antokolsky
View of Destroyed Tower of Nicholas, Arsenal, etc., in the Kremlin,
A.D. 1812 From a Contemporary Drawing
Peter the Great
Room of the Tsar Mikhailovitch, Moscow
Paul the First
Catherine II
The Red Square, Church of St. Basil and Redeemer Gate, Moscow
Winter Palace, Petrograd
Cathedral Erected in Petrograd in Memory of Alexander II
Tauride Palace, Petrograd, Meeting Place of the Duma
Session Chamber of the Duma, Tauride Palace, Petrograd
The Tsarina Alexandra
THE ROMANCE OF THE
ROMANOFFS
CHAPTER I
THE PRIMITIVE DEMOCRACY OF THE SLAV
A little south of the centre of Europe rises the great curve of the
Carpathian mountains. The sprawling bulk of this long chain, rising in
places until its crown shines with snow and ice, formed a natural
barrier to the spread of Roman civilisation. It enfolded and protected
the plains of Hungary and the green valley of the Danube, and it
seemed to set a limit to every decent ambition. Beyond it men saw a
vast and dreary plain filled with wild peoples whom the Romans and
Greeks called “Scythians.” It was, in effect, in those days, almost the
dividing line of Europe and Asia. One branch of the great European
race had gone down into Greece and, becoming civilised, remained
there. Another branch had found the blue waters and sunny skies in
Italy. A third, the vast horde of the Teutons, was moving heavily and
slowly southward in the west.
But about the eastern feet of the Carpathians was a little
northern people, the Slavs, which may one day fill the earth’s
chronicle when Teuton has followed Greek and Roman into the
inevitable tomb of warriors. Where these Slavs came from, and what
was their precise kinship to the other northerners and to the Asiatic
peoples, we do not confidently know. Some tens of thousands of
years before the Christian Era the last spell of the Ice-Age had locked
the north of Europe. It seems that a branch of the human family
followed the retreating ice-sheet and, in the bracing winds which
blew off the frozen regions, shed its weaklings and became the
vigorous “northern race.” From this came the successive waves of
Greeks and Romans, Goths and Vandals, English and Norman and
German. From these northern forests seem also to have come the
Slavs, who split at the barrier of the Carpathians into two great
streams: Bohemians and Serbs to the west, and Russians (as they
were later called) to the east.
We have not much information about this people which settled
across the limit of civilisation. To the Romans they were part of the
medley of barbarism which got a rude living out of the bleak north. A
few later Greek writers had some acquaintance with them, and an
early Russian monk, Nestor, gathered their traditions, into a chronicle,
and described them as they were before the development of
autocracy obliterated their native features. From these sources we
learn that the Slavs were singularly democratic for a people at their
stage of evolution.
We know to-day the real origin of kingships and princedoms,
which was hidden from our fathers by legends of “divine right.” The
right of a man to rule his fellows came of his possession of a stronger
arm or a wiser head, or a combination of the two: a plausible enough
theory until kings began to insist on leaving the power to their sons,
whether or no they left them the strong arm and the wise head. As a
rule the hunt and the battle gave the strong man his opportunity, and
in every other nation at the level of the Slavs we find chiefs, who
dispense justice and direct warfare, and exact a reward proportionate
to their services.
It is a common and surprised observation of the early writers
who notice the Slavs that they had no chiefs. The monk Nestor, who
wrote in their midst at the beginning of the twelfth century, says that
they had “chiefs,” but would not tolerate “tyranny.” The primitive life
of the Slavs had then been modified, as we shall see, but the reports
may be reconciled. The Slavs had no hereditary families of chiefs, no
rulers of tribes who exacted tribute. Nestor gives a very different
character to the various tribes of the Slav family. Being a monk, he is
unable to give any of them a good character in their pagan days, but
we may make a genial allowance for this natural prejudice. Perhaps
some of the tribes, who were in closer touch with the fierce Finns
and Scythians, had chiefs. Warfare is the great king-maker. Clearly
the primitive and normal condition of a Slav community was
exceptionally democratic.
The one definite institution of those early days that is known to
us is the village-council; the institution that, being most deeply
rooted in the heart of the Slav, has survived all autocracies by divine
right and is familiar to-day to the whole world as the Mir. In ancient
Slavdom the family was not the basis of the state. It was the state, or
there was no state. An enlarged family—for the Slavs were a social
and peaceful folk, and the young, founding a new family, clung to the
home until it grew too small and some must wander afield—with
cousins and children and grand-children, was the unit. The father had
patriarchal power in his little colony, and when he departed the next
oldest and wisest, a brother generally, took up the mild sway. Such
families grew into villages or settlements in a few generations: not
too large, for they lived on the land, yet compact, for there were
plenty of human wolves east of the Carpathians. The Finns and other
Asiatic tribes then filled, or roamed over, the vast area we now call
Russia, and their code did not forbid the plunder of peaceful
argriculturists. New colonies would be founded near the old and form
villages. Out of this grew the Mir, the council in which the heads of
the various households met to discuss and decide their common
affairs.
No doubt some kind of chairman, some sage elder, would be
chosen to preside, but it is clear from later practice and early
comment that the council only acted upon a unanimous decision.
That form of democracy had inconveniences, and, when Russia
begins to have chroniclers, we find that unanimity was often secured,
in a struggle, by pitching the minority into the river. That, at all
events, was the original Slav custom. In theory even a majority could
not tyrannise over a minority, much less a minority over a majority.
There would be frequent calls for these village-councils, as the
land, on which most of them worked, was held in common. The head
of a family owned only his house and enclosure, and was entitled to
the harvest of his own labour. Then there were the rights of hunting
in the forest and fishing in the rivers, the constant need to send out
new colonies into the eastern wilderness, and especially the need to
protect these new colonies from the wandering Asiatics. Flanked by
the Carpathians, up which they could not spread, the tribes had to
push steadily eastward, and the land was full of Asiatics, for the most
part swift and ruthless horsemen. Co-operative defence was as
necessary as co-operative counsel. The elders of many neighbouring
villages met together in a larger council. There was a rough
organisation of villages into a canton or Volost. Again there would
probably be a president, and some think that a temporary chief or
leader might be appointed in an emergency. But the Slavs had no
hereditary rulers, no heads of the various tribes.
It also helped to sustain their democratic and communistic life
that they had no priests. When priests later come upon the scene we
shall find them very easily becoming the instruments of autocracy.
We shall find, as is usual, the autocrat enriching the clergy, and the
clergy discovering very impressive legends upon which he may
establish his title to rule. In the pagan days of the Slavs there were
no priests. The religion was the kind of primitive interpretation of
nature which we always find at that level of mental development. The
fire of the sun, the roar of the storm, the mysterious fertility of the
earth, and the awful solemnity of the forest filled the child-like mind
with wonder and dread. These things were felt to have life, a greater
life than the puny and limited life of man; and the Slavs learned to
bow down to the mighty spirits of the sun and the river and the wind
and the earth. In particular they mourned the death of the sun, and
celebrated joyously its annual re-birth and restoration to full glory.
But they had no priests. The heads of the family or the village
performed the invocations and the sacrifices.
We must remember that even in these primitive and patriarchal
arrangements there was the germ of autocracy. The eldest male was
an autocrat. So absolute was his power that it is said that, when he
died, wife and servants and horse had to follow him into the nether
world. There seems here to be some confusion between different
tribes, and there is evidence that, as among the Teutons, woman was
generally respected; although there were ancient marriage-rites
which suggest that at one time brides were stolen, and there was
some practice of polygamy. However that may have been, the father
of the household was an autocrat. We may plead only that he does
not seem to have had, as in ancient Rome, power of life and death
over his mate.
Such was the Slav people when we first discover them about the
feet of the Carpathians. We have next to see how they became the
Russian people, and how contact with civilisation and the growth of
commerce modified their primitive communism.
The towering masses of the mountains checked the western
expansion of the growing tribes. The Danube and the outposts of the
Roman Empire—the fathers of the Rumans—shut them from the
south. They were, as their number increased, bound to travel
eastward, and their pioneers would discover that the central part of
this mighty waste of eastern Europe was a particularly fertile region.
From the foot of the Carpathians the land spreads in one of the
largest plains of the world until it begins to rise toward the Ural
mountains. Between the forests and bleak deserts of the north and
the arid prairies of the south there are about a hundred and fifty
million acres of “black earth,” as rich and fertile as any to be found,
and south of these a hundred and fifty million acres of ordinary
arable land. At the beginning of the Christian Era this great area
would be for the most part forest and morass, chequered by vast
spaces of grassy plain, furrowed by broad rivers. The advancing
colonies of the Slavs would discover the fertility of the soil and clear
the ground for their corn and flax. The rivers gave them abundant
fish. The forests swarmed with animals which afforded fur and meat,
and the innumerable wild bees gave them stores of honey and wax
for the long winters. Timber for the vapour-bath, which the Slav
family seems already to have held in affection, lay on every side.
We find the Slavs especially spreading over this fertile heart of
Russia about the eighth century of the present era. The land had long
been held by the Finns and other Asiatic tribes when, in the third
century, the Goths from the north fell upon them and drove them
eastward. In the next century began that more formidable invasion
from Asia which flung the Finns westward once more, and cast the
Teutons upon the crumbling barrier of the Roman Empire. In the
seventh century a new semi-civilised race, the Khazars, created an
empire in south-eastern Russia, and drove the Asiatic Finns definitely
to the north. It was at the close of these great movements that the
Slavs moved rapidly over the fertile regions, between the land of the
Finns and the southern kingdom of the Khazars, By the end of the
eighth century the various Slav tribes had overrun the central part of
western Russia.
The chief change which this migration caused in the life of the
Slavs was the development of commerce. The great rivers of the land
at once became the highways. Fishers as well as tillers of the soil, the
Slavs would spread along the river-valleys, and the junctions of the
rivers would naturally become the chief stations for what intercourse
there was between the scattered villages. It is probable that in those
days, when four-fifths of Russia was marsh and forest, the rivers
were deeper than they are to-day. In our time they are for the most
part shallow throughout the summer. Only in the spring, when the
melting snows and rains flush the broad channels, can large boats
ascend them; and in the winter their frozen waters make good
passage for the sledge. They became the high-roads of the new
commonwealth, as the site of the older cities indicates when one
glances at the map.
The Slavs had at that time probably little or no commerce. Some
exchange, in kind, of fish, fur, honey, or corn might take place, but
the resources were much the same for each village. In a short time
after the settlement, however, a busy commercial system was
inaugurated. Further north than the Finns were the Scandinavians,
whose skill in metal-working was early developed. The Slavs traded
with them for swords and spears and axes.
To the south, beyond the land of the Khazars, was the chief
representative of civilisation in the west, the Byzantine (or
Constantinopolitan) Empire. The northern tribes had now shattered
Roman civilisation. The solid roads, the ample schools, the courts of
law and municipal institutions established by the Romans in southern
Europe were in complete decay, and four-fifths of the city of Rome
was a charred and desolate wilderness. But the city which
Constantine had founded on the Bosphorus, on the site of ancient
Byzantium, lay out of the path of most of the barbarians, and the
glory of Constantinople penetrated feebly into the distant forests of
Russia. Its soldiers give us our first direct knowledge of the Slavs. Its
merchants crossed the Black Sea, ascended the rivers of Russia, and
spread before the eager eyes of the Slavs the silks and damasks and
velvets, the shining metal-work and imitation-jewels, of the great
“Tsargrad,” or City of the Emperors. For these the Slavs could offer
choice furs, for an enormous variety of fur-clad animals roamed their
forests, as well as honey for the table and wax for the myriad tapers
of the Byzantine churches.