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Chapter 8: Arrays and Strings

TRUE/FALSE

1. All components of an array are of the same data type.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 507

2. The array index can be any integer less than the array size.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 509

3. The statement int list[25]; declares list to be an array of 26 components, since the array
index starts at 0.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 509

4. Given the declaration int list[20]; the statement list[12] = list[5] + list[7];
updates the content of the twelfth component of the array list.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 509

5. Suppose list is a one dimensional array of size 25, wherein each component is of type int. Further,
suppose that sum is an int variable. The following for loop correctly finds the sum of the elements
of list.

sum = 0;

for (int i = 0; i < 25; i++)

sum = sum + list;

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 512

6. If an array index goes out of bounds, the program always terminates in an error.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 515

7. Arrays can be passed as parameters to a function by value, but it is faster to pass them by reference.

ANS: F PTS: 1 REF: 518

8. When you pass an array as a parameter, the base address of the actual array is passed to the formal
parameter.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 523

9. The one place where C++ allows aggregate operations on arrays is the input and output of C-strings.

ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 539

10. In a two-dimensional array, the elements are arranged in a table form.

 ANS: T PTS: 1 REF: 557

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. Which of the following statements declares alpha to be an array of 25 components of the type int?
a. int alpha[25]; c. int alpha[2][5];
b. int array alpha[25]; d. int array alpha[25][25];
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 507-508

2. Assume you have the following declaration char nameList[100];. Which of the following
ranges is valid for the index of the array nameList?
a. 0 through 99 c. 1 through 100
b. 0 through 100 d. 1 through 101
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 509

3. Assume you have the following declaration int beta[50];. Which of the following is a valid
element of beta?
a. beta['2'] c. beta[0]
b. beta['50'] d. beta[50]
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 509

4. Assume you have the following declaration double salesData[1000];. Which of the following
ranges is valid for the index of the array salesData?
a. 0 through 999 c. 1 through 1001
b. 0 through 1000 d. 1 through 1000
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 509

5. Suppose that sales is an array of 50 components of type double. Which of the following correctly
initializes the array sales?
a. for (int 1 = 1; j <= 49; j++)
sales[j] = 0;
b. for (int j = 1; j <= 50; j++)
sales[j] = 0;
c. for (int j = 0; j <= 49; j++)
sales[j] = 0.0;
d. for (int j = 0; j <= 50; j++)
sales[j] = 0.0;
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 512

6. Suppose that list is an array of 10 components of type int. Which of the following codes correctly
outputs all the elements of list?

a. for (int j = 1; j < 10; j++)

cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

b. for (int j = 0; j <= 9; j++)

cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;
 c. for (int j = 1; j < 11; j++)
cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

d. for (int j = 1; j <= 10; j++)

cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 512

7. What is the output of the following C++ code?

int list[5] = {0, 5, 10, 15, 20};

int j;

for (j = 0; j < 5; j++)

cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

a. 0 1 2 3 4 c. 0 5 10 15 20
b. 0 5 10 15 d. 5 10 15 20
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 512

8. What is the value of alpha[2] after the following code executes?

int alpha[5];
int j;

for (j = 0; j < 5; j++)

alpha[j] = 2 * j + 1;

a. 1 c. 5
b. 4 d. 6
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 512

9. What is the output of the following C++ code?

int alpha[5] = {2, 4, 6, 8, 10};

int j;

for (j = 4; j >= 0; j--)

cout << alpha[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

a. 2 4 6 8 10 c. 8 6 4 2 0
b. 4 3 2 1 0 d. 10 8 6 4 2
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 512

10. What is the output of the following C++ code?

 int list[5] = {0, 5, 10, 15, 20};
int j;

for (j = 1; j <= 5; j++)

cout << list[j] << " ";
cout << endl;

a. 0 5 10 15 20 c. 5 10 15 20 20
b. 5 10 15 20 0 d. Code results in index out-of-bounds
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 515-516

11. Suppose that gamma is an array of 50 components of type int and j is an int variable. Which of the
following for loops sets the index of gamma out of bounds?
a. for (j = 0; j <= 49; j++)
cout << gamma[j] << " ";
b. for (j = 1; j < 50; j++)
cout << gamma[j] << " ";
c. for (j = 0; j <= 50; j++)
cout << gamma[j] << " ";
d. for (j = 0; j <= 48; j++)
cout << gamma[j] << " ";
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 515-516

12. Consider the following declaration: int alpha[5] = {3, 5, 7, 9, 11};. Which of the
following is equivalent to this statement?
a. int alpha[] = {3, 5, 7, 9, 11};
b. int alpha[] = {3 5 7 9 11};
c. int alpha[5] = [3, 5, 7, 9, 11];
d. int alpha[] = (3, 5, 7, 9, 11);
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 516

13. In C++, the null character is represented as ____.

a. '\0' c. '0'
b. "\0" d. "0"
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 535

14. Which of the following correctly declares name to be a character array and stores "William" in it?
a. char name[6] = "William";
b. char name[7] = "William";
c. char name[8] = "William";
d. char name[8] = 'William';
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 536

15. Consider the following declaration: char str[15];. Which of the following statements stores
"Blue Sky" into str?
a. str = "Blue Sky";
b. str[15] = "Blue Sky";
c. strcpy(str, "Blue Sky");
d. strcpy("Blue Sky");
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 537
16. Consider the following declaration:
char charArray[51];
char discard;

Assume that the input is:

Hello There!
How are you?

What is the value of discard after the following statements execute?

cin.get(charArray, 51);
cin.get(discard);

a. discard = ' ' (Space) c. discard = '\n'

b. discard = '!' d. discard = '\0'
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 540

17. Consider the following statement: double alpha[10][5];. The number of components of
alpha is ____.
a. 15 c. 100
b. 50 d. 150
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 544

18. Consider the statement int list[10][8];. Which of the following about list is true?
a. list has 10 rows and 8 columns.
b. list has 8 rows and 10 columns.
c. list has a total of 18 components.
d. list has a total of 108 components.
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 544

19. Consider the following statement: int alpha[25][10];. Which of the following statements about
alpha is true?
a. Rows of alpha are numbered 0...24 and columns are numbered 0...9.
b. Rows of alpha are numbered 0...24 and columns are numbered 1...10.
c. Rows of alpha are numbered 1...24 and columns are numbered 0...9.
d. Rows of alpha are numbered 1...25 and columns are numbered 1...10.
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 544

20. Which of the following correctly declares and initializes alpha to be an array of four rows and three
columns with the component type int?
a. int alpha[4][3] = {{0,1,2} {1,2,3} {2,3,4} {3,4,5}};
b. int alpha[4][3] = {0,1,2; 1,2,3; 2,3,4; 3,4,5};
c. int alpha[4][3] = {0,1,2: 1,2,3: 2,3,4: 3,4,5};
d. int alpha[4][3] = {{0,1,2}, {1,2,3}, {2,3,4}, {3,4,5}};
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 546

21. After the following statements execute, what are the contents of matrix?
 int matrix[3][2];
int j, k;

for (j = 0; j < 3; j++)

for (k = 0; k < 2; k++)
matrix[j][k] = j + k;

a. 0 0 c. 0 1
1 1 1 2
2 2 2 3
b. 0 1 d. 1 1
2 3 2 2
4 5 3 3
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 548-550

22. Given the following declaration:

int j;
int sum;
double sale[10][7];

which of the following correctly finds the sum of the elements of the fifth row of sale?
a. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 7; j++)
sum = sum + sale[5][j];
b. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 7; j++)
sum = sum + sale[4][j];
c. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 10; j++)
sum = sum + sale[5][j];
d. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 10; j++)
sum = sum + sale[4][j];
ANS: B PTS: 1 REF: 550

23. Given the following declaration:

int j;
int sum;
double sale[10][7];

which of the following correctly finds the sum of the elements of the fourth column of sale?
a. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 7; j++)
sum = sum + sale[j][3];
b. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 7; j++)
sum = sum + sale[j][4];
c. sum = 0;
for(j = 0; j < 10; j++)
sum = sum + sale[j][4];
d. sum = 0;
 for(j = 0; j < 10; j++)
sum = sum + sale[j][3];
ANS: D PTS: 1 REF: 551

24. In row order form, the ____.

a. first row is stored first c. first column is stored first
b. first row is stored last d. first column is stored last
ANS: A PTS: 1 REF: 552

25. A collection of a fixed number of elements (called components) arranged in n dimensions (n>=1) is
called a(n) ____.
a. matrix c. n-dimensional array
b. vector d. parallel array
ANS: C PTS: 1 REF: 557

COMPLETION

1. A data type is called ____________________ if variables of that type can store only one value at a
time.

ANS: simple

PTS: 1 REF: 506

2. In a(n) ____________________ data type, each data item is a collection of other data items.

ANS: structured

PTS: 1 REF: 506

3. Complete the following statement so that it outputs the array sales.

double sales[10];
int index;

for (index = 0; index < 10; index++)

cout << ____________________ << " ";

ANS: sales[index]

PTS: 1 REF: 512

4. The word ____________________ is used before the array declaration in a function heading to
prevent the function from modifying the array.

ANS: const

PTS: 1 REF: 519

5. The ____________________ of an array is the address (that is, the memory location) of the first array
component.
 ANS: base address

PTS: 1 REF: 521

6. The ____________________ sort algorithm finds the location of the smallest element in the unsorted
portion of the list and moves it to the top of the unsorted portion of the list.

ANS: selection

PTS: 1 REF: 530-531

7. For a list of length n, the ____________________ sort makes exactly (n(n - 1))/2 key
comparisons and 3(n-1) item assignments.

ANS: selection

PTS: 1 REF: 535

8. The declaration char str[] = "Hello there"; declares str to be a string of

____________________ characters.

ANS:
12
twelve

PTS: 1 REF: 535-536

9. The function ____________________ returns the length of the string s, excluding the null character.

ANS: strlen(s)

PTS: 1 REF: 537

10. The statement strlen("Marylin Stewart"); returns ____________________.

ANS: 15

PTS: 1 REF: 537-538

11. The following statements store the value ____________________ into len.

int len;
len = strlen("Sunny California");

ANS: 16

PTS: 1 REF: 537-538

12. The header file string contains the function ____________________,which converts a value of type
string to a null-terminated character array.

ANS: c_str
 PTS: 1 REF: 541

13. Two (or more) arrays are called ____________________ if their corresponding components hold
related information.

ANS: parallel

PTS: 1 REF: 542

14. The following statement creates alpha to be a two-dimensional array with

____________________ rows.

int alpha[10][25];

ANS:
10
ten

PTS: 1 REF: 544

15. In the following declaration, the array gamma has ____________________ components.

int gamma[5][6][10];

ANS:
300
three hundred

PTS: 1 REF: 558

Other documents randomly have
different content
rate of increase of the two groups of children. Apart from the
increase in weight, the improvement in the general appearance and
carriage of the children who received the meals "was more or less
apparent in all, and very obvious in some of the children, who visibly
filled out and brightened up."[494] The reverse process was equally
apparent after the summer holidays.
 Chart illustrating the average gain or loss in weight—during the
intervals shown—of the children who were fed at Bradford. The
broken line shows the average increase in weight—during the same
time—of the "Control Children."
At Northampton, in 1909, a similar experiment was conducted under
the supervision of the Medical Officer of Health. Forty-four children
were given breakfast and dinner for fourteen weeks, and weighed
weekly, together with forty children of the same social class who
were not receiving meals. At the beginning of the experiment the
average weight of the fed children was 1·71 kilos less than that of
the "controls"; in the second week their average gain was much
greater, and by the end of the fourteenth week the difference in
weight was reduced to 1·02 kilos. During the Easter holidays of ten
days in which no meals were given, the children who had previously
been fed lost in weight while the "controls" gained.[495]
Another interesting experiment was conducted by Dr. Haden Guest
in a poor school in Lambeth in the early part of 1908.[496] A large
number of children were selected—244—but the attendance of many
of these was irregular and continuous records were obtained in the
case of only 89 children. From January 24 to April 11 a midday meal
was given six days a week. The meal consisted of two courses, a
normal portion of which was calculated to be sufficient to supply the
amounts of proteids, carbohydrates, fats and salts, physiologically
necessary for children. The same meal was never given twice in
succession, a variation of six menus being repeated over twelve
consecutive days. The room in which the meals were served was
bright and airy, the surroundings having, in Dr. Guest's estimation,
an important physiological bearing on good digestion. All the
children in the school were weighed before and after the experiment
and again in the first week of July, the children who were receiving
dinners being also weighed regularly during the experiment. Taking
first the case of the elder children, we read that the results "showed
a very decided and positive improvement both from the general
standpoint and from that of increase in weight, the fed children
increasing at a more rapid rate than the other children in the school
with whom they were compared."[497] "Starting a good deal below
the normal of their own school mates, they tended, under the
influence of one good meal a day, rapidly to approach that normal."
And again, "the increase in the healthy appearance of the children
and in their general alertness was marked. Children with sores, small
abscesses, colds and blepharitis recovered from these ailments....
The amount of absence from school due to illness was considerably
less during the course of the experiment." This testimony was fully
borne out by the headmaster. "The effect of the feeding of the
children," he declared, "is a marked improvement judging from the
general appearance of the boys, who are almost all brighter. The
improvement is particularly noticeable in their play. They are more
vigorous and enter more heartily into the rougher games of boys
and bear the knocks without coming to the teacher to complain.
They certainly enjoy their play more and show less fatigue. There
are few lads shivering against the walls with hands in pockets,
sloping shoulders and pale faces. In school, the effect during the
first few weeks was drowsiness. This was succeeded by improved
tone and greater independence of character, and generally a greater
individuality. The difference in mental condition is not so marked,
and is certainly more difficult to measure. There is less fatigue in
lessons, and the lads are capable of more continuous exertion." The
teachers' reports on the girls were of the same character, though not
so decided in tone, except on one point—that those who were fed
were "more troublesome," that is to say, more full of spirits, a factor
which appeared also in their play. Turning to the effect of the meals
on the infants a most disquieting state of affairs was disclosed. It
was found that, while the weight of the infants who were fed was
less than that of the other infants of their own school, "the
difference was much less than in the case of the bigger children, the
increase in weight in each case correspondingly slow, and the
amount by which both groups fell below the normal greater." During
the first week there was a remarkable fall in weight among the
infants who received meals, ascribable partly to the fact that they
did not receive the necessary attention which was afterwards given
them, partly to the fact that they were unfamiliar with good
nourishing food (a factor operating in the case of the elder children
also, though to a far less degree[498]); largely, however, it was due to
their being "actually unable to digest and assimilate this food." This
slow progress on the part of the infants Dr. Guest attributed to
improper feeding at home. In most Lambeth homes the younger
children received the same diet (the staple articles being tea and
bread and butter) as the older ones, but whereas the latter could
manage on this diet, and, with a good midday meal in addition, even
flourish, the former could not thrive. Dr. Guest therefore advocated
that necessitous infants should be fed at least twice a day, on a diet
different from that given to the elder children, and that more
individual care should be devoted to each child, since in most cases
they required coaxing before they would eat the wholesome food
provided.
On the cessation of the meals we find the same result ensuing as we
have already noticed at Bradford and Northampton. For when, in
July, 1908, three months after the meals had been discontinued, all
the children were again weighed and measured, it was found that
there was a general decline in weight; the decline was so general
that it was obviously due partly to a diminution in clothing, but "the
necessitous children, who after the conclusion of the experiment
were only fed spasmodically, show a greater decrease than the other
children, pointing to either a stationary weight during the twelve
weeks from April to July or a loss of weight."
Interesting figures as to the effects of different dietaries were
obtained at Sheffield in 1910. Before this date the meals provided
for necessitous children had taken the form of cocoa breakfasts. As
an experiment at one school some of the boys were given porridge
for several weeks. Their weights were compared with those of a
group of other boys who were receiving cocoa breakfasts at school,
and also with a group of boys who were being fed at home. The two
groups of boys who were fed at school were drawn from equally
poor districts, those who were fed at home being somewhat better
off. It was found that the boys who were receiving cocoa breakfasts
only gained on an average ·0451 kilos or 1·58 oz. per week; the
boys who were being fed at home gained ·0594 kilos (2·09 oz.);
while the boys who were receiving porridge breakfasts gained as
much as ·0942 kilos (3·317 oz.). As a result of this proof of the
superiority of porridge diet, porridge breakfasts were substituted for
cocoa breakfasts in all the schools.[499]
At Brighton it has for the last few years been the practice to weigh
before and after the course of meals the children who have been
recommended for feeding on medical grounds. At the end of the last
session, 1912-13, 269 children who had received meals for nine
weeks or more were thus re-examined. It was found that 133 of
these, or 50 per cent., no longer needed meals on medical grounds,
that is, they had been brought over the average weight for a given
height.[500]
Where only milk or codliver oil is given a remarkable improvement is
often effected. Indeed, several teachers told us that in their opinion
the provision of milk was more beneficial than either breakfasts or
dinners. At a Bethnal Green school, during the winter of 1909-10, it
was found that out of 57 boys and 109 girls examined at the medical
inspection, 24 of the boys and 61 of the girls were underfed. These
children were given a tea-spoonful of codliver oil in a cupful of warm
milk every day during the morning interval. At the end of the year
the nutrition was re-assessed, with the following results:—[501]

Good. Average. Bad.

57 Before 4 19 34
boys
After 26 28 3
109 Before 3 49 57
girls
After 42 61 6
The results of these experiments are sufficient in themselves to
establish conclusively the benefit to be derived from regular feeding
even when no other factor in the child's environment is changed.
"No doubt," says Dr. Haden Guest, "irregular and late hours,
disturbed sleep, overcrowding, improper clothing and employment of
children after and before school hours, do each and all exercise a
very detrimental effect on the children of poor parents. But that the
greatest influence for evil is exerted by improper and insufficient
food is a matter over which it appears impossible to have great
controversy."[502]
And these results are corroborated by abundant testimony from
School Medical Officers, teachers, Care Committee workers and
others, of the benefit derived by the children where the Provision of
Meals Act has been put in force. "The children derived an enormous
amount of benefit" from the meals.[503] "The physical appearance of
the children speaks in pronounced terms" of the value of feeding.[504]
"Those who have any practical experience ... are all agreed that
such meals [free breakfasts] are of the greatest value, not only from
a humanitarian point of view but also as a necessary adjunct for
successful education."[505] "There is continuous evidence of the
immense benefit conferred upon the children by the administration
of this Act—both from the inspection of the scholars at the dining-
centres and from the reports of the teachers."[506] These are a few
typical opinions culled from reports of School Medical Officers. At
Manchester "the operation of the provision of free meals acts very
largely ... not so much in the way of improving the physical condition
of children already emaciated and debilitated, but of preventing their
ever reaching that condition by stepping in when the home income
fails. It is certain that since the organisation of the supply of free
meals at centres covering practically all parts of the city where they
are required, the number of underfed children—i.e., the number
showing signs of underfeeding—has decreased markedly. It is also
certain that the type of child at the feeding centres is gradually
improving—i.e., there are fewer children found in the centres with
signs of the result of bad nourishment, and there are fewer such
children in the schools."[507] At Bradford, where the Local Education
Authority has systematically endeavoured to effect an improvement
in the condition of the children both by the school medical service
and the provision of meals, there has been in the last few years a
very marked improvement in nutrition and "a fairly regular increase
in weight amongst Bradford children as a whole. They are
approaching nearer each year to the national average."[508]
The witness of the teachers is no less favourable. In London, for
instance, the Education Committee in 1910 made enquiries among
the head teachers of some of the schools where a considerable
number of meals were provided; the majority of the teachers were
enthusiastic as to the benefit derived. "Physical progress is most
marked," said one headmistress. "The disappearance of chronic
headaches, sores on faces, gatherings on fingers, pains in chest ...
point to a more 'fit' condition, which the children can only express
for me by saying that they 'feel better now,' for they 'are not hungry
all the afternoons now.'"[509] And a headmaster writes, "The change
in the children after a month's provision of suitable and nourishing
diet for breakfast and dinner has been distinctly beneficial. They
have been more inclined to take part in the school sports, into which
they have entered with considerable zest. Their appearance, too, has
greatly improved. Their eyes have become brighter, their cheeks
rounded. If, for any reason, such as temporary absence, they have
lost the advantage of regular feeding, they have almost immediately
shown signs of deterioration. When the period [of feeding] has been
prolonged to three or six months, their health has permanently
improved, and their capacity for work and play has still further
developed."[510] "The children on the necessitous register," says
another headmaster, "now fully participate in these activities [games
and sports] and supply rather above their proportionate number of
prominent performers; this is equally true of swimming. It is
indisputable that in the past lack of nourishment, where it did not
entirely exclude, greatly limited the part taken by many children in
this the most attractive side of school life."[511]
We have ourselves questioned numbers of teachers, both in London
and the provinces, on this point. Here and there are found, it is true,
teachers who declare that no improvement is to be observed,
perhaps because, being with the children day by day they do not
notice any change. But the verdict as to the beneficial results of
school meals is almost unanimous. At Bradford we were told that it
used to be not uncommon for a child to faint in school from want of
food; such an occurrence is now unknown. Often children who are
dull and listless are found, after a course of regular meals, to
become full of life and spirits. It is indeed frequently remarked that
the children become "naughtier" after the meals, a sign, of course,
of increased vitality.
We find that, as a result of the regular feeding, the resisting power
of the children is increased and they are less susceptible to the
contraction of infectious and other diseases.[512] The attendance at
school is thus improved. At a school in the Potteries, the headmaster
informed us that during the coal strike in 1912, when three meals a
day were given in the schools, there was far less non-attendance
than usual through biliousness, headaches or other minor ailments.
[513]
At Liverpool we were told that there has been a considerable
improvement in the regularity of the children's attendance, as a
result of the dinners.[514] Non-attendance may be due, of course, not
only to illness, but also to lack of food. When the parents have
nothing to give the children for breakfast they will encourage them
to sleep through the morning. The headmaster of a very poor school
in Liverpool told us that some years ago, before the Education
Committee had undertaken the provision of meals, the attendance
was very bad. He raised a voluntary fund and provided breakfasts
himself. As a result the attendance improved to such an extent that
the increased grant amounted to £74, which more than covered the
cost of the food (£63).
It would be interesting to compare the nutrition of the children in
the Day Industrial Schools, where three meals a day are given. Since
the children in these schools, who, it must be remembered, are
drawn very largely from the poorest and most neglected class,
return home in the evening, the only condition altered is the supply
of food. We have, unfortunately, not been able to obtain any
statistics as to the weights of these children, but we have received
ample evidence from teachers and others as to the very marked
physical improvement which is to be observed after they have been
in the schools but a very short time. At Liverpool some time ago it
was found that the children attending the Day Industrial Schools
suffered much from sores and gatherings. On the diet being altered
very considerably, these ailments entirely disappeared, and the
children, we were told, are now in perfect health. At Leeds the
School Medical Officer found that, while of 11,763 children from the
ordinary elementary schools, 5·6 per cent. were of sub-normal
nutrition, the percentage in the same condition among the Day
Industrial School children (of whom 91 were examined) was only
1·1.[515]
Let us turn now to the effect of the meals on the mental capabilities
of the children. This effect is, from the nature of the case, less easy
to assess, and the evidence is not so unanimous as on the question
of the physical effect. A minority of teachers assert that no
improvement is to be observed. At Hull, for instance, out of 165
head-teachers who were asked for their opinions on this point, 76
declared that there had been a considerable or distinct
improvement, 53 that there had been a slight improvement, and 36
that there was no visible difference.[516] At Bradford, 134 teachers
were of opinion that there had been a considerable or distinct
improvement, 35 that the improvement had been slight, 35 that no
visible difference was to be noticed.[517] "I cannot say," said the
headmaster of a London school, "that the improvement in mentality
has been in any way commensurate with the physical improvement."
[518]
On the other hand, a headmistress declared, "there is
undoubted improvement physically and educationally in the
necessitous children supplied with meals at this school. But I confess
the fact only came home to me vividly at our last terminal
examination, when I found three of them headed the class in
Standard III. (including all subjects)."[519] Another wrote, "the girls
receiving regular meals have become more alert, less apathetic, and
consequently far more ready to respond to the teachers' efforts to
gain their undivided attention. The interest thus aroused has led the
girls to look upon all branches of their work with more favour than
heretofore. The taste for knowledge once established, homework
has followed with the inevitable results produced by voluntary effort
rather than compulsory work."[520] In North Kensington the "children
who are supplied with milk at school or who are given breakfast and
dinner respond at once to the better feeding, and show distinct
improvement in their class work."[521] At Darlington it was reported
that, "generally speaking, the replies [from the teachers] were very
definite to the effect that the provision of dinners had assisted the
educational progress of the children."[522] And a striking illustration of
the benefit derived from a regular course of feeding is given us by a
medical member of an Education Committee who writes, "I find the
condition of the children much improved by feeding. Some children
who, eighteen months ago, were considered half-witted are now
monitors and monitresses, taking an intelligent interest in their
work."
We have already noticed the improvement in attendance consequent
on the provision of meals. This, of course, assists in the educational
progress, not only of those children who before attended irregularly,
but of the whole class, since the others are no longer kept back by
the irregular attenders.
Too much importance cannot be attached to the training of the
children in habits of self-control and thoughtfulness for one another.
For this training the common meal furnishes an excellent
opportunity. As we have seen, far too little attention is paid to this
aspect of the question. It is true that, even where the meal is served
in a somewhat rough-and-ready fashion, leaving, in the eyes of the
educationalist, much to be desired, we have generally been informed
that there has been an improvement in manners. At first the
children, many of whom, probably, had rarely sat down to a meal
before, would throw the food at each other or on the floor, and the
scene was often a pandemonium. Some sort of order has been
evolved out of this chaos. But how far this falls short of what might
be effected is seen when one compares the great majority of
feeding-centres all over England, not necessarily the worst, with a
small minority, such as some of the Bradford centres, or one or two
London centres, where the meal is truly educational. It is interesting
to hear that, when recently a party of children were sent to the
Cinderella Holiday Home from one of the Bradford schools and the
supervisor was particularly requested to notice those who had been
receiving meals, it was found that they alone knew how to behave at
table, and that the others learnt from them.
In another direction the school meal may have an educational result
of the highest importance. Children in all ranks of life are notoriously
conservative in the matter of food and shy of venturing on unknown
dishes, but with the poorest class of children it is not only
"faddiness" which has to be contended with; the unaccustomed
food, however wholesome for the normal child, actually does not
agree with these chronically underfed children. As was pointed out
at the time of the passing of the Provision of Meals Act, "one great
merit of this Act ... will be the teaching and training of a child in the
matter of taste. At present it is a well known physiological fact that
the slum stomach cannot accommodate itself in a moment to good,
wholesome food. The child has been accustomed to tea and jam and
pickles, and to food that is often more tasty than nourishing. It will
now eat under public and medical superintendence and gradually a
pure and simple taste will be cultivated."[523] That this prophecy is in
process of being fulfilled may, we think, with justice be claimed.
There still exists a certain amount of difficulty in inducing the
children to take food to which they are unaccustomed, but that this
difficulty can be surmounted by the exercise of tact and attention to
individual needs has been practically demonstrated again and again.
Over and over again we have been told the same tale, "at first the
children would not eat this or that dish, but now they have learned
to like it." Especially is this the case with porridge. At first, wherever
this was given, it was found that many refused to eat it, but this
antipathy was gradually overcome, and the children finally ate it with
relish.[524] It is amusing to find that at St. George's-in-the-East,
where a porridge breakfast was devised as a test of need, it being
thought that no child would come who was not really hungry, the
children now like the porridge so much that this diet no longer
furnishes a test. Where the children do not learn to eat what is
provided, it always turns out, on further enquiry, that the supervisors
have failed, either because of the large numbers whom they have to
look after or, perhaps, through lack of enthusiasm, to devote that
careful and detailed attention to the children without which it is quite
impossible to bring about any change.
Moreover, it is encouraging to notice that this education of the
children in the matter of taste is not without its effect on the home
diet. This was observed as long ago as 1895. In giving evidence
before the Committee of the London School Board, Mrs. Burgwin
declared that, as a result of the porridge breakfasts given to the
school children, there was "an increasing demand upon the local
shop-keepers by the poor families themselves."[525] "At first," said
Miss Honnor Morten, "the children did not care for porridge, but the
result of the breakfasts has been that many now persuade their
parents to make it for them."[526] "The children," says Lady Meyer,
who has started penny dinners in connection with the Health Centre
at Newport, "act as missionaries to their mothers, comparing the
meals at the Health Centre with those at their homes, much to the
disparagement of the latter, which quickly brought the more
intelligent mothers to the centre to 'see how it was done.'"[527]
As far as the children are concerned, indeed, whether we consider
the improvement in physique, mental capacity or manners, there is
no doubt that the provision of school meals has proved of the
greatest benefit.
 CHAPTER VI
THE EFFECT ON THE PARENTS

The evidence which has been presented in the preceding chapter as to the benefits
resulting from the feeding of school children would have evoked, fifty, or even
twenty years ago, a simple and decisive retort. Granted, it would have been argued,
that the health and educational capacity of the children is deteriorated by lack of
nourishment, that irreparable and preventible damage is inflicted, and that the
provision of meals by a public authority averts this evil for many and mitigates it for
all; yet no plea of immediate expediency can stand against the ultimate loss involved
in any public assumption of the cost of providing maintenance for children. If a local
authority supplies part, even a small part, of their food, parental responsibility is, pro
tanto, diminished, with results disastrous not only to the character of the parents but
to the prospects of the children themselves. For if parents receive assistance in one
direction from a public authority, they will soon clamour to receive assistance in
other directions as well. In order to qualify for it, they will neglect their children, who
will thus benefit in one way only to be victimized in others. The children themselves,
having been fed from public funds, will be trained in habits of dependence, and,
when they grow up, will insist on still further provision being made for their children
in their turn. Thus one tiny breach in the walls of the family will insensibly be
widened till it admits a flood in which domestic affections and the integrity of the
home, "relations dear, and all the charities of father, son, and brother" are
submerged.
If such anticipations seem exaggerated, they have nevertheless played an important
part in determining the policy pursued in England towards more than one question,
and lie behind many of the criticisms which are passed on certain recent forms of
social intervention. The idea that relief given to the child must be regarded as relief
given to the parent, and that, if given at all, it must be accompanied by severe
restrictions, was enunciated emphatically in the Poor Law Report of 1834—indeed
that famous document scarcely mentions children except in so far as the treatment
of adults is influenced by these appendages—and has since become a settled part of
Poor Law policy. The fear that parental responsibility might be weakened was a
criticism brought against the Education Act of 1870, against the abolition of school
fees in 1894, and against the provision of medical treatment for school children
under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act of 1907. Naturally, therefore, the
public provision of meals for school children has not escaped the criticism that it
would weaken the bond between parent and child and ultimately result in "the
breaking up of the home." "To remove the spur to exertion and self-restraint,"
reported a special committee of the Charity Organisation Society in 1887, "which the
spectacle of his children's hunger must be to any man in whom the feelings of
natural kindness are not altogether dead, is to assume a very grave responsibility,
and perhaps to take away the last chance of re-establishing the character and
fortunes of the breadwinner, and, with him, the fortunes of the whole household. It
is true, no doubt, that there are parents who are past redemption by influences of
this kind, but the majority of the committee are of opinion that it is better in the
interests of the community to allow, in such cases, the sins of the parents to be
visited on the children than to impair the principle of the solidarity of the family and
run the risk of permanently demoralising large numbers of the population by the
offer of free meals to their children."[528]
Now it is obvious that an economic policy which was determined primarily by a
consideration for the "solidarity of the family" would lead to far-reaching measures
of industrial reorganisation. If the ideal is a society in which "the bread-winner" is by
his "exertion and self-restraint" to guarantee "the fortunes of his whole household,"
the immediate object of attack must be those industrial evils which effectually
prevent him from doing so at present, and of which the principal are low wages,
casual labour, recurrent periods of unemployment and bad housing. That a crusade
conducted in the interests of the family against these regular features of modern
industry is entirely desirable need not be questioned. But in its absence it is obvious
that, so far from allowing "the sins of the parents to be visited on the children,"
what we are really doing is to allow the sins of the employer to be visited on the
employed or the sins of the community to be visited upon future generations of
unborn children, and it seems almost frivolous to ascribe the results of this constant
and vicarious sacrifice to the measures which, like the provision of school meals, are
directed merely to the partial mitigation of some of its worst effects. The truth is, to
put the matter bluntly, that what breaks up the family is not the presence of food
but its absence, and that, if the public conscience is unperturbed by the spectacle of
numerous homes in which economic circumstances have deprived the parents of the
means of providing meals for their children themselves, its sudden sensitiveness at
the thought of meals being provided by some external authority would be ludicrous
if it did not lead to such tragic consequences. The reader who reflects on the
thousands of dock-labourers in London, Liverpool and Glasgow who, through no fault
of their own, can obtain only three days' work a week, or on the 25 to 30 per cent.
of the working-class population of Reading who have been shown by Professor
Bowley to be receiving a total family income below the low standard fixed by Mr.
Rowntree,[529] and to be receiving it, in 49 per cent. of the cases, because they are
"in regular work but at low wages,"[530] will scarcely argue that the mere provision of
meals, however injudicious he may regard it, is likely to contribute seriously to the
weakening of family relationships which have been already strained or broken by
industrial anarchy or industrial tyranny. Sublata causa tollitur effectus. But does any
one seriously believe that a cessation of school meals would restore the desired
"solidarity of the family" to the casual or sweated labourer?
If the suggestion that the provision of meals is a principal cause undermining
parental responsibility is fantastic, is the suggestion that it must necessarily exercise
some influence in that direction better founded? We shall deal later with such facts
as can be used to throw light on this question. But we may point out here that the
idea underlying it usually derives part of its cogency in the minds of many of its
supporters less from any concrete evidence than from an implicit assumption that
there is a "natural" division of duties between public authorities and the individual
citizen, and that any redistribution of them between these two parties, which
removes one function from the latter to the former, must necessarily result in the
undermining of character, the weakening of the incentive to self-maintenance, the
decay of parental responsibility, in short, in all the phenomena of the process known
as "pauperisation." Now we need scarcely point out that, stated in this crude form,
the theory that every assumption of fresh responsibilities by public authorities results
in the undermining of character has no foundation in the experience of mankind. It
is, of course, quite true that any sudden removal from an individual of duties which
he has hitherto been accustomed to discharge may result in weakening the springs
of effort. It is also quite true that any sudden addition to his responsibilities may
result in crushing them, and that, as far as the more poorly paid ranks of labour are
concerned, energies are far more often worn out in a hopeless struggle than sapped
by an insidious ease. But by themselves these facts prove nothing as to the manner
in which burdens, duties, responsibilities, should be distributed between the
community and its individual members. What experience shows is that there is no
"natural" allocation of functions, but that there has been throughout history at once
a constant addition to, and a constant re-arrangement of them, and that the former
process is quite compatible with the latter. Nor is there any ground for the idea that
the extension of the activities of public bodies must necessarily result in accelerating
the approach of the state of economic and moral inertia described by those who
anticipate it as "Pauperism." If that were the case, all civilised communities would,
indeed, have been hastening to destruction from a time "whereof the memory of
man runneth not to the contrary." For our fathers had no elementary education, our
grandfathers no municipal water, and few lamp-posts; while our great-grandfathers
enjoyed the independence derived from the possession of relatively few roads, and
those of a character sufficiently bad to offer the most powerful incentives to the
energy and self-reliance of the pedestrian. On this theory the citizen of Manchester
would be more pauperised than the citizen of London; both would be seriously
pauperised compared with the peasant of Connemara; while the wretched
inhabitants of German municipalities would be wallowing in a perfect quagmire of
perpetual pauperism. Why indeed should one stop here? There have been periods in
history in which not only these functions, but the organisation of justice and the
equipment of military forces have been left to the bracing activities of private
individuals; and an enquiry into the decline and fall of individual independence
would, if logically pursued, lead us into dim regions of history far anterior to the
Norman Conquest. The origins of modern pauperism, like the origins of modern
liberty, are to be sought among "the primeval forests of Germany!"
While, however, there is no foundation for the doctrine that every extension of public
provision results in a slackening of energy on the part of the individual, it is, none
the less, possible that this may be the result of the particular kind of provision which
consists in the supplying of meals to school children. In the event of that being
proved to be the case, it is by no means easy to say what policy should be pursued.
Public authorities, it may be argued, should cease to provide school meals. To this
answer, which is at first sight plausible, there are two objections which are together
almost insuperable. The first is that Education Authorities are under a legal
obligation to provide education for the children in their charge and to carry out
medical inspection with a view to discovering their ailments; while they may, if they
think fit, provide medical treatment for them. They owe it to their constituents to
spend their money in the most effective and economical manner. Education given to
children who are suffering from want of nourishment not only is ineffective, but may
be positively deleterious. When the extent of malnutrition is known, is it reasonable
to expect the Authorities deliberately to shut their eyes to the fact that so far from
benefiting the children who suffer from it they may be positively aggravating their
misfortunes? If it be replied, ruat coelum fiat justitia, let the children suffer in order
to improve the moral character of their parents, an Education Committee may not
unfairly retort that it is elected primarily to attend to the welfare of the children, and
that the wisdom of elevating parents, who ex hypothesi are demoralised, at the cost
of the rising generation is, at any rate, too problematical to justify it in neglecting its
own special duties. Moreover, even assuming that public bodies were willing to apply
to the education of children the principles recommended in 1834 for the treatment
of "improvidence and vice," there is no reason to suppose that they would succeed
in averting the "pauperisation" which is dreaded. No fact is more clearly established
by the history of all kinds of relief administration since 1834 than that the effect of
refusing to make public provision for persons in distress is merely to lead to the
provision of assistance in a rather more haphazard, uncoordinated and indiscriminate
manner by private agencies. A purely negative policy is systematically "blacklegged"
by private philanthropists. Rightly or wrongly the plain man finds his stomach turned
by the full gospel of deterrence; with the result that, while the English Poor Law is
nominally deterrent, enormous sums are spent every year in private charity in
London alone; that in 1886 the Local Government Board recommended local
authorities to provide relief for certain classes of workers apart from the Poor Law,
on the ground that the Poor Law, for whose administration the Local Government
Board is responsible, is necessarily degrading; and that, finally, a special Act had to
be passed in 1905 creating authorities to administer assistance for unemployed
workmen whom public opinion would no longer allow to be left to the tender mercies
of a deterrent policy of Poor Relief. That the same result would follow with even
greater certainty were public bodies to decline to provide for necessitous school
children is obvious, inasmuch as to the foolish sentimentality of the ordinary person
the sufferings of childhood make a special appeal. Indeed it has followed already. In
the days when Education Authorities had no power to spend public money on the
provision of meals for school children, what happened was that the provision of
meals was begun by private persons, and in the towns which have not put the Act of
1906 into force such private provision obtains at the present day. Such extra-legal
intervention has all the disadvantages ascribed to the public provision of meals, for
one can scarcely accept the extravagant contention that while soup supplied by an
Education Authority pauperises, soup tickets supplied by a philanthropic society do
not. And it has few of its advantages. For private philanthropy tends to be more
irregular and arbitrary in its administration than most public authorities. Since it
cannot cover the whole area of distress, its selection of children to be fed is more
capricious; since its funds are raised by appeals ad misericordiam they often fail
when they are needed most; and when, as often happens, more than one agency
enters the field, the result is overlapping and duplication. Nor will it seem a minor
evil to those who care for the civic spirit that even the best-intentioned charity can
never escape from the taint of patronage, can never be anything but a sop with
which the rich relieve their consciences by ministering to the poor.
The statement that the feeding of school children weakens parental responsibility
presumably means that the provision of meals at school induces parents to neglect
to provide meals themselves. When one turns from these general considerations to
examine how far this result has actually occurred, one is faced with the task of
sifting a few grains of fact from a multitude of impressions. The first and most
essential preliminary to the formation of any reasonable judgment is to determine
the circumstances of those families one or more of whose members are receiving
meals at school; and in order to throw some light on this point we give, in the
following table, such particulars from six areas as are available:—[531]

Causes of Stoke. Bradford. Birmingham. School School in

distress in St. Bermondsey
Pancras.
Unemployment 16 11 26 9 13
Casual 3 26 54 8 18
employment
Short time 5 3 8 — —
Regular work — 16 6 1 2
but low wages
Illness or 15 19 47 5 9
disablement of
father
Widows 16 41 40 10 9
 Desertion or 3 32 19 2 2
absence of
father
It will be seen that the four largest classes of families consist of those in which the
father is casually employed, is disabled by illness or accident, is dead or is
unemployed. If one adds to these 605 families the 41 in which the father is paid low
wages or is working short time, there is a total of 646 out of 718 families in which
distress is due either to industrial causes or to a misfortune. Since men do not
usually contract illness or die in order that their children may be fed at school, there
is no question of the responsibility of the father being weakened in the 285 cases in
which death or ill-health was the cause which led to the provision of school meals.
It is often argued, however, that the public provision of assistance is itself one cause
of the distress which it is designed to relieve, because it must necessarily exercise a
deteriorating influence over industrial conditions. The knowledge that his children
will be fed is likely, it is said, to lead a man to relax the demands which he makes on
his employer. The knowledge that he need not offer a subsistence wage for a family
leads the employer to offer worse terms to his employees, more irregular
employment or lower rates of wages, with the result that the ratepayer relieves the
employer of part of his wage bill. Cut off all public assistance, and "economic
conditions will adjust themselves to the change." Now it is perfectly true that the
need which prompts the provision of school meals does normally arise from bad
industrial conditions, and that to allow those conditions to continue while merely
mitigating their effects is an offence against morality and an outrage on
commonsense. Whether school meals are desirable or not for their own sake, it is
the right of the worker that industry should be organised in such a way that he
should be able to provide for his children in the manner which he thinks best, and
that he should not be compelled (as he often is at present) to choose between
seeing them fed at school and seeing them half-starved at home. But the theory
which we have stated goes much further than this. It holds that public provision is a
cause of bad industrial conditions, and that the mere abolition of public provision
would in itself result in those conditions being improved. It is obvious that, as far as
certain economic evils are concerned, this doctrine does not hold good. Many
children are underfed because their parents are suffering from sickness or accident
incurred in the course of their employment. Clearly an employer will not be induced
to render his processes safe merely by the fact that his employees' children will
suffer if they are unsafe. Many children are underfed because their parents are
casually employed or altogether unemployed. Equally clearly there is no reason
whatever to suppose that casual labour would cease because of their starvation; for
if that were the case it would have ceased long ago. Nor again does the more
specious doctrine that the wages of men are lowered by the provision of food for
their children rest upon a securer foundation. In the nature of things it can neither
be verified nor disproved by an appeal to facts; for the controversy is not concerning
facts but concerning their interpretation. If we point out that in Bradford, when the
Education (Provision of Meals) Act was first adopted in 1907, the majority of children
fed were children of woolcombers, dyers' labourers, carters and builders' labourers,
and that since 1907 the first three classes of workers have all received advances of
wages, it may, of course, be answered that the advance would have been still
greater if the children had not been fed.[532] In reality, however, the more this theory
that the feeding of school children acts as a subsidy to wages is examined, the
weaker does it appear. Historically it is traceable to the popular rendering of Ricardo
introduced by Senior into the Poor Law Report of 1834, and it still contains marks of
its origin. It assumes, in the first place, that wages are never above "subsistence
level." For, clearly, if they are above it, there is no reason why they should be
lowered if the cost of keeping a family is somewhat reduced. It assumes, in the
second place, that they are never below the subsistence level of a family; for clearly,
if they are, that in itself proves that the absence of public provision has not been
able to maintain them. It assumes, in the third place, that the ability of workers to
resist a reduction or to insist on an advance depends not upon the profitableness of
the industry, nor upon the strength of their organisation, but solely upon their
necessities. Of these assumptions the first two are untrue, and the last is not only
untrue, but the exact opposite of the truth. In reality, as every trade unionist knows,
the necessities of the non-wage earning members of a family do not keep wages up;
they keep them down. A man who knows that a stoppage of work will plunge his
family in starvation has little resisting power, and acquiesces in oppression to which
he would otherwise refuse to submit. It is the strikers' wives and children who really
break many strikes, and if the pressure of immediate necessity is removed the
worker is not less likely, he is more likely, to hold out for better terms.
Nor is there much more substance in the theory that the provision of meals by a
public authority weakens family life by "undermining parental responsibility." We are
not, of course, concerned to deny that in the working classes as well as in the
propertied classes there are a certain number of persons who are anxious "to get
something for nothing." Cases, no doubt, do arise in which a parent who knows that
the needs of his children will partially be met by the food supplied by an Education
Authority may for that reason contemplate their fate when abandoned by him with
less apprehension. At most, however, such cases constitute only 10 per cent. of
those on the table, and the wisdom of withholding assistance from the remaining 90
per cent. merely in order to bring pressure upon this small fraction of all the families
concerned is, to put the matter at the lowest, highly questionable. Moreover, even
assuming that children who are neglected by their parents should be made to suffer
in order to teach the latter a moral lesson, what probability is there that the lesson
will be appreciated? In those families where a father is contemplating the desertion
of his home, family relationships must obviously be weak and unstable. Is it
seriously suggested that the mere fact that a public body is known to provide meals
for children in attendance at school is sufficient to tilt the scale; that a man who is
willing, ex hypothesi, to contemplate relinquishing his wife and younger children to
the Poor Law will be deterred from leaving them merely by anxiety as to how the
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