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Test Bank for C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, 6th Edition – D.S. Malik download

The document provides links to various test banks and solution manuals for textbooks, including C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, 6th Edition by D.S. Malik. It includes sample questions and answers from the test bank, covering topics such as basic elements of C++ and programming concepts. Additionally, it offers resources for other subjects like leadership, nutrition, marketing research, and managerial accounting.

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Chapter 2: Basic Elements of C++

TRUE/FALSE

1. In C++, reserved words are the same as predefined identifiers.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 36

2. The maximum number of significant digits in values of the double type is 15.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 42

3. The maximum number of significant digits in float values is up to 6 or 7.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 42

4. An operator that has only one operand is called a unique operator.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 45

5. If a C++ arithmetic expression has no parentheses, operators are evaluated from left to right.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 46

6. A mixed arithmetic expression contains all operands of the same type.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 49

7. Suppose a = 5. After the execution of the statement ++a; the value of a is 6.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 70

8. The escape sequence \r moves the insertion point to the beginning of the next line.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 78

9. A comma is also called a statement terminator.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 90

10. Suppose that sum is an int variable. The statement sum += 7; is equivalent to the statement
sum = sum + 7;

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 95


MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. The ____ rules of a programming language tell you which statements are legal, or accepted by the
programming language.
a. semantic c. syntax
b. logical d. grammatical
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 34

2. Which of the following is a reserved word in C++?


a. char c. CHAR
b. Char d. character
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 36

3. Which of the following is a legal identifier?


a. program! c. 1program
b. program_1 d. program 1
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 36

4. ____ is a valid int value.


a. 46,259 c. 462.59
b. 46259 d. -32.00
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 39-40

5. ____ is a valid char value.


a. -129 c. 128
b. ‘A’ d. 129
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 40

6. An example of a floating point data type is ____.


a. int c. double
b. char d. short
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 41

7. The memory allocated for a float value is ____ bytes.


a. two c. eight
b. four d. sixteen
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 42

8. The value of the expression 33/10, assuming both values are integral data types, is ____.
a. 0.3 c. 3.0
b. 3 d. 3.3
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 43-44

9. The value of the expression 17 % 7 is ____.


a. 1 c. 3
b. 2 d. 4
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 43-44

10. The expression static_cast<int>(9.9) evaluates to ____.


a. 9 c. 9.9
b. 10 d. 9.0
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 51

11. The expression static_cast<int>(6.9) + static_cast<int>(7.9) evaluates to ____.


a. 13 c. 14.8
b. 14 d. 15
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 51

12. The length of the string "computer science" is ____.


a. 14 c. 16
b. 15 d. 18
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 54

13. In a C++ program, one and two are double variables and input values are 10.5 and 30.6.
After the statement cin >> one >> two; executes, ____.
a. one = 10.5, two = 10.5 c. one = 30.6, two = 30.6
b. one = 10.5, two = 30.6 d. one = 11, two = 31
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 64

14. Suppose that count is an int variable and count = 1. After the statement count++;
executes, the value of count is ____.
a. 1 c. 3
b. 2 d. 4
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 70

15. Suppose that alpha and beta are int variables. The statement alpha = --beta; is equivalent
to the statement(s) ____.
a. alpha = 1 - beta;
b. alpha = beta - 1;
c. beta = beta - 1;
alpha = beta;
d. alpha = beta;
beta = beta - 1;
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 70-71

16. Suppose that alpha and beta are int variables. The statement alpha = beta--; is equivalent
to the statement(s) ____.
a. alpha = 1 - beta;
b. alpha = beta - 1;
c. beta = beta - 1;
alpha = beta;
d. alpha = beta;
beta = beta - 1;
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 70-71
17. Suppose that alpha and beta are int variables. The statement alpha = beta++; is equivalent
to the statement(s) ____.
a. alpha = 1 + beta;
b. alpha = alpha + beta;
c. alpha = beta;
beta = beta + 1;
d. beta = beta + 1;
alpha = beta;
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 70-71

18. Suppose that alpha and beta are int variables. The statement alpha = ++beta; is equivalent
to the statement(s) ____.
a. beta = beta + 1;
alpha = beta;
b. alpha = beta;
beta = beta + 1;
c. alpha = alpha + beta;
d. alpha = beta + 1;
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 70-71

19. Choose the output of the following C++ statement:


cout << "Sunny " << '\n' << "Day " << endl;
a. Sunny \nDay
b. Sunny \nDay endl
c. Sunny
Day
d. Sunny \n
Day
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 73

20. Which of the following is the newline character?


a. \r c. \l
b. \n d. \b
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 73

21. Consider the following code.

// Insertion Point 1

using namespace std;


const float PI = 3.14;

int main()
{
//Insertion Point 2

float r = 2.0;
float area;
area = PI * r * r;

cout << "Area = " << area <<endl;


return 0;
}
// Insertion Point 3

In this code, where does the include statement belong?


a. Insertion Point 1 c. Insertion Point 3
b. Insertion Point 2 d. Anywhere in the program
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 80

22. ____ are executable statements that inform the user what to do.
a. Variables c. Named constants
b. Prompt lines d. Expressions
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 91

23. The declaration int a, b, c; is equivalent to which of the following?


a. inta , b, c; c. int abc;
b. int a,b,c; d. int a b c;
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 92

24. Suppose that alpha and beta are int variables and alpha = 5 and beta = 10. After
the statement alpha *= beta; executes, ____.
a. alpha = 5 c. alpha = 50
b. alpha = 10 d. alpha = 50.0
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 94

25. Suppose that sum and num are int variables and sum = 5 and num = 10. After the
statement sum += num executes, ____.
a. sum = 0 c. sum = 10
b. sum = 5 d. sum = 15
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 95

COMPLETION

1. ____________________ is the process of planning and creating a program.

ANS:
Programming
programming

PTS: 1 REF: 28

2. A(n) ____________________ is a memory location whose contents can be changed.

ANS: variable

PTS: 1 REF: 33

3. A(n) ____________________ is a collection of statements, and when it is activated, or executed, it


accomplishes something.
ANS:
subprogram
sub program
sub-program
function
modlue

PTS: 1 REF: 34

4. ____________________ functions are those that have already been written and are provided as part of
the system.

ANS:
Predefined
predefined
Standard
standard

PTS: 1 REF: 34

5. ____________________ rules determine the meaning of instructions.

ANS:
Semantic
semantic

PTS: 1 REF: 34

6. ____________________ can be used to identify the authors of the program, give the date when the
program is written or modified, give a brief explanation of the program, and explain the meaning of
key statements in a program.

ANS:
Comments
comments

PTS: 1 REF: 34

7. The smallest individual unit of a program written in any language is called a(n)
____________________.

ANS: token

PTS: 1 REF: 35

8. In a C++ program, ____________________ are used to separate special symbols, reserved words, and
identifiers.

ANS:
whitespaces
whitespace
white spaces
white space
PTS: 1 REF: 37

9. The ____________________ type is C++ ’s method for allowing programmers to create their own
simple data types.

ANS: enumeration

PTS: 1 REF: 38

10. The memory space for a(n) ____________________ data value is 64 bytes.

ANS: long long

PTS: 1 REF: 39

11. The maximum number of significant digits is called the ____________________.

ANS: precision

PTS: 1 REF: 42

12. When a value of one data type is automatically changed to another data type, a(n)
____________________ type coercion is said to have occurred.

ANS: implicit

PTS: 1 REF: 51

13. A(n) ____________________ is a sequence of zero or more characters.

ANS: string

PTS: 1 REF: 53

14. In C++, you can use a(n) ____________________ to instruct a program to mark those memory
locations in which data is fixed throughout program execution.

ANS:
named constant
constant

PTS: 1 REF: 55

15. A data type is called ____________________ if the variable or named constant of that type can store
only one value at a time.

ANS: simple

PTS: 1 REF: 57
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SECTION IV. WORKS PRINTED BY
TORY FOR PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS.
1
ANTISTITIS INCOMPARABILIS MICHÆLIS BODETI, DUM VIVERET EPISCOPI DUCIS
LINGONENSIS ET PARIS FRANCIÆ EPICEDIUM.

Below this title, the arms of Michel de Boudet, engraved on wood. At


the end is the Pot Cassé, with this colophon: 'Parisiis anno salutis
humanæ 1530.' (Michel de Boudet had died in 1529, with the title of
duke and peer, which the Bishops of Langres had borne since the
twelfth century.) Six quarto leaves [Paris, G. Tory, 1530]. Library of
the Faculty of Medicine of Montpellier, no. 292.
Having had occasion to visit the neighbourhood of Montpellier for
reasons connected with my health, I seized the opportunity to
examine this volume and complete my information concerning it. On
the first page, surrounded by the border of the Colines copies of the
Hours of 1524-1525, are these words: 'Antistitis Incomparabilis
Michælis Bodeti dum viveret Episcopi Ducis Lingonensis et Franciæ
Paris Epicedium.' Then the arms of Michel de Boudet. On the verso:
'Cautum est privilegio, ne quis hoc Epicedium imprimat aut imprimi
curet infra biennium subpöena in diplomate ad hoc obtento
contenta.' The four following leaves contain a poem in honour of
Michel de Boudet; on the sixth is the Pot Cassé, no. 6, and beneath
it: 'Parrhisiis, Anno salutis humanæ, M. D. XXX.' There is nothing to
indicate the author of this little work, which is printed in the same
type as the Epitaphs in honour of the mother of François I.[271]

2
APOLOGIE POUR LA FOI CHRESTIENNE CONTRE LES ERREURS CONTENUES EN UN
PETIT LIVRE DE MESSIRE GEORGES HALEVIN.

Paris, G. Tory, 1531. Octavo.


I borrow this description from the 'Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de
feu M. de La Vallière' (vol. i, p. 275), for I have not been able to
inspect this work, which, however, should be in the Bibliothèque de
l'Arsenal with M. de La Vallière's other books, and in the library at
Sainte-Geneviève, whither it must have gone with the collection of
Le Tellier in whose catalogue it also appears.

3
HISTOIRE DES EMPEREURS DE TURQUIE, translated from Latin into
French by Barthélemy Dupré. 1532.

I borrow this abridged description from a biography of Tory


published by M. Chevalier de Saint-Amand, honorary librarian of
Bourges, in the 'Annonces Berruyères,' no. 38 (September, 21,
1837).[272]

4
LADOLESCENCE CLEMENTINE. AUTREMENT, LES OEUVRES DE CLEMENT MAROT
DE CAHORS EN QUERCY, VALET DE CHAMBRE DU ROY, COMPOSEES EN LEAGE
DE SON ADOLESCENCE.—AVEC LA COMPLAINCTE SUR LE TRESPAS DE FEU
MESSIRE FLORIMOND ROBERTET.ET PLUSIEURS AUTRES OEUVRES FAICTES PAR
LEDICT MAROT DEPUIS LEAGE DE SA DICTE ADOLESCENCE. Le tout reveu,
corrige & mis en bon ordre.—On les vend a Paris, devant
Lesglise Saincte Geneviefve des Ardens, Rue Neufve nostre
Dame. A Lenseigne du Faulcheur.—Avec privilege pour Trois Ans.

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished on


Monday the XII day of August. Year M. D. XXXII. For Pierre Roffet,
called le Faulcheur. By maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, king's
printer.
Octavo, 1st edition. Only a single copy is known, now in the
Bibliothèque Nationale. The volume consists, first, of four preliminary
leaves (half a fold), comprising: (1) the title which I have just
transcribed; (2) on the verso, some laudatory verses, among which
figures this distich of Tory, who was not only Marot's printer, but his
friend:—

'Vis lauros cypriasque comas, charitesque, iocosque,


Inde sales etiam nosse? Marotus habet';

(3) Clément's letter 'to a large number of brethren,' dated August


12, 1532, that is to say, on the same day that Tory finished printing
the book, and not August 12, 1530, as was erroneously printed in
some subsequent editions, which has given rise to a theory of an
earlier issue[273]; (4) the table of contents; (5) a leaf entirely blank.
Then comes the text of the 'Adolescence Clementine,' extending
from folio 1 to folio 104, on which is the word 'finis'; and after that
the 'Chant royal,' etc., from 105 to 115. The book ends with a list of
errata on an unnumbered folio (116). The table of contents, on one
of the preliminary leaves, informs us that one ode had previously
been published separately, but no copy of it is known.

5
The Same.
A second edition of this book was published by the same bookseller,
and the printing finished by Tory on November 13, 1532. It differs
from the first in this respect, that the text and preliminary leaves are
joined, or, to speak more accurately, the first two of those leaves; for
the table of contents is relegated to the end of the volume, in place
of the errata, which no longer appear. The volume consists of a
hundred and nineteen leaves, the last unnumbered. The word 'finis'
still appears on folio 104, after the 'Adolescence Clementine'; then
comes the 'Chant royal,' etc.; and lastly two leaves entitled: 'Autres
Œuvres faictes en sa dicte maladie,' indicated by this phrase on the
title-page: 'Plus amples que les premiers imprimez de ceste, ny autre
impression.' (Bibliothèque Mazarine.)

6
The Same.
A third edition was printed by Tory on February 12, 1532 (1533, new
style), like the preceding in every respect, but having only 118
leaves.

7
The Same.
A fourth edition appeared June 7, 1533, identical with the preceding,
except that the words on the title-page, 'plus amples,' etc. are
replaced by these: 'Avec certains accens notez, cest assavoir sur le é
masculin different du feminim [sic], sur les dictions ioinctes
ensembles par sinalephes, et soubz le ç quant il tient de la
prononciation de le s, ce qui par cy devant par faulte daduis n'a este
faict au langaige françoys, combien q'uil [sic] y fust et soit tres
necessaire.'
This fourth edition of the 'Adolescence Clementine' was the last work
printed by Tory to my knowledge. In the intervals between these
four editions, however, he had published the works of Clément
Marot's father, edited by Clément himself, under the following title:—

8
IAN MAROT DE CAEN, SUR LES DEUX HEUREUXVOYAGES DE GENES & VENISE,
VICTORIEUSEMENT MYS A FIN, PAR LE TRESCHRESTIEN ROY LOYS DOUZIESME
DE CE NOM, PERE DU PEUPLE. ET VERITABLEMENT ESCRIPTZ PAR ICELUY IAN
MAROT, ALORS POETE ESCRIUAIN DE LA TRESMAGNANIME ROYNE ANNE,
DUCHESSE DE BRETAIGNE, & DEPUYS VALET DE CHAMBRE DU TRESCHRESTIĒ
ROY FRANCOYS PREMIER DU NOM. On les vent a Paris, deuant Lesglise
Saincte Geneuiefue des Ardens, Rue Neufue Nostre Dame, A
Lenseigne du Faulcheur.—Auec priuilege pour Trois Ans.[274]

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XXII
day of January, M. D. XXXII [1533, new style], for Pierre Roufet, called
Le Faulcheur, by maistre Geufroy Tory de Bourges, king's printer.'
Octavo of 101 leaves. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)
In this edition there is a letter of Clément Marot mentioning the
death of his father, 'author of this book.'

9
The Same.
M. Brunet cites a second edition of this book, executed by Tory for
the same bookseller in 1533.
PART III. ICONOGRAPHY.

A
S I have hitherto called attention to the books that we owe to
Tory whether as publisher, as author, or as printer and
bookseller, so it will be well to notice those which he enriched
with his paintings and engravings during twenty years of his
life. This is a new aspect of his whole career which it is our present
purpose to bring into view; for, while Tory was for some time
teacher, bookseller, printer, he was always a draughtsman and
engraver, from the day that he was a man grown.
But, first of all, there is a preliminary question to be decided: Was
Tory really a painter and engraver? In the first part of this book I
said that he was, but I did not furnish proofs of the fact, and none of
the historians of painting or of engraving have mentioned him in that
connection. It is advisable therefore, first of all, to demonstrate the
accuracy of my assertion. In order to solve this complicated question
more easily, let us divide it.
Was Tory a painter?
That Tory was a painter-draughtsman, there can be no doubt, for he
himself makes the assertion in express terms on each page of
'Champ fleury.' For instance, we read on folio 3 verso of that work,
apropos of the Gallic Hercules:—
'I saw this same fable in rich painting within the city of Rome near
the Sanguine tower, not far from the Church of Saint Louis, ... and
the better to keep the thing in my eye, I made this drawing....'
In the collection of verses written by him on the occasion of the
death of his daughter Agnes, Tory makes her speak thus from the
urn wherein she is supposed to repose:—

MONITOR.
Who made for you this urn, set with brilliant gems?
AGNES.
Who? My father; famed in this art.
MONITOR.
Certes, your father is an excellent potter.
AGNES.
He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

Thus Geofroy Tory himself informs us in 1523 that he industriously


practised the arts. Now, if this were true, he could not have been
ignorant of drawing, which is the first of all the arts. Moreover, it is
plain that in those days an engraver (and we shall prove in a
moment that Tory was one) could not fail to be a draughtsman. The
artist was at that time an all-round workman, embracing all the
special branches of his profession: painting, drawing, engraving, he
took a hand at them all. Not until it became vulgarized, until it
became a trade, was art subdivided—and greatly to its prejudice. In
truth, one cannot but realize all that there is to be desired in the
work of those mercenaries of the engraver's art, who, having no
knowledge of the first elements of drawing, are bidden to reproduce,
with the aid of the graving tool, lines which they do not understand.
We can therefore assert that, as a general rule, the engravings
found in Tory's books were drawn by him.
But this is not all: I believe that we should also attribute to him the
admirable miniatures[275] that have come down to us of the painter
known by the name of 'Godefroy.' If, indeed, we compare the
engravings in Tory's books with the designs of that painter, we
readily recognize a similarity of execution which seems to establish
the identity of the two men. This Godefroy, who signs his works
sometimes with the full name, sometimes with a simple G, but
always in roman letters,—a noteworthy thing at a time when the
gothic was in its most flourishing state,—was no other than Tory,
whose baptismal name, as we have seen, was in Latin Godofredus.
We know how little was thought of family names in the old days. As
late as the sixteenth century it was no uncommon thing to see
persons designated by their baptismal names alone, or, at most, with
the name of their native place added. We have seen[276] that the
famous painter Jean Perreal, Tory's master and friend, was little
known except by the name of Jean de Paris. Tory himself is called
Godefroy the Berrichon (Godofredus Biturix) in some verses which
his friend Gérard de Vercel composed in his praise in 1512.[277] Even
at the close of the sixteenth century our two leading bibliographers,
Antoine du Verdier and La Croix du Maine, who also bore
geographical names, deemed it proper to adopt no other order than
that of baptismal names in arranging alphabetically the authors who
are mentioned in their books entitled 'Bibliothèque Françoise.' There
is nothing extraordinary therefore in Tory's signing his first works
with a baptismal name alone. It is true that that name is slightly
different, orthographically speaking, from the one that he used later;
but it is well to remember the change that took place about that
time in our author's customs. Doubtless he signed 'Godefroy' before
he had entirely shaken off the yoke of the classical languages,[278]
and had adopted the more French form 'Geofroy,' which was about
the year 1523.
The dates inscribed upon some of Godefroy's paintings, 1519 and
1520, coincide perfectly with the known facts of Tory's life: that was
the period when, after his second return from Italy, he was fain to
utilize his talents for his livelihood. I may add that we have several
engravings of that same period signed with a G alone, or with a G
within which appears a small F; others signed with a G surmounted
by the double cross, with a small S within; and others signed G. T.,
which serve to mark the transition between Tory's use of the simple
G and the inscription in full of his two names, Geofroy Tory. These
two names appear together in one of the borders of his Hours of
1524-1525 [the border which is to be found on p. 105].
Whatever the fact may be, we propose to give here, by way of
memorandum, at least a brief list of the works of the painter
Godefroy, referring the reader for fuller information to the interesting
article which M. Léon de Laborde has published upon this subject in
the 'Renaissance des Arts,' vol. i. pp. 891-913, and, later, in the
'Revue Universelle des Arts,' no. 1 (1855), which article we
reproduce below with the author's consent.
The only manuscripts known to contain drawings of this artist are
'Les Commentaires de César,' in three small quarto volumes; and
'Les Triomphes de Petrarque,' in one small octavo volume—all
written in French and bound in vellum.
The first-named work is not, as one might suppose from its title, a
translation of the famous work of the conqueror of Gaul, but a
commentary thereon in the form of a dialogue between Cæsar and
François I, to whom the book is dedicated. The first volume is now
in the British Museum at London, the second in the Bibliothèque
Nationale at Paris, and the third in the collection of M. le Duc
d'Aumale. All the miniatures in the first volume, and there is a great
number of them, are signed with a G; some bear the date 1519. The
same is true of the second volume. One of the miniatures in the
third volume is signed in full, 'Godefroy' (folio 52); several others,
signed G only, are dated 1520.
As for the 'Triumphs' of Petrarch, which is in the Bibliothèque de
l'Arsenal, the miniatures bear no dates, but they are all signed with a
G, and one has in addition the full name, 'Godefroy.' In the two
works the drawings have the same general appearance; they are
distinguished from those of the professional miniaturists by a very
marked sobriety of colouring. They are noticeable, moreover, by
reason of a delicacy of execution and, at the same time, a sharpness
of outline which can have come from no other hand than that of an
engraver; now the engraver can have been no other than Tory,
whose shields and even his antique arabesques we find in these
designs.
In addition to these two works, of which the name and the style of
the artist seem to me to permit their being attributed to Tory, I will
mention here several others, of a somewhat later date, which
likewise various circumstances make it possible to attribute to him.
The first is a translation of the first three books of Diodorus Siculus,
by Antoine Macault. This superb manuscript, which was in the library
of M. Firmin Didot père in 1810, is to-day buried in one of the
private libraries of England. A description will be found on pp. 166-
168. It is true that there is nothing about it to suggest Tory, but the
style of the painting and of the engraving (the book was printed by
Tory's widow in 1535) leaves no doubt as to his authorship. The
second is a collection of portraits of the kings of France, by Jean du
Tillet, the manuscript of which, presented by the author to Charles
IX, is still preserved in the Bibliothèque du Roi. See the description
of this priceless manuscript, and of several others preserved in the
same collection.[279]
We come now to the second question:—Was Tory an engraver?
Neither Zani nor Papillon mentions him as such; nevertheless, there
is one presumption in his favour. La Croix du Maine, who was almost
his contemporary, tells us[280], without going into details, it is true,
that Tory was known by the name 'maître au Pot Cassé'; others have
said that he perfected Josse Bade's letters.[281] M. Renouvier has
recently written[282] that Tory possessed the rare faculty of using the
'eschoppe' [graver] as well as the pen. 'Le Champ fleury,' he says, 'is
a treatise on æsthetics such as none but an engraver of types could
conceive.' What M. Renouvier conjectured, I assert, with no fear of
being contradicted by the facts. To be sure, Tory did not anywhere
state categorically that he was an engraver; but he gave it to be
understood indirectly. For example, he tells us that, among the
fancies that came to his mind on the 6th of January, 1523, and
resulted in the composition of 'Champ fleury,' he remembered 'a
letter of ancient form,' which he had 'not long since made for the
house of my lord the treasurer of the wars, maistre Jehan Groslier,
counsellor and secretary to the king our sire.'[283] What was this
ancient letter made for the famous bibliophile Grolier, if not the basis
of the beautiful roman characters which were used in that scholar's
establishment to decorate his books, and to stamp upon them, in
gold, this excellent device, among others, 'Ioannis Grolierii et
Amicorum?'[284]
Again, all the authorities agree that Claude Garamond was a pupil of
Tory. Now, what could he have learned from his master, if not the art
of engraving types,—he who did nothing else in his whole life?
Furthermore, it is impossible to doubt that Tory engraved types
when one runs through his 'Champ fleury.' Note especially what he
says on folio 34 recto, where, having given a drawing of a capital A
reversed, he explains it in the technical terms of the engraver.
'This,' he says, 'is done to help and give hints to goldsmiths and
engravers, who, with their burin, graver, or other tool, engrave and
cut an ancient letter reversed [à l'envers], or, as we say, to the left,
so that it may appear to the right when it is printed and placed in its
proper aspect. I have purposely made it white, and its background
black, the opposite of the one that is drawn to the right, so that no
one may be misled. For, as I have said, I have seen and do see
many persons who are misled. Before the letter to be printed is
finished, it is made twice reversed and twice to the right. In the first
of the reversed there are the punches[285] of steel, in which the
letter is wholly left-handed. The matrices have the letter to the right.
The letter then cast is, as I have said of the punches, left-handed.
Then finally on the printed paper the whole appears to the right, and
in its proper aspect to be read currently. I had forgotten to say that
the broad leg of the A is one tenth of its square in width, and the
other leg one third as wide. The transverse limb should be three
fourths as wide as the broad leg, as you may see by the drawings
herewith made and duly proportioned.'
After this, and knowing as we do the relations between Geofroy Tory
and the Estienne family, it will not be deemed extraordinary that I
attribute to our artist the italic letters of Simon de Colines, engraved
about 1525, and the roman and italic letters of Robert Estienne,
engraved a little later.
But Tory not only engraved letters, that is to say, punches on steel,
as some authors have stated: he signalized himself above all by his
engravings on wood, and he illustrated almost all the books of his
time, which fact is almost wholly unknown. I shall be asked,
doubtless, upon what evidence my opinion is based. It is this: In the
license to print the book of Hours, granted to Tory by François I on
September 23, 1524, we read:[286] 'Our dear and well-beloved
maistre Geofroy Tory ... hath now caused it to be made known and
shown unto us that he hath of late made and caused to be made
certain pictures and vignettes "à l'antique," and likewise certain
others, "à la moderne," to the end that the same may be printed
and made use of in divers books of Hours, whereupon he hath
employed himself a very long time, and hath made divers great
expenditures and outlays.' Evidently the words 'he hath made' do
not here apply to the drawing, but to the engraving of these pictures
and vignettes, which he had previously drawn. Moreover, Tory
himself betrayed his profession of engraver on wood in a charming
vignette which he used as an initial in 'Champ fleury,' and which is
reproduced on page 1. For we see therein, besides a compass, a
square, etc., a pen and several varieties of knives used in wood-
engraving; all of which justifies the remark of M. Renouvier: 'Tory
possessed the rare faculty of using the graver as well as the pen.'
But, I shall be told, it avails nothing to prove vaguely that Tory
dabbled in wood-engraving, if we can point to no works of his in that
branch of the art,—for no one has done so hitherto. I propose to try
to gratify the reader's desire, by proving that there is a way to
recognize the engravings executed by Tory.
Many persons have already observed that the principal engravings in
Tory's books, those which are most individual, as, for example, the
Gallic Hercules (reproduced on page 141), and that of the Pot Cassé
which accompanies the description of that emblem in 'Champ fleury'
(reproduced on page 21) bear a mark; but this mark they dare not
attribute to him, because it is constantly found upon engravings,
alone or accompanied by initials, for more than a century. M. Robert-
Dumesnil, in his interesting work entitled 'Le Peintre-Graveur
français,' published in the course of his article on Woeiriot,[287] who
himself used this same mark, a catalogue of engravings signed with
the double cross,—which he calls the cross of Lorraine or of
Jerusalem,—extending from 1522 to 1632. He concludes that this
mark was 'frequently employed in France, as a fictitious signature,
on engravings on wood, by artists whose names will probably remain
forever buried in oblivion.'
To banish this phantom, which caused M. Renouvier himself to pause
on the pathway of truth,[288] it is sufficient to come to close quarters
with it. This is what I propose to do; but first I must thank M.
Robert-Dumesnil for having satisfactorily cleared up one important
point. Until his book appeared, almost all the engravings marked
with the double cross had been attributed to Woeiriot; or, rather, the
engravings of the latter had added to the perplexity of classifiers. By
identifying Woeiriot's work, M. Robert-Dumesnil has simplified the
problem considerably. Only a small number of pieces remain to be
ascribed to their authors, and as to these M. Robert-Dumesnil
expresses himself thus: 'None of the works executed prior to
Woeiriot's birth and the beginning of his career as an artist can be
by him; of the others we hasten to say that not one seems to us to
have been designed or executed by him.'
Nothing could be clearer. Let us add, to close the discussion, that
Woeiriot did not begin to engrave until long after Tory had ceased,
as he was barely two years old when Tory died; and, furthermore,
that his cross is almost always accompanied by his initials;
sometimes, however, he uses the cross alone, but in that case the
date prevents confusion. Take, for example, the 'Emblesmes et
devises chrestiennes composées par damoiselle Georgette de
Montenay,' the first edition of which was in 1571. It is impossible to
attribute these engravings to Tory, who died nearly forty years
earlier.
The other artists who used the cross may be divided into three
classes, according to M. Robert-Dumesnil's book. First, we find the
cross alone, from 1522 to 1561; secondly, after a long interval, in
1599, the cross appears accompanied by the initials I, L, B; and,
lastly, a little later, two engravers on copper, named Jean Barra and
Claude Rivard, signed their works with the cross. I do not include
here the double cross discovered by M. Robert-Dumesnil on the
printer's mark of a book dated 1632, because it is the mark of Gilles
Corrozet, engraved a century earlier, as we shall see further on.
To sum up, then, there are no anonymous works bearing the cross
except those produced between 1522 and 1561. The only question is
whether the engravings executed between those dates, which bear
the cross without initials, belong to one or to several artists.
I will, first of all, call attention to the fact that this interval embraces
only forty years, and that there is no reason to attribute to several
contemporaneous and anonymous artists a very peculiar mark which
a single artist might have used during an even longer time. But this
is not all: this interval can be reduced by several years; for the
examples alleged to be subsequent to 1557, mentioned by M.
Robert-Dumesnil, bear no date; they appear, it is true, in books
printed after that year, but they were engraved earlier, as I shall
prove in due time. Blocks are not ephemeral objects; like type, they
can be used indefinitely, and their use at a certain date does not
prove that they had been made within a short time. We have just
cited one—Gilles Corrozet's mark—which, simply by lack of use, it
was possible to reproduce in books for more than a century.
What surprises me is not that M. Robert-Dumesnil has seen
engravings with the cross printed in 1561, but that he has found
none of a later date, which would have allowed him to fill up the gap
that he has left between the anonymous artist of the cross alone
and him who accompanied it with the letters I, L, B; he might have
discovered the beautiful illustration of the Missal of 1539, which is
described hereafter, in books of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Indeed, we find wood engravings of the sixteenth century,
bearing the double cross, in a book published at Troyes in 1850!
On the other hand, I am surprised that M. Robert-Dumesnil found no
engravings with the cross, accompanied by initials, of a date much
earlier than 1599, for I myself have seen some that were
contemporaneous with Tory. In fact, the Bibliothèque Nationale
possesses a book of Hours according to the use of Paris, printed in
that city in 1548, by Jean de Brye's widow, in which all the
engravings are marked with the cross and the initials L, R. It is an
octavo volume, printed in gothic type, and in red and black. An
interesting fact to be noted here is that these engravings are
improved copies of other unsigned engravings belonging to the
printer Thielman Kerver,[289] and printed in a large number of books
issued by him or his widow, Iolande Bonhomme, at least as early as
1522,[290] and still to be seen in the Paris Missal, published by his
son Jacques in 1559. I have seen also engravings of the artist with
the initials I, L, B (cited by M. Robert-Dumesnil under the date of
1599), in a book of 1547.
These facts do not tend to contradict my proposition; they prove
that Tory founded a school, and that his pupils adopted his mark
(which is nothing more than his initial, or, rather, his toret,
transferred from the Pot Cassé, of which it was the essential feature,
to his engravings), adding thereto their initials, to distinguish
themselves from the master whose ensign they hoisted, and to
preserve their own individuality. I shall recur to this subject later.
The principal reason which prevented M. Renouvier from attributing
to Tory, as he was naturally inclined to do, the engravings marked
with the double cross alone, was the impossibility, in his judgement,
of attributing them all to the same artist. 'M. Robert-Dumesnil,' he
says, 'has noted a large number of books of 1522 to 1599, on the
title-pages and plates of which the cross of Lorraine is found. This
list might be increased, and the items should be carefully compared
by whoever would try to find on them the mark of a wood-engraving
establishment, or of several engravers on wood who worked for the
booksellers Pierre Gaudoul, Simon de Colines, Robert Estienne,
Grouleau, Gilles Corrozet, Vincent Sertenas,[291] etc.'
I have already answered the objection based upon M. Robert-
Dumesnil's book, which he himself has abandoned with great
pleasure, taking a deep interest in my discovery.[292] As for what M.
Renouvier adds, it does not run counter to my suggestion, for I have
already mentioned that, after Tory's death, his widow carried on his
engraving establishment for several years, retaining the same mark.
This, doubtless, is the explanation of the differences to be noticed in
the works signed with the Lorraine cross; for Perrette le Hullin, not
being an engraver herself, must have employed different workmen.
This leads me to answer an objection that has been made to my
theory. My attention has been called to the fact that the Lorraine
cross appears on works anterior to Tory,—such, for example, as the
mark of Gauthier Lud, the first printer of Saint-Dié in Lorraine. I have
no purpose to claim the Lorraine cross for Tory alone. He was not its
inventor, nor did it die with him; but there is a distinction to be made
between an emblem employed in a general way, and one employed
as the special mark of an artist. Not only do I not claim for Tory the
Lorraine cross surmounting a circle, which appears on the mark of
the Lorraine printer, Gauthier Lud,[293] in 1507, but I exclude the
Lorraine cross surmounting a large gothic G, found on the title-page
of a folio Missal according to the use of the church of Toul, printed at
Paris by Wolfgang Hopyl, in 1508.[294] To my mind nothing could be
more natural than that the Lorraine cross should be used in Lorraine;
but that does not prove that an artist at Bourges may not have
adopted it as the mark of his establishment.
I mention hereafter as one of Tory's first engravings on wood the
title-page of a book printed at Meaux in 1522, and I then say that
the preface of that book was dated 'Meldis, anno M. D. XXI.'[295] M.
Brunet makes me say,[296] I cannot imagine why, 'Metis' instead of
'Meldis'; and M. Didot, misled by that statement, says that the book
in question was published at Metz,[297] which fact seems to him to
explain the presence of the Lorraine cross on the title. This shows
how an error may be appealed to in support of a theory.
Not only have I not exaggerated the part played by my hero, as
authors are somewhat in the habit of doing,—on the contrary, I have
restricted it as much as possible. Since the publication of my first
edition, an attempt has been made to prove Tory to be the maker,
or, at least, the decorator, of the beautiful Henri II porcelains, so-
called, the subject of a recent publication of MM. Delange, father
and son. M. Didot himself adopted this opinion,[298] which is based
upon a vague similarity, but is completely refuted by the date of
Tory's death. So far as I am concerned, appearances are of no
consequence, unless they are accompanied by some substantial
evidence; and that is why I have excluded from the list of Tory's
works some engravings that Messrs. Renouvier and Didot do not
hesitate to attribute to him because of certain similarities, but which
do not bear his mark. It is that mark which has served me as a
guide in identifying Tory's work. The objection is made, to be sure,
that this plan requires the attribution to Tory of engravings of very
dissimilar styles. Every plan has its disadvantages; but, all things
considered, I prefer one that has something to stand upon to one
that has nothing. Moreover, it is easy to explain the different styles
of the artist of the Lorraine cross by referring to what has often
taken place in the careers of other artists. In truth, how many
painters have we seen change their style of painting at a certain
period of their lives! But there is an even simpler way of explaining
these dissimilarities in different engravings, namely, by admitting
with me that the Lorraine cross was the mark of Tory's workshop,
but that in that workshop there were other artists of very diverse
abilities. In the same way, we see to-day a multitude of engravings
signed 'Andrew,' 'Best,' 'Leloir,' to which those artists certainly never
put their hands.
But let us have done with argument and come to the facts: they will
prove more conclusively than any number of dissertations the truth
of our statement concerning Tory; they will prove, in fact, that all the
works signed by the cross alone were engraved during that artist's
lifetime, or in the establishment which he founded and which his
widow retained until about 1556.
To make the demonstration clearer, I will divide what I still have to
say into three sections. In the first I will include all the manuscripts
the decoration of which can be attributed to Tory; in the second I
will describe all the engravings marked with the Lorraine cross that
are known to me, arranging them in chronological order; and in the
third I will mention such marks of printer-booksellers bearing the
aforesaid cross, as I have been able to discover. As it is impossible
for me to follow the chronological order in this last category, I have
adopted the alphabetical order, which will enable one to find at once
such of these marks as are mentioned in the second section.
SECTION I. MANUSCRIPTS
DECORATED WITH MINIATURES BY
TORY.
1. COMMENTAIRES DE CÉSAR.

2. TRIOMPHES DE PÉTRARQUE.
For a description of these two manuscripts[299] I cannot do better
than transcribe in this place the interesting work of Comte Léon de
Laborde. I print this work just as it was published several years ago,
having no authority to modify it. But I think that I may venture to
say that if it had been prepared since the publication of my book on
Tory, it would contain a judgement in his favour. That seems to me
to be the result of my conversations with M. de Laborde. My friend
M. Jules Renouvier, whose death is so deeply to be deplored, and in
whose company I examined the volume of the 'Commentaires' in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, was entirely of my opinion. He spoke of the
manuscript in question in these terms in a critical review of the first
edition of my book on Tory, printed in the 'Revue Universelle des
Arts' for September, 1857 (vol. v, no. 6, p. 511):—
'The point that we knew least about was Tory's début in the career
of an artist. It was most brilliant if we agree with M. Bernard that he
was the author of the miniatures found in two well-known
manuscripts, the "Commentaires de César" in three volumes and the
"Triomphes de Pétrarque," in which we find the signatures "G," and
"Godefroy," and the dates 1519 and 1520. M. de Laborde has
recently described them with all the care that they deserve, without
discovering who this Godefroy was. He was no other than Geofroy
Tory, says M. Bernard, and this opinion is plausible; for, if the
subsequent work of the engraver on wood does not fulfil the
promise of the miniaturist, the drawing is governed by identical
characteristics, and the similarity of style is striking, especially when
we consider the engravings that are nearest in point of time, as
those of "Champ fleury," dated 1526. Considered from this point of
view, Geofroy Tory is the most precocious of the artists of the
Renaissance: before the masters of Fontainebleau, he introduced the
stately, graceful and individualized figures, which aroused
enthusiasm in the time of François I, to which Italy lent much of her
style, and Germany a little of her force, but which were more
thoroughly French than is generally admitted. It is well known,
moreover, that these miniatures were originally, even in the
"camaieu" process, heightened in effect by chatoyant tones, with
subtleties of drawing which denote a hand more apt to handle the
pencil than the brush, and altogether adapted to the tools of the
engraver. The draughtsman loses a part of his distinction in passing
from a privileged to a commonplace form of art; but so the progress
of art willed.'
The work of M. Léon de Laborde follows:—

GODEFROY, PAINTER TO FRANÇOIS I.


Godefroy has left us, in four small volumes,—the first three entitled
'Commentaires de César,' the fourth 'Triomphes de Pétrarque'—the
proof of a fruitful imagination, of a talent in portrait-painting no less
flexible than varied, and of a superiority original with himself, and
thoroughly French,—a very unusual combination of the qualities
peculiar to our school prior to the formation of the school of
Fontainebleau, and of the qualities—or, to speak more accurately,
the defects—which that colony of foreign artists was soon to
introduce in our midst.
These four volumes, after divers vicissitudes, repose at last, at the
end of their journeyings and safe from the risk of destruction, the
first in the British Museum at London, the second in the Bibliothèque
Nationale at Paris, the third in the collection of H. R. H. the Duc
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