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Digital Logic Testing and Simulation 2nd ed Edition
Alexander Miczo Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Alexander Miczo
ISBN(s): 9780471439950, 0471439959
Edition: 2nd ed
File Details: PDF, 5.24 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
DIGITAL LOGIC TESTING
AND SIMULATION
DIGITAL LOGIC TESTING
AND SIMULATION
SECOND EDITION

Alexander Miczo

A JOHN WILEY & SONS, INC., PUBLICATION

Copyright  2003 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. All rights reserved.

Published by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, New Jersey.

Published simultaneously in Canada.

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in

any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or
otherwise, except as permitted under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:

Miczo, Alexander.
Digital logic testing and simulation / Alexander Miczo—2nd ed.
p. cm.
Rev. ed. of: Digital logic testing and simulation. c1986.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-471-43995-9 (cloth)
1. Digital electronics—Testing. I. Miczo, Alexander. Digital logic testing and simulation
II. Title.

TK7868.D5M49 2003
621.3815′48—dc21
2003041100

Printed in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
 CONTENTS

Preface xvii

1 Introduction 1

1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Quality 2
1.3 The Test 2
1.4 The Design Process 6
1.5 Design Automation 9
1.6 Estimating Yield 11
1.7 Measuring Test Effectiveness 14
1.8 The Economics of Test 20
1.9 Case Studies 23
1.9.1 The Effectiveness of Fault Simulation 23
1.9.2 Evaluating Test Decisions 24
1.10 Summary 26
Problems 29
References 30

2 Simulation 33

2.1 Introduction 33
2.2 Background 33
2.3 The Simulation Hierarchy 36
2.4 The Logic Symbols 37
2.5 Sequential Circuit Behavior 39
2.6 The Compiled Simulator 44
2.6.1 Ternary Simulation 48
v
vi CONTENTS

2.6.2 Sequential Circuit Simulation 48

2.6.3 Timing Considerations 50
2.6.4 Hazards 50
2.6.5 Hazard Detection 52
2.7 Event-Driven Simulation 54
2.7.1 Zero-Delay Simulation 56
2.7.2 Unit-Delay Simulation 58
2.7.3 Nominal-Delay Simulation 59
2.8 Multiple-Valued Simulation 61
2.9 Implementing the Nominal-Delay Simulator 64
2.9.1 The Scheduler 64
2.9.2 The Descriptor Cell 67
2.9.3 Evaluation Techniques 70
2.9.4 Race Detection in Nominal-Delay Simulation 71
2.9.5 Min–Max Timing 72
2.10 Switch-Level Simulation 74
2.11 Binary Decision Diagrams 86
2.11.1 Introduction 86
2.11.2 The Reduce Operation 91
2.11.3 The Apply Operation 96
2.12 Cycle Simulation 101
2.13 Timing Verification 106
2.13.1 Path Enumeration 107
2.13.2 Block-Oriented Analysis 108
2.14 Summary 110
Problems 111

References 116

3 Fault Simulation 119

3.1 Introduction 119

3.2 Approaches to Testing 120
3.3 Analysis of a Faulted Circuit 122
3.3.1 Analysis at the Component Level 122
3.3.2 Gate-Level Symbols 124
3.3.3 Analysis at the Gate Level 124
 CONTENTS vii

3.4 The Stuck-At Fault Model 125

3.4.1 The AND Gate Fault Model 127
3.4.2 The OR Gate Fault Model 128
3.4.3 The Inverter Fault Model 128
3.4.4 The Tri-State Fault Model 128
3.4.5 Fault Equivalence and Dominance 129
3.5 The Fault Simulator: An Overview 131
3.6 Parallel Fault Processing 134
3.6.1 Parallel Fault Simulation 134
3.6.2 Performance Enhancements 136
3.6.3 Parallel Pattern Single Fault Propagation 137
3.7 Concurrent Fault Simulation 139
3.7.1 An Example of Concurrent Simulation 139
3.7.2 The Concurrent Fault Simulation Algorithm 141
3.7.3 Concurrent Fault Simulation: Further Considerations 146
3.8 Delay Fault Simulation 147
3.9 Differential Fault Simulation 149
3.10 Deductive Fault Simulation 151
3.11 Statistical Fault Analysis 152
3.12 Fault Simulation Performance 155
3.13 Summary 157
Problems 159
References 162

4 Automatic Test Pattern Generation 165

4.1 Introduction 165

4.2 The Sensitized Path 165
4.2.1 The Sensitized Path: An Example 166
4.2.2 Analysis of the Sensitized Path Method 168
4.3 The D-Algorithm 170
4.3.1 The D-Algorithm: An Analysis 171
4.3.2 The Primitive D-Cubes of Failure 174
4.3.3 Propagation D-Cubes 177
4.3.4 Justification and Implication 179
4.3.5 The D-Intersection 180
viii CONTENTS

4.4 Testdetect 182

4.5 The Subscripted D-Algorithm 184
4.6 PODEM 188
4.7 FAN 193
4.8 Socrates 202
4.9 The Critical Path 205
4.10 Critical Path Tracing 208
4.11 Boolean Differences 210
4.12 Boolean Satisfiability 216
4.13 Using BDDs for ATPG 219
4.13.1 The BDD XOR Operation 219
4.13.2 Faulting the BDD Graph 220
4.14 Summary 224
Problems 226
References 230

5 Sequential Logic Test 233

5.1 Introduction 233
5.2 Test Problems Caused by Sequential Logic 233
5.2.1 The Effects of Memory 234
5.2.2 Timing Considerations 237
5.3 Sequential Test Methods 239
5.3.1 Seshu’s Heuristics 239
5.3.2 The Iterative Test Generator 241
5.3.3 The 9-Value ITG 246
5.3.4 The Critical Path 249
5.3.5 Extended Backtrace 250
5.3.6 Sequential Path Sensitization 252
5.4 Sequential Logic Test Complexity 259
5.4.1 Acyclic Sequential Circuits 260
5.4.2 The Balanced Acyclic Circuit 262
5.4.3 The General Sequential Circuit 264
5.5 Experiments with Sequential Machines 266
5.6 A Theoretical Limit on Sequential Testability 272
 CONTENTS ix

5.7 Summary 277

Problems 278
References 280

6 Automatic Test Equipment 283

6.1 Introduction 283

6.2 Basic Tester Architectures 284
6.2.1 The Static Tester 284
6.2.2 The Dynamic Tester 286
6.3 The Standard Test Interface Language 288
6.4 Using the Tester 293
6.5 The Electron Beam Probe 299
6.6 Manufacturing Test 301
6.7 Developing a Board Test Strategy 304
6.8 The In-Circuit Tester 307
6.9 The PCB Tester 310
6.9.1 Emulating the Tester 311
6.9.2 The Reference Tester 312
6.9.3 Diagnostic Tools 313
6.10 The Test Plan 315
6.11 Visual Inspection 316
6.12 Test Cost 319
6.13 Summary 319
Problems 320
References 321

7 Developing a Test Strategy 323

7.1 Introduction 323

7.2 The Test Triad 323
7.3 Overview of the Design and Test Process 325
7.4 A Testbench 327
7.4.1 The Circuit Description 327
7.4.2 The Test Stimulus Description 330
x CONTENTS

7.5 Fault Modeling 331

7.5.1 Checkpoint Faults 331
7.5.2 Delay Faults 333
7.5.3 Redundant Faults 334
7.5.4 Bridging Faults 335
7.5.5 Manufacturing Faults 337
7.6 Technology-Related Faults 337
7.6.1 MOS 338
7.6.2 CMOS 338
7.6.3 Fault Coverage Results in Equivalent Circuits 340
7.7 The Fault Simulator 341
7.7.1 Random Patterns 342
7.7.2 Seed Vectors 343
7.7.3 Fault Sampling 346
7.7.4 Fault-List Partitioning 347
7.7.5 Distributed Fault Simulation 348
7.7.6 Iterative Fault Simulation 348
7.7.7 Incremental Fault Simulation 349
7.7.8 Circuit Initialization 349
7.7.9 Fault Coverage Profiles 350
7.7.10 Fault Dictionaries 351
7.7.11 Fault Dropping 352
7.8 Behavioral Fault Modeling 353
7.8.1 Behavioral MUX 354
7.8.2 Algorithmic Test Development 356
7.8.3 Behavioral Fault Simulation 361
7.8.4 Toggle Coverage 364
7.8.5 Code Coverage 365
7.9 The Test Pattern Generator 368
7.9.1 Trapped Faults 368
7.9.2 SOFTG 369
7.9.3 The Imply Operation 369
7.9.4 Comprehension Versus Resolution 371
7.9.5 Probable Detected Faults 372
7.9.6 Test Pattern Compaction 372
7.9.7 Test Counting 374
7.10 Miscellaneous Considerations 378
7.10.1 The ATPG/Fault Simulator Link 378
 CONTENTS xi

7.10.2 ATPG User Controls 380

7.10.3 Fault-List Management 381
7.11 Summary 382
Problems 383
References 385

8 Design-For-Testability 387

8.1 Introduction 387

8.2 Ad Hoc Design-for-Testability Rules 388
8.2.1 Some Testability Problems 389
8.2.2 Some Ad Hoc Solutions 393
8.3 Controllability/Observability Analysis 396
8.3.1 SCOAP 396
8.3.2 Other Testability Measures 403
8.3.3 Test Measure Effectiveness 405
8.3.4 Using the Test Pattern Generator 406
8.4 The Scan Path 407
8.4.1 Overview 407
8.4.2 Types of Scan-Flops 410
8.4.3 Level-Sensitive Scan Design 412
8.4.4 Scan Compliance 416
8.4.5 Scan-Testing Circuits with Memory 418
8.4.6 Implementing Scan Path 420
8.5 The Partial Scan Path 426
8.6 Scan Solutions for PCBs 432
8.6.1 The NAND Tree 433
8.6.2 The 1149.1 Boundary Scan 434
8.7 Summary 443
Problems 444
References 449

9 Built-In Self-Test 451

9.1 Introduction 451

9.2 Benefits of BIST 452
9.3 The Basic Self-Test Paradigm 454
xii CONTENTS

9.3.1 A Mathematical Basis for Self-Test 455

9.3.2 Implementing the LFSR 459
9.3.3 The Multiple Input Signature Register (MISR) 460
9.3.4 The BILBO 463
9.4 Random Pattern Effectiveness 464
9.4.1 Determining Coverage 464
9.4.2 Circuit Partitioning 465
9.4.3 Weighted Random Patterns 467
9.4.4 Aliasing 470
9.4.5 Some BIST Results 471
9.5 Self-Test Applications 471
9.5.1 Microprocessor-Based Signature Analysis 471
9.5.2 Self-Test Using MISR/Parallel SRSG (STUMPS) 474
9.5.3 STUMPS in the ES/9000 System 477
9.5.4 STUMPS in the S/390 Microprocessor 478
9.5.5 The Macrolan Chip 480
9.5.6 Partial BIST 482
9.6 Remote Test 484
9.6.1 The Test Controller 484
9.6.2 The Desktop Management Interface 487
9.7 Black-Box Testing 488
9.7.1 The Ordering Relation 489
9.7.2 The Microprocessor Matrix 493
9.7.3 Graph Methods 494
9.8 Fault Tolerance 495
9.8.1 Performance Monitoring 496
9.8.2 Self-Checking Circuits 498
9.8.3 Burst Error Correction 499
9.8.4 Triple Modular Redundancy 503
9.8.5 Software Implemented Fault Tolerance 505
9.9 Summary 505
Problems 507
References 510

10 Memory Test 513

10.1 Introduction 513

 CONTENTS xiii

10.2 Semiconductor Memory Organization 514

10.3 Memory Test Patterns 517
10.4 Memory Faults 521
10.5 Memory Self-Test 524
10.5.1 A GALPAT Implementation 525
10.5.2 The 9N and 13N Algorithms 529
10.5.3 Self-Test for BIST 531
10.5.4 Parallel Test for Memories 531
10.5.5 Weak Read–Write 533
10.6 Repairable Memories 535
10.7 Error Correcting Codes 537
10.7.1 Vector Spaces 538
10.7.2 The Hamming Codes 540
10.7.3 ECC Implementation 542
10.7.4 Reliability Improvements 543
10.7.5 Iterated Codes 545
10.8 Summary 546
Problems 547

References 549

11 IDDQ 551

11.1 Introduction 551

11.2 Background 551
11.3 Selecting Vectors 553
11.3.1 Toggle Count 553
11.3.2 The Quietest Method 554
11.4 Choosing a Threshold 556
11.5 Measuring Current 557
11.6 IDDQ Versus Burn-In 559
11.7 Problems with Large Circuits 562
11.8 Summary 564
Problems 565

References 565
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founded there years ago by Khrimean. A cloud of unusual gloom enveloped the destinies
of the ancient place; and one might doubt whether the gentle Daniel had ever
experienced so many calamities during the thirty-five years which he had passed within
these walls. The most severely felt of all the blows which the Turkish Government had
been raining upon them was the loss of their printing press. Some short while back the
officials appeared and walked off with the precious instrument, of which the voice had
been mute for many years. They erected it in Van, and, having kidnapped an Armenian
compositor, used it to publish an official gazette. In company with the Mudir I had
happened to pass the building where it was lodged; and my companion remarked to me
that he was looking forward to obtaining some money for his schools with the proceeds
of the sale of the paper.86

Fig. 136. Monastery of Yedi Kilisa (Varag).

The site of the monastery is a dip or pass upon the outline of gentle hills which stretch
from the more southerly slopes of the mountain to confine the plain upon the south (Fig.
136). From its windows only a vista of the lake is obtained. The church consists of a
larger pronaos with the usual conical dome, communicating on the east by a richly
moulded and spacious doorway with a chapel or sanctuary.87 The interior of this chapel
recalls features in St. Ripsime at Edgmiatsin. It has four apses or recesses, one on each
wall, separated from one another by deep niches. The whole is surmounted by a conical
dome (Fig. 137). In the floor of the pronaos are seen three stone slabs with inscriptions.
They cover the remains of King Senekerim, of the Armenian mediæval dynasty, his
queen Khoshkhosh and the Katholikos Petros. The frame of an altar erected upon the site
of these slabs has been stripped of all its ornaments. This act appears to have been
committed by the Hayrik, and out of anger against Senekerim.88 The mild features of
Daniel Vardapet contracted as we spoke of that monarch; and he assured me with some
vehemence that he would dig out his bones and cast them on the rocks were it not for his
title of king of Armenia. The chapel of Yedi Kilisa is most interesting to the student of
architecture, and is no doubt a work of considerable antiquity. A ruined chapel on the
south of the building contains a much-effaced inscription to the effect that it was
constructed by the lady Khoshkhosh, daughter of Gagik and queen of Senekerim.89

Fig. 137. Interior of the Church at Yedi Kilisa.

 Fig. 138. Van on the Road to Bitlis.

1 Strabo, xi. 529. This account exactly corresponds to the phenomena presented by Lake Urmi, and it is
impossible to apply it to Lake Van as Ritter (Erdkunde, ix. p. 784) has done. It is quite true that Strabo has
already six chapters back mentioned and described the former under the name of Spauta, which is quite
likely a misprint for Kapauta, a corruption of the Armenian name Kapotan, which, in turn, is evidently
derived from the Armenian word kapoyt, signifying blue (Saint Martin, Mémoires, i. p. 59). In that passage
he rightly places the lake in the Atropatian Media; while in chapter 529 he speaks of it under a different
name, that of Mantiane, and says that it extends as far as Atropatia. But that the Mantiane, as described by
Strabo, is not our Lake Van, and that the latter is in many respects most faithfully portrayed by him under
the name Thopitis in sentences immediately following, there can, I think, be little doubt. ↑
2 Liddell and Scott, sub voce νίτρον. ↑
3 Pliny, Hist. Naturalis, vi. ch. 31, translated by Philemon Holland, London, 1635. I have myself added
the sentences in brackets. ↑
4 I have derived these particulars not from personal observation, but for the greater part from the
notices of Abich (Vergleichende chemische Untersuchungen der Wasser des Caspischen Meeres, Urmia
und Van-See’s, Mém. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, 1859, Series 6 math. et phys. vol. vii. pp. 22 seq.); Loftus
(Quarterly Journal Geological Soc. London, 1855, vol. xi. pp. 306 seq.); and Mr. R. T. Günther
(Geographical Journal, November 1899, and Proceedings of the Royal Society, October 1899). ↑
5 Brandt and Wagner quoted by Sieger (Die Schwankungen der hocharmenischen Seen, Vienna, 1888,
p. 22). ↑
6 Dr. W. Belck in Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. p. 302; A. Owerin in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, 1858, p.
471; Professor Hughes in Nature, February 1898. ↑
7 The traveller journeying along the Güzel Dere on the way from Van to Bitlis cannot fail to be
impressed by the insignificance of the water-parting between the small stream, called Sapor Su, tributary
to Lake Van, and the brooks which find their way to the Tigris. ↑
8 To the analysis of my sample by Mr. William Thorp I append that of Dr. Serda of Strasbourg from
one brought by M. Müller-Simonis from Van and published on p. 258 of Du Caucase au Golfe Persique,
Paris, 1892. I have also thought it well to include the analysis published by Mr. Günther of the water of
Lake Urmi. These will be found in the appendix to this volume.
Small lakes impregnated with soda have been found along the south-east foot of the Ararat fabric on the
right bank of the Araxes. From sodas so derived an excellent soap used to be made in Alexandropol, and,
for all I know, may be still manufactured there. The same practice is related of the inhabitants of Van. See
Abich’s article (op. cit. pp. 32 seq.), and Loftus (op. cit. p. 320). ↑
9 It must, however, be noted that certainly in the case of Lake Van no islands are found far from the
shore. The last rise in level took place about 1895; and in that year there was an earthquake at Adeljivas.
The inhabitants of Uran Gazi on the slopes of Sipan assured us that this earthquake produced a rise in level
of the Jil Göl, adjacent to the village. ↑
10 The subject is fully discussed by Abich (op. cit.) and by Dr. Sieger (Die Schwankungen der
hocharmenischen Seen seit 1800, Vienna, 1888, and Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. pp. 73–75). Notable
contributions have been made by Loftus (op. cit.), by Strecker (Zeitschrift der Gesell. für Erdkunde,
Berlin, 1869, pp. 549 seq.) and by Dr. Belck (Globus, vol. lxiv. pp. 157 seq. and vol. lxv. pp. 301 seq.;
Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Berlin, 1898, p. 414). ↑
11 It will, however, be observed that there is a discrepancy between the condition of Lake Gökcheh and
that of Lake Van during the seventies and eighties. The testimony of General Schindler and of Dr. Rodler
is in favour of the view that Lake Urmi was in agreement with Lake Van during the same period (Sieger,
Die Schwankungen, etc., p. 18). ↑
12 Loftus, op. cit. p. 319. ↑
13 Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. pp. 301 and 303. ↑
14 Geographical Journal, November 1899, p. 513. ↑
15 Zeits. Gesell. f. Erdkunde, Berlin, 1869, vol. iv. p. 550. ↑
16 Indications of a similar rise in the norm of the level of Lake Göljik in the southern peripheral region
have been noted by Prof. Josef Wünsch (Mitth. der K. K. geog. Gesellschaft, Vienna, 1885, vol. xxviii. pp.
15–17). ↑
17 Moses of Khorene, i. 18. ↑
18 Ibid. i. 3. ↑
19 See the memoir of Saint Martin by Brosset prefixed to vol. xiii. of Lebeau’s Histoire du Bas-Empire,
and Saint Martin’s article in the Journal Asiatique for 1828. ↑
20 Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1828, vol. ii. series 2, pp. 160–188. ↑
21 Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1853, p. 394. ↑
22 “On the Inscriptions of Van,” Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1848, vol. ix., two papers read by Dr.
Hincks on 4th December 1847, and 4th March 1848. ↑
23 Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1880, vol. xv. series 7, pp. 540–543. ↑
24 Professor Sayce’s papers are contained in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xiv. 1882; vol.
xx. 1888; vol. xxv. 1893; vol. xxvi. 1894. They should be referred to in the first instance by the student
who wishes to penetrate further into the subject. ↑
25 To the names of Belck, Guyard, Lehmann, and Sayce, should be added that of Professor D. H. Müller
of Vienna, the author of several papers on the subject, of which the most important is entitled “Die
Keilinschrift von Aschrut-Darga, entdeckt und beschrieben von Professor J. Wünsch, publicirt und erklärt
von Dr. D. H. Müller,” Vienna, 1886. ↑
26 So we read in the newly-acquired text of the stele at Topsana (Sidikan), near Rowanduz:—“Urzana,
son of Shekikajana, fled to Khaldia; I, Rusas (i.e. Rusas I. of Van) marched as far as the mountains of
Assyria” (Dr. Belck in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Berlin, 1899, p. 116). [The translation of this passage
appears, however, to have been altered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann. See Sitzungsberichte der K. K.
Preuss. Akad., Berlin, June 1900. It would appear natural that the Khaldians should have called their land
after their god, and Dr. Belck (loc. cit.) appears to entertain no doubt upon the point. On the other hand
Prof. Sayce informs me that he has never found the name Khaldia in the Vannic inscriptions; and that in
Assyrian Khaldia signifies the god Khaldis.] ↑
27 Cedrenus, Hist. ii. 774. ↑
28 Saint Martin, Mémoires sur l’Arménie, vol. i. pp. 131 and 138. Cp. Moses of Khorene, iii. 35,
“inhabiting Van in the province of Dosp” with the title of the king in the inscriptions “king of Biaina
inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.” ↑
29 Professor Sayce makes the suggestion (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, vol. xiv. p. 394). The
expression Bitani seems to have been loosely used; but it appears to have been applied to the peripheral
region south of Lake Van, and it may survive in the name of the river Bohtan. ↑
30 Messrs. Belck and Lehmann adopt a later date, viz. c. 1000 B.C. See Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell.
für Anthropologie, 1898, p. 569. ↑
31 Recently discovered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für
Anthropologie, 1898, p. 574). ↑
32 Great confusion has been caused by the fact that the Assyrians had no distinctive names for the two
great lakes. The subject is elucidated by Schrader (Die Namen der Meere in den assyrischen Inschriften,
Abh. Berl. Akad. Wiss., 1877, Berlin, 1878, pp. 169 seq.; Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1886, pp. 81 seq.;
Sitzungsberichte der K. Pr. Ak. Wiss. Berlin, 1890, pp. 321 seq.) and by Dr. Belck in Verhandlungen (ut
supra), 1894, p. 485. ↑
33 See Vol. I. Ch. XXI. p. 423. ↑
34 I retain the former spelling of the names of Shamshi-Hadad and Hadad-nirari. ↑
35 An admirable account of the operations of Tiglath-Pileser III. is given by Professor Lehmann in the
Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1896, pp. 321 seq. The scheme of the defences of the
Vannic kings is ably elucidated by Dr. Belck (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, vol. ix. p. 350, note). ↑
36 His next successor, Ispuinis, is styled king of Nairi in the Kelishin inscription and king of Biaina in
that of Ashrut Darga. The succeeding monarchs are kings of Biaina, inhabiting the city of Dhuspas
(Van). ↑
37 The best account of the Shamiram-Su or canal of Menuas is that given by Dr. Belck (Zeitschrift für
Ethnologie, 1892, pp. 137 seq.). I am under the impression that the greater part of the waters of the canal
still find their way to the quarter of Van called Shamiram. ↑
38 Perhaps Dr. Belck, to whose penetration this discovery is due, has a little exaggerated his point when
he assumes the necessity of an interval of 5 kilometres between the former site of the garden town and the
rock of Van (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, p. 350). It would seem, rather, that the present quarter of
Shamiram represents a portion of the old settlement as watered by the Menuas canal. ↑
39 “Set up a standard in the land, blow the trumpet among the nations, prepare the nations against her
(sc. Babylon), call together against her the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni and Ashchenaz ...” (Jeremiah li. 27).
The latter kingdom seems to have been situated between the Medes at Hamadan and the Minni. ↑
40 It must always be remembered that such enterprises are due with us to the energy of individuals,
rarely encouraged and inspired by our learned societies or assisted financially by our Government. I trust,
however, that the trustees of the British Museum will awake to the fact that excavations of the most
comprehensive order can now be conducted in Armenia, and that the soil is practically virgin. With the
assistance of the German Embassy at Constantinople Messrs. Belck and Lehmann were enabled not only
to dig down the hill of Toprak Kala to the solid rock, but also, as it would appear, to transport their finds to
Berlin. ↑
41 I cannot discover that any report of these excavations has ever been published. But, since writing this
chapter, Mr. Hormuzd Rassam’s book, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod (New York, 1897), has come into
my hands. Mr. Rassam’s excavations on the hill of Toprak Kala took place in 1880, and some account of
them may be found in his work, pp. 377–8. ↑
42 For the excavations at Toprak Kala the various writings of Messrs. Belck and Lehmann should be
consulted (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1895, pp. 612 seq., and 1898, pp. 578 seq.
Cp. also Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, pp. 356 and 357, note). For the canal and the city of Rusas or
New Dhuspas see their remarks in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1892, pp. 141 seq.; Verh. der Berl. Gesell. für
Anth. 1892, pp. 477 seq.; 1893, pp. 220, 222, 223; 1898, p. 576; Zeitschrift für Assyr. 1894, pp. 349 seq.,
and 1899, p. 320. ↑
43 This is evidently the older form of the legend of Semiramis in Armenia. The Christian hierarchy
softened down or obliterated the coming to life again of Ara. ↑
44 The name of this goddess only occurs in one inscription, viz. Sayce, No. XXIV.; and it is interesting
to observe that this is an inscription of Menuas. The name is written ideographically like that of Istar in
Assyrian and is rendered Saris by Professor Sayce. It is noticeable that Sariduris or Sarduris is the name
borne by three of the Vannic kings. ↑
45 The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, vol. xiv. p. 678. The
languages are Babylonian, Persian and “Protomedic,” placed in parallel columns. ↑
46 Professor Sayce (Early Israel, London, 1899, pp. 238–239) adopts this date and considers that the
classical writers confounded the Scythians with the Medes. A priori this view would seem probable,
having regard to the natural evolution of the history of the times. ↑
47 According to Herodotus (vii. 73) the Armenians were Phrygian colonists and were armed in the
Phrygian fashion. The view of the ancients seems to have been that the Phrygians, as well as the Asiatic
Thracians, had migrated from Europe into Asia Minor. ↑
48 Herodotus, i. 72 and 194; v. 49 and 52. In the catalogue of the satrapies of the empire of Darius
Armenia is joined with the unknown district of Pactyica (iii. 93). In the Behistun inscriptions of Darius,
the Persian and Scythic texts everywhere employ Armenia for the more ancient Assyrian title Urardhu. ↑
49 For the certain identification of the Alarodians with the inhabitants of the kingdom of Urardhu or
Ararat, see Sir. H. Rawlinson’s essay in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 245. ↑
50 Herodotus, iii. 94, and cp. vii. 79. ↑
51 Ibid. i. 104. ↑
52 Professor Rawlinson would identify the Saspeires with the Iberians of later writers (Rawlinson’s
Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 233). In view of the prevailing opinion that the old Vannic language has some
affinity with modern Georgian, this identification is most interesting. Ispir is situated on the threshold of
the northern peripheral region, on the river Chorokh. ↑
53 Xenophon, Cyropædeia, bk. iii. chs. 1, 2 and 3. ↑
54 Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1892, p. 131; Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1892, p.
487, 1895, pp. 578 seq., 1896, p. 320; Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, pp. 82 seq., and p. 358, note 1. ↑
55 Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, translated by C. R. Markham, Hakluyt Society,
London, 1859. ↑
56 Xenophon, Anabasis, iv. ch. 3, v. ch. 5, vii. ch. 8. ↑
57 The remarks of Layard (Nineveh and its Remains, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 257) and Badger (The
Nestorians and their Rituals, London, 1852, pp. 177 seq.) serve to illustrate the complexity of this
question. ↑
58 Compare the remarks of Sir H. Rawlinson (Rawlinson’s Herodotus, iv. p. 248) and of Professor
Lehmann (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1895, p. 580). ↑
59 Vol. I. Ch. XVI. p. 286. ↑
60 Xenophon, Cyropædeia, bk. iii. ch. ii. 23. ↑
61 Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, p. 591. I would especially refer my reader
to Dr. Belck’s remarks upon this subject in the same publication, 1895, p. 606. ↑
62 While this chapter is going through the press some further articles by Drs. Belck and Lehmann come
into my hands. These deal with their recent journeys and researches in Armenia (Sitzungsberichte der K. P.
Ak. Wiss. Berlin, 1899, pp. 116 seq. and pp. 745 seq.; the same publication for 1900, pp. 619 seq.). ↑
63 Messrs. Belck and Lehmann commence the sequence: 1. Lutipris, 2. Sarduris I., 3. Arame, 4. Sarduris
II., thus attributing to their Sarduris I. the inscriptions which record the construction of the walls from the
rock of Van to the harbour. They suppose a Sarduris II., son of Arame, as the antagonist of Shalmaneser II.,
and suggest that Sarduris I. was the contemporary of Ashur-nasir-pal II. (885–860 B.C.) (Zeitschrift für
Assyriologie, 1897, p. 201). This arrangement throws back Lutipris to about 900 B.C. They promise us an
essay upon the subject (see Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, 1894, p. 486; Z.
Assyr. 1897, pp. 200, 201, 202). At present I do not feel convinced by the grounds they have brought
forward. No inscriptions of this Sarduris II. have been discovered; nor does any mention appear to be
made of works by a predecessor of the same name or by Arame in the inscriptions near the Tabriz gate at
Van which they have discovered (see under Ispuinis infra). Of Lutipris no inscriptions exist; he is only
known as the father of Sarduris. Pending further enquiry the hypothesis of Professor Sayce seems to me to
hold the field: “I am more inclined to conjecture that Sarduris I. was the leader of a new dynasty; the ill
success of Arrame in his wars with the Assyrians forming the occasion for his overthrow ... the
introduction of a foreign mode of writing into the country looks like one of those innovations which mark
the rise of new dynasties in the East. The consolidation of the power of Darius Hystaspis was, we may
remember, accompanied by the introduction of the cuneiform alphabet of Persia” (J.R.A.S. 1882, p. 406).
To this I should like to add that it seems consonant with the true order of events that not until after the
defeat of Arame was the site of Van most happily selected as a sure stronghold against Assyrian attacks—a
choice which was largely instrumental in producing the extraordinary development of the northern
kingdom under Ispuinis, Menuas, and Argistis. ↑
64 May Arzasku have been situated in the great plain at the southern foot of the Ararat system, now
known as the district of Alashkert? The inscription of Shalmaneser runs: “From Dayaeni (which Dr. Belck
identifies with the district about the modern Delibaba) I struck camp and approached Arzasku, the capital
of the Urardhian Arame. The Urardhian Arame was filled with fear ... and deserted his city. To the
mountains Adduri he fled up; behind him I followed; a great battle I fought in the mountains.... Arame was
compelled, in order to save his life, to take refuge in an inaccessible mountain.” Dr. Belck suggests that
Adduri may have been the name applied by the Khaldians to Ararat and the Ararat system; and that it may
survive in the modern Akhury or Arguri (V. Anth. 1893. p. 71). ↑
65 V. Anth. 1896, pp. 323 and 325. The translation is, however, open to question. ↑
66 The inscription is contained on one face of a recumbent stone which can with difficulty be
distinguished from the boulders lying round. The stone has been well shaped and dressed. The characters
have been much mutilated by the figure of a cross which has been incised upon the face of the stone. The
first line evidently contains the name of Sarduris, while the second was probably occupied by that of
Argistikhinis, or the son of Argistis. In line 7 a conquest is recorded, and in line 8 occurs the name of
Alusia. Professor Sayce has kindly supplied this brief account of the contents, and I trust that he will
publish the text. ↑
67 Arakel, ap. Abich, Geolog. Forsch. in den kauk. Länd. Vienna, 1882, part ii. p. 440. ↑
68 Saint Martin, Mémoires sur l’Arménie, i. 138. ↑
69 Moses of Khorene, ii. 8. ↑
70 Ibid. ii. 19. ↑
71 Faustus of Byzantium, iv. 55. ↑
72 Vol. I. Ch. XVIII. pp. 357, 359. ↑
73 Merchant in Persia (Italian Travels in Persia, Hakluyt Society, 1873, pp. 179 seq.). The Kurd is
called Zidibec. ↑
74 Von Hammer, Geschichte des Osm. Reiches, iii. 145. ↑
75 Ritter, Erdkunde, ix. 980. But the date he gives, viz. 1636, will not suit the chronology. ↑
76 Brant in Journal of R. Geog. Soc. 1841, vol. x. ↑
77 Taylor in archives of the British Consulate at Erzerum. Report of March 18, 1869. The estimates of
Jaubert in 1805 (Voyage en Arménie, etc. p. 138), and of Layard in 1850 (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 392),
appear to have reference to the walled town only. The former counts 15,000 to 20,000 souls, the majority
Armenian. The latter says that Van may contain from 12,000 to 15,000 inhabitants. Shiel’s figure for the
population, including the suburbs, in 1836, of 12,000 people, “of whom 2000 are Armenians,” is plainly in
error (J.R.G.S. 1838, vol. x.). Vital Cuinet (La Turquie d’Asie, Paris, 1892, vol. ii. pp. 654, 691), whose
statistics I have seldom found reliable, includes 500 Jews in the population of Van—the remnant of the
colony transported thither by the Arsakid Tigranes. My enquiries in several quarters elicited replies that no
Jews were known to inhabit either the town or the caza, but that there were 25 families at Bashkala.
With regard to any special elements in the population of the town and caza of Van I was informed as
follows:—There may be some few score Circassians; but there is no regular Circassian settlement here.
The Armenians are practically all Gregorians. Of Chaldæan Christians, whether adherents of their old faith
or converts to Roman Catholicism, only a few stray individuals would be found in the town of Van. But I
was informed of a settlement of them—Nestorians—about the shores of Lake Archag, north-east of Van. ↑
78 Du Caucase au Golfe Persique, Paris, 1892, p. 190. ↑
79 One lira or Turkish pound contains 100 piastres and is equal to 18 shillings. ↑
80 I append the names and situations of the Armenian schools. Private schools are marked with a P.

Name of School. No. of Male Pupils No. of Female Pupils Where situated.
1. Arakh 450 150 Arakh quarter of the gardens.
2. Norashen 300 ... Norashen quarter of the gardens.
3. Yisusean 200 100 Walled city.
4. Hankusner ... 250 Hankusner quarter of the gardens.
5. Sandukhtean ... 150 quarter of the gardens.
Norashen ,, ,, ,, ,,
6. Khach-poghan 155 ... Central avenue of gardens.
 Name of School. No. of Male Pupils No. of Female Pupils Where situated.
7. Lusavorchean P. 90 30 Central avenue of gardens.
,, ,, ,, ,,
8. Haykavank 85 15 Haykavank quarter.
9. Paragamean P. 50 25 Norashen quarter of gardens.
10. Pusantean P. ... 75 Norashen quarter of gardens.
,, ,, ,, ,,
11. Lukasean 45 10 Norshen-Sufla quarter of gardens.
1375 805
↑
81 The text of the slab in this mosque (which he calls the Kurshun mosque) has been copied and
published by Dr. Belck in the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1892, vol. vii. pp. 257 seq. See also
Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 570, 575 (Sayce, No. LXXX., Journal R.A.S.
1894, p. 707). ↑
82 For the cuneiform inscriptions in Surb Paulos (Boghos) see Schulz’s Memoir, pp. 298–99; Layard,
Nineveh and Babylon, p. 400 (I do not know why he calls it the church of St. Peter and St. Paul);
Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 570 and 573, and Zeitschrift für
Assyriologie, 1899, p. 320. They are being subjected to fresh examination by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann
(Sayce, Nos. XXXI. and XXXII.). In addition to these I noticed a mutilated inscription on a stone in the
doorway of Surb Vardan (see Verh. Anthrop. 1898, p. 572), and two inscribed slabs in the apse of the
ruined Surb Petros, one in fair preservation (Sayce, No. XLVIII.). I was unable to penetrate into the chapel
of Surb Sahak, into the walls of which similar fragments of the stelai of the Vannic kings have been
inserted (Sayce, Nos. XLV. and XLVI.). ↑
83 The most detailed, as well as the most lucid and impressive, account of the Gurab, or rock of Van, is
still that of Schulz (Journal Asiatique, 1840, vol. ix. ser. iii. pp. 264 seq.). But the remarks of Layard
(Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 395 seq., with woodcuts of the rock chambers), Tozer (Turkish Armenia,
London, 1881, pp. 347 seq.) and Müller-Simonis (Du Caucase au Golfe Persique, Paris, 1892, pp. 246
seq.) may be consulted. The only entrance to the citadel is by a path which is conducted up the western
declivities of the rock from a point closely adjacent to the gate called Iskele in the north-west angle of the
fortified town. In Schulz’s time this path ascended in a north-easterly direction between a double row of
modern walls, composed for the most part of mud. After following these walls for some little distance it
arrived in front of a solid wooden door, studded with large nails and strengthened by bars of iron. This gate
afforded access to the castle, and was never opened except by an express order from the Pasha. The castle
enclosure was flanked by walls of greater height and solidity than those without; it contained a number of
modern buildings, such as barracks, a small mosque, and a powder magazine. Mr. Tozer was shown a very
deep naphtha well in this neighbourhood, running down vertically into the rock. The oil, which he
describes as a brown, half liquid mixture, could be reached by means of a pole. The house of the
commandant and the prison are situated within the enclosure, where may be seen a number of old bronze
cannons, curiously ornamented and quite obsolete. Schulz describes the antiquities upon this portion of the
rock as consisting of two groups of cave chambers. 1. The southern front of a mass of rock which
immediately adjoins the most elevated part of the whole formation—that part which lower down displays
the tablet of Xerxes, and which is crowned by the powder magazine—has been hewn down in a vertical
direction for a space of about 60 feet. Nearly in the centre is situated an open doorway, surmounted by a
smaller aperture to admit light. Both openings have been damaged by human hands, evidently with
intention; and no trace of any ornaments or inscriptions remains. The doorway conducts into a vaulted
cave chamber, some 45 feet long and 25 feet high. The rock has been less carefully worked than in the
case of the caves of Khorkhor. Nearly in front of the entrance, a second doorway in the opposite wall gives
access to a smaller apartment, 20 feet long and 10 feet broad, called the Neft Koïou or spring of naphtha,
the fumes of which fill the room. At the time of Schulz’s visit this inner chamber was nearly filled up by a
structure in kiln-burnt bricks and very hard mortar, of which the purpose was not apparent. 2. Quite close
to the Neft Koïou, in the block of limestone, adjoining it on the left hand, which rises from the tablet of
Xerxes to the powder magazine, may be seen a hole of irregular shape and some 3 feet in diameter,
through which one crawls into a group of five rock chambers, of which the largest is 30 feet long and 20
feet broad. The walls of these caves are rudely fashioned, without ornament or niches. In one of them
Schulz found human bones.
Perhaps the most remarkable and certainly the most famous series of such excavations upon the rock of
Van are known by the name of the caves of Khorkhor. They are situated in the steep south-west side of
the mass, overlooking a garden which in Schulz’s time belonged to the Pasha, but which is now in a
desolate and weed-grown condition. The garden bears the same name as the caves—a name of which the
etymology is neither Armenian nor Turkish, and which, according to Professor Sayce, may perhaps be
taken back to the word Kharkhar, signifying to excavate, found in Vannic texts (J.R.A.S. 1882, p. 572). The
chambers are visited from the same side as the citadel, and at first by the same path. The remains of steps
and of even spaces, hewn out of the rock, suggest that one of the principal approaches to the platform in
antiquity was taken by this way. But, after following this avenue for some little distance, you turn to the
right, leave the stairs, and clamber along the side of the rock, until you emerge through a fissure upon the
southern face and see the garden at your feet. From here a staircase of twenty steps, almost obliterated in
some places, slopes along the face of a mass of precipitous crags, in which is placed the entrance to the
chambers. The limestone has been carefully flattened and polished, and is covered with inscriptions
outside. At the commencement of the stair is seen a little grotto, containing a seat which commands fine
views over town and plain. On the right of the grotto is a long inscription in three columns, separated from
one another by vertical lines. It has suffered not a little from the impact of cannon balls; but is still in a
fairly legible condition. It records the conquests of Argistis I. (Sayce, Nos. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX.).
The continuation of this record is found a little further on, at the end of the stair, and after turning an angle
of the rock. It is incised upon the outer face of the polished limestone about the doorway to the caves
(Sayce, Nos. XL.–XLIV.; see also Hyvernat’s memoir in Müller-Simonis, op. cit. p. 531). This aperture,
some 6 feet by 5 feet in dimensions, leads into a chamber 32 feet long, 19 feet broad, and 10½ feet high,
which again communicates with four lesser rooms. The walls are hewn out with extraordinary care, and
ten niches or oblong recesses, 3 feet high and 2 feet broad, are distributed over the sides of the principal
apartment about 3½ feet above the ground. Incisions with holes in the centre are placed in the spaces
between each pair of niches, and may have held metal lamps. The floor has been excavated in two places
into squares a few inches deep. The smaller rooms are furnished with recesses similar to those described.
One of them adjoins a space resembling the head of a pit or shaft, which, however, has been completely
filled in with rubble. It probably represents a subterraneous communication with a spring which gushes
from the foot of the rock in the garden below.
The remaining excavations and inscriptions are disposed as follows over the circumference of the ridge:
—1. East of the Khorkhor, but on the same south face, and approached from the side of the gate of Tabriz,
you easily recognise a partly natural and partly artificial platform, fairly high up on the rock. A spacious
doorway connects this ledge with a cave of which the dimensions, according to my own measurements,
are 31 feet by 21 feet. This chamber communicates with three smaller grottos, one approached by a door in
the wall opposite the entrance, and the other two by similar apertures in the adjacent walls. The three
subsidiary rooms are long and narrow. The one opposite the entrance contains a daïs and steps at its
narrow west end; and that on the left hand is furnished with recesses at each extremity. Lower down on the
side of the rock one observes a small aperture to which it is possible to gain access. It only measures some
4 feet by 3 feet. In the stone above has been hewn a long but shallow recess, about 3 feet in width. One
wonders whether it may have been destined to receive a coffin. The hole gives access to a chamber 23 feet
7 inches in length and 14 feet in breadth. Three sides are furnished with recesses 2 feet 6 inches in depth,
placed 3 feet 4 inches from the ground. 2. Inscription on the rock near the gate of Tabriz, much effaced,
but copied and deciphered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann. It contains the names of the kings Menuas and
Ispuinis, together with those of the father of Ispuinis, Sarduris, and his grandson Inuspuas (Verhandlungen
der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 571, 575). The same travellers mention the discovery by
them of three new inscriptions on the ridge, which appear, however, to be of minor importance (ibid. p.
571). 3. On the northern face of the rock, not far from the Tabriz gate and below the line of fortifications,
are situated two artificial recesses at an interval of about twenty paces. That on the right contains a long
inscription upon the wall which is on your left as you stand within the recess; it records conquests by
Sarduris II. (Sayce, No. XLIX.). This grotto bears the name of Khazane-Kapusi or gate of treasure. 4. On
the same side, a short distance further west, and upon a surface which has been hewn down vertically and
flattened, are seen three tablets incised into the rock, one of them being on a level with the base of the
ridge. Each member of the group contains an inscription; and the three inscriptions have one and the same
text. It is of Menuas, and appears to commemorate a restoration of the tablets by that monarch (Sayce, No.
XX.). 5. On the same side, near the summit, and almost directly above the grotto Khazane Kapusi
(Hyvernat ap. Müller-Simonis, op. cit. p. 548), is a large cave, at present comprised within the
fortifications, and inaccessible from below. On the right of the entrance is an inscription of King Menuas,
purporting that a series of chambers were constructed by him as tombs in this place (Sayce, No. XXI.). ↑
84 The Armenian gentleman in whose company I visited the locality regarded Ak Köpri as a Turkish
misnomer for Ak Karapi, a word which he derived from Kar, a stone, and Ap, narrow way in Armenian.
The word would signify the narrows of the white crag, or the narrow way separating the crag from the hill.
That is a sample of Armenian etymologies. Another derivation is from Ak Kirpi, the white hedgehog. ↑
85 Sayce, No. V. It is an inscription of Ispuinis and Menuas, and is known locally as Meher Kapusi (the
gate of Meher, derivation unknown) or Choban Kapusi (the shepherd’s gate; so called from a shepherd to
whom the “Open Sesame” of the treasure-house, which the slab is supposed to seal, is said to have been
revealed in sleep. He entered; but forgot the talisman, and never returned). ↑
86 Since I have mentioned the name of Daniel Vardapet it is only just that I should add that he stated to
me that the press had been hired. ↑
87 The inside dimensions of this chapel are: extreme length from recess to recess, 38 feel 7 inches, and
extreme breadth, 30 feet. ↑
88 See Vol. I. Ch. XVI. p. 237. ↑
89 The statement of Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 409) that the church is a modern edifice is
scarcely correct, and is quite erroneous if it be taken to include the inner sanctuary or chapel. ↑
CHAPTER V
 FROM VAN TO BITLIS
The journey from Van to Bitlis may be performed in four days; it is a ride of about a
hundred miles. But no traveller will desire to omit a visit to the isle of Akhtamar, which
will occupy another day. Nor is it well to press in haste through a country of such
manifold interest, and along a coast which for beauty of feature and grandeur of
surroundings can scarcely have an equal in the world. It was at Van that, for the first time
since setting foot upon Armenian soil, we had been introduced to a civilisation in any
sense comparable to the scale and dignity of the landscapes through which we passed;
and, although the monuments of that vanished culture belong to a remote antiquity, they
are well calculated to divert our minds from the contemplation of the works of Nature, or
at least to recall us to a sense of the power of man. The spirit of that race of iron which
held in check the Assyrians still lingers over the scene of their exploits. You leave the
ancient city with an added element of interest in a country which was the home of so
great a people, and which still retains the memorial of their sway. But that country was
also the centre of a mediæval kingdom, the contemporary and sometimes the rival of the
dynasty which has left us Ani as an example of their craft and taste; and, such is the
concern of the modern Armenian in the history of his nation, that long before you will
reach Van you will be familiar with the name and arms of the kingdom of Vaspurakan.1
It was therefore with curiosity that we set out upon our journey, and with regret that we
were obliged by the season to narrow the sphere of our wanderings to the regular stages
of our prescribed route to Erzerum.2

At a little before noon on the 16th of November we mounted our horses in the court of
the American Mission, whither we had proceeded to take leave of our friends. We passed
by the church of Arakh, and emerged from the zone of gardens upon the surface of the
bare plain. The usual stoppages in connection with the baggage, which seldom fails to
begin by slipping from the horse’s back to beneath his girth, enabled us to fill our eyes
with the vision of the bay and beauteous city which we might never contemplate again
(Fig. 138). We had purchased two new horses, one for the dragoman and the other to
carry our effects. You require a good animal for the last of these purposes, who will trot
along by himself. But throughout our journey we experienced the greatest difficulty in
obtaining serviceable beasts at any price. Even at Van my choice was narrowed by the
various ailments of the other candidates to a sturdy four-year-old who had not known
work. This youngster, an iron grey, was no sooner set at large than he set off at full
gallop across the plain. His career was cut short by the rapid overthrow of his load,
which dragged him panting to the ground. But we trained him to perfection before
reaching the northern capital, and I sold him at a profit in Trebizond. Worse fortune
attended our second purchase, that of a seasoned horse of milk-white hue. I noticed that
he was limping about an hour out of Van; and, to my surprise, when I came to examine
him closer, he proved to be an ingenious substitute for the one I had bought. The colour
was the same, and also the appearance; but not the points which had influenced my
selection, although they would not appeal to the dragoman’s eye. The knave of an
Armenian who had concluded the sale with me had abstracted his former property from
my stable, and had put in his place this unsound hack. I sent him back in charge of the
zaptieh with a letter to Mr. Devey; but I do not know whether our Consul ever recovered
my stolen steed. He most kindly sent me on a fine horse of his own, which reached us
safely at Vostan. Such are the tricks of these subtle Armenians, whom long centuries of
oppression have ingrained with every kind of turpitude. As we rode along this shore, one
regretted God’s covenant, that He would be patient with the hopeless race of man. To
overwhelm them in these waters and people afresh the scene of their crimes, would, it
seemed to us, be the kindest and wisest plan.

The weather was delightful—a climate mild as spring, made fresh by the expanse of sea.
The rays of a hot sun flashed through a crystal-clear atmosphere, which disclosed wide
prospects over lake and land. Fragments of white cloud floated above the outline of the
Kurdish mountains, less gloomy beneath the newly-fallen snows (Fig. 139). In the west,
Nimrud was faithful to its appearance of an island, separated by a strait from the train of
Sipan. But to-day we could see the walls of the vast crater—a caldron of which the rim
appeared commensurate with the area of the island, rising in a robe of white from the
waves. We were pointing towards the high land in the direction of Artemid, the southern
limit of the spacious plain of Van. When near the village, we struck a road which the
Pasha was building, with the avowed intention of extending it to Bitlis. Workmen were
busy upon it, and there was quite a stream of little bullock carts, conveying stones and
soil. It follows the margin of the lake, and the drive along it to Artemid will be a treat
such as few cities can bestow. The castled rock, backed by the fabric of the great volcano
beyond the distant headland of the bay; the noble lake, intensely blue, expanding to the
distant Nimrud, yet plashing tamely with tiny wavelets on the sand—these are answered
in the opposite direction, across the poplars which hide the village, by the precipitous
walls, sharp edges and deep shadows, characteristic of the stupendous barrier in the
south. Although the distance between Van and Artemid does not exceed eight miles, it
was after two before we arrived. We mounted the side of the hill ridge which meets the
lake at this point in a bold and high cliff. Gardens decline along the easier levels towards
the invisible margin of the shore. You look across the foliage to the fabric of Sipan, no
longer covered by the horn of the bay (Frontispiece).
 Fig. 139. Mountain Range along South Coast of Lake Van.

Artemid! the Greek name, and the memorials in the neighbourhood of that early
civilisation which is revealed by the inscriptions of Van, suggest, no less than the
striking site, the possibility of further discoveries, when the place shall have been
thoroughly explored.3 A hasty examination would have been of small service, and we
were anxious to reach Vostan. So we rode, without halting, through the straggling
settlement, and did not draw rein until we had reached a point some two miles beyond it,
where it was decided to rest our horses and take lunch. We were still crossing the barrier
of hills which support the gardens of Artemid; our situation was elevated, and the view
superb. We were able to follow on the horizon the outline of the Ala Dagh, although
those mountains were over sixty miles away. They were loftiest on a bearing a few
degrees east of north; and in that direction there was a fine peak, overtopping the
neighbouring summits which fretted the edge of the long wall of snow-clad heights. A
little further west we could see those heights receding towards the south, to the passage
of the Murad. In the ridges which bordered the gap we well recognised the outworks
which the river pierces between Karakilisa and Tutakh—the same ridges which, from
our standpoint on the slopes of the Ararat system, had composed a distant parapet, so
faintly seen that we questioned the impression, between the two blocks of mountain on
the southerly margin of the plain of Alashkert.4 The landscape south of Ala Dagh was
now outspread before us; it was indeed an instructive view. Whatever eminences broke
the expanse were comparatively humble; a zone of plains or vast steppes would appear
to be interposed between that barrier and the lake of Van. Recalling the prospects about
Tutakh, we arrived at the conclusion that those steppes are continued towards the west;
and subsequent travel established the fact that they extend from the foot of the plateau of
Bingöl Dagh towards the longitude of Bayazid in the east. The only object which
arrested the eye in the direction of Ala Dagh was a high hill on the southern shore of the
arm of the lake, with a village and gardens at its base. It was said to be the village of
Alur. Ararat was not visible; but for the first time we discerned land between Sipan and
the crater of Nimrud. The two mountains appeared to be joined by some low hills.

Proceeding at four o’clock, we commenced to descend after half an hour from the range
of hills which we had now crossed. In the plain before us, bordering the lake, we could
see a winding river which our zaptieh knew under the name of Anguil Su, but which, I
believe, is more correctly spelt Enghil Su (Brant’s Anjel Su). It comes from the territory
of Mahmudia, where it is called the Khoshab.5 But we had not yet reached the floor of
the valley before we were confronted by a swift stream which, fortunately for us,
happened to be spanned by a bridge. It was the famous Shamiram Su, flowing towards
Artemid along the slopes of the hills. I was informed that it has its source in some
springs about two hours distant, near the village of Upper Mechinkert, and that a portion
of its waters find their way into the Anguil Su at the neighbouring settlement of Lower
Mechinkert. After irrigating the orchards of Artemid, it pursues its course to the gardens
of Van, in which it is said to become absorbed.6 There can be no doubt that it is an
artificial conduit; left to itself it would join the lake at the foot of this plain. My
informant attributed to Semiramis the conducting of it as far as Artemid. We remarked
the exceptional pureness of the current. Soon after crossing it, we reached the right bank
of the Anguil Su at a convenient bridge. The basin proper of the river may have a width
of some two miles, and it is a distance of three or four miles from the bridge to the lake.
Looking up the valley, we could follow the outline of the Kurdish mountains as they
circled round towards Varag; that ridge itself was concealed by the hills behind Artemid;
but, although the range beyond had diminished in height after leaving the lake, it was
still the same range of bold parapets and snowy peaks. The most elevated portion lay in
the direction of Akhtamar, where there was a lofty mass, known as Mount Ardos.

The stream, which had a greenish hue, was not more than some thirty feet wide; a
number of rivulets, driving flour-mills, come in on the left bank. We had left that bank
before opening out the village of Anguil or Enghil; it lies below the bridge, on the
further side of the river, and consists of some sixty or seventy neat houses, inhabited by
Armenians and a few Kurds. On the same shore, about a mile lower down, is situated the
village of Mesgeldek. Some high ground separated us from the plain of Vostan; but it
dies away before reaching the lake. Gaining the summit of this moderate eminence, we
looked across some flats and marshes to a hillside which projects from the foot of the
mountains, and forms a promontory of the shore. The foliage which softened the lower
slopes of the headland belonged to the gardens of Vostan. We followed the bay of higher
land, and reached the village of Atanon after over an hour’s ride from the Enghil Su. Just
beyond this Armenian settlement the zone of orchards commences; in the plain below a
swift stream flows. An isolated house on its right bank was indicated to us as the
residence of the Kaimakam of Vostan. We reached this edifice at ten minutes before
seven, having covered a distance from Artemid of about fifteen miles. In the place of the
official, who happened to be absent, we were received with great kindness by his
brother. We were invited to pass the night in the room of audience; and quilted coverlets,
filled with cotton, were spread on takhts or wooden couches, after the manner of the
East. After supper and conversation we enveloped ourselves in them, and were not long
in falling asleep.

When morning came I commenced to explore and realise our surroundings. Vostan is no
town, nor even a village, but is a district or zone of gardens at the foot of the Kurdish
mountains about the spurs of Mount Ardos. On the east it extends to the village of
Atanon, and on the west to the promontory. The orchards keep to the high land about the
base of the range; between them and the lake there is an extensive strip of alluvial soil
which, in the neighbourhood of our quarters, had a width of about two miles. I was
assured on all sides that there were four or five hundred houses within the limits of the
district of Vostan; but people get confused when dealing with an area of this description,
and with the dispersed units of which such a settlement is composed. I doubt whether
there could be found more than half that number. The Armenian families have
emigrated; their room, but not their place, has been filled up, at least in part, by Kurds.
As a natural consequence, it is impossible to obtain the bare necessaries of a little corn,
or a shoe for a horse. A small church still remains, a memorial of better times, which is
said to have existed for many centuries. We could see its plain four walls and small
conical dome to the east of the Kaimakam’s house. We were told that it is still attended
by a priest.

It is only on the neighbouring slope of the bold promontory that Vostan can be said to
assume a concrete existence; and, even there, the group of buildings which feature the
hillside are but the remains of the ancient town. You see the relics of an old castle, the
ruins of a church, and a mosque where the faithful still pray. On the margin of the lake,
below the headland, a little mausoleum of yellow stone still rises above the grassy soil. I
set out on foot to visit the site, in the company of the doctor of law for the caza of
Kavach. My companion—a man of middle age and intelligent face—bore the name of
Mustapha Remzi Effendi, and was known as the Hakim. After jumping many ditches,
which often compelled us to deviate, we arrived at the mausoleum standing among the
debris of an ancient cemetery, on rising ground, at an interval of a few hundred yards
from the peaceful waters of the lake. It is indeed a charming monument, of highly-
finished masonry, fresh and clean as on the day when it was completed. In shape it is
dodecagonal, and it has an inside diameter of 15 feet 8 inches. The surface of the roof of
stone—in form a cone with twelve sides—is relieved by a moulding of geometrical
pattern; a sculptured frieze and a long inscription in Arabic character runs round the
walls, just below the roof. A familiar feature are the niches with stalactite vaulting; a
small doorway, surmounted by a moulding in this character, gives access to the interior
from the side of the lake. The Hakim read to me an Arabic inscription which is placed
above this entrance; it was translated for me in the following sense. “This mausoleum
belongs to the daughter of the ruler here in Vostan, Sheikh Ibrahim.” According to my
companion, the name of the lady was Halimeh. I doubt whether her remains still repose
within the enclosure of this jewel which is her tomb. The door is gone, and the vault
yawns as though it were unoccupied, except by a heap of rubbish and debris. One
admires the taste of the architect, who refrained from decorating the interior and left
intact the restful influence of the spaces of wall.

From this cemetery we proceeded up the face of the hillside which juts out from south to
north and meets the lake. The remains of the castle are situated upon the summit; the
mosque and the ruins of the church lie beneath it, upon the middle slopes. The castle has
no pretensions to architectural merit, and very little is left of the church. Some stones
engraved with crosses in the old Armenian fashion could still be seen in the masonry of
the last of these buildings, a mere chapel rather than a church. But the mosque is an
edifice of respectable proportions, having inside dimensions of 65 feet 7 inches by 64
feet 4 inches. From the outside it is nothing more than four walls of hewn stone,
surmounted by a dome of clay. But when you enter the spacious chamber the eye is
pleased by the vaulted ceilings, and by the double series of open arches which support
the roof. These arches are three in number in each series, and between each there is a
space of wall veil. In this manner one may say that there are a nave and two aisles; but
these aisles are of greatest length in the opposite direction to that of the altar, which
faces the entrance door. In fact the arrangement is that usual in a Christian church,
except for the position of the altar. The ceilings are built of plain kiln-burnt bricks, and
neither they nor the walls are decorated in any way. A fine feature is the dome, in the
aisle furthest from the door. The membair, or pulpit, on the right of the altar is a richly-
wrought structure of wood. An inscription records that it was the gift of Khosrov Pasha,
and that the donor restored the mosque in the year of the Hegira 850 (A.D. 1446). I have
almost forgotten to mention that between this mosque and the castle is placed a little
building with three windows, said to be the tomb of Sheikh Ibrahim.

Who was Sheikh Ibrahim, who was Khosrov Pasha? The answers which I received to
these questions did not go far to dispel my ignorance. The Hakim called them Arabs, and
connected them with the caliphate; yet he admitted that they were a branch of the family
which reigned in Konieh, that is to say, of the dynasty of Seljuk Turks. To Sheikh
Ibrahim he attributed the foundation of both mosque and church, with the intention of
inducing his Moslem and his Christian subjects to tolerate and respect each other’s
creed. He added that the last of this line of rulers was one Izzeddin Shir Bey.

We returned to the house of the Kaimakam, where I joined the remainder of my party.
All were in the saddle by ten minutes to four o’clock. We mounted the slope of the hill
which forms the promontory, and which we found to be a spur of Mount Ardos. It is
crossed at a point behind, or on the south of the castle; the ascent is steep and the decline
none too short. Nearing the strip of shore on the opposite side of the barrier, we were
impressed by the outcrops of red granitic rock and green serpentine, the beds lying side
by side. At half-past four we gained the level, and proceeded at the foot of some hills
which are interposed between the range and the shore. These recede after some distance,
and circle away from the lake, leaving a spacious bay of low and, in places, marshy
ground. On the further horn of the shore we were shown a group of trees and slowly-
rising wreaths of smoke. It was Akhavank, known to the Turks as Iskele (the port), the
residence on the mainland of the Katholikos of Akhtamar. Although the sand on the
border of the water was rather powdery, we found it better than the broken ground
inland. It was pleasant too to ride by the side of the crystal water, and look down into the
blue depths. Several little villages could be seen at the foot of the hills; they appeared
more clearly from the lake next day. We reached Akhavank at ten minutes to six, and I
estimate the distance from Vostan at about eight miles.

A two-storeyed white-faced house, an upper room, built out, like a verandah, with large
windows overlooking the lake; stables and appurtenances of various application—the
whole relieved against a background of poplars and fruit trees—such is Akhavank, the
residence of His Holiness the Katholikos Khachatur (given to the cross) of Akhtamar.
The house was full of people, and the stables of horses; it so happened that the
Kaimakam of Vostan was on a visit, accompanied by a numerous retinue. The interior of
the building was bare and uncomfortable, rooms and passages alike. Full decadence was
written large on the squalid furniture and cheerless walls. I was ushered into a long
apartment, facing the bay, and composing one side of the first floor. A fetid smell of
garlic, and the want of ventilation, almost overpowered me. At the further end of the
room, on a Kurdish rug, spread on the floor at the foot of the divan, sat or squatted a fat
priest, attired in a black robe edged with sable, and wearing the usual black silk cowl of
conical form, to which a cross of dim rose diamonds was attached. His back rested on
quite a little nest of cushions; a few papers and a little bag lay at his side. On the
adjacent couch beside the wall were seated several persons of various types of
physiognomy and styles of dress.

I saluted, and received the salute of the figure on the floor; it was the Katholikos of
Akhtamar. He spoke of his advanced age and growing infirmities; he was seventy-four
years old, and had been possessed of his dignity for no less than thirty years. His tomb
was already built; nothing remained but to spend the interval and descend into the grave.
This touching sentiment is often used as a becoming pretext for idleness by better people
than Khachatur. But, as he spoke, the tongue lolled heavily from side to side, and the
voice seemed to struggle with an advanced asthmatic affection. In reply to my enquiry
why he did not reside in the island, I received the answer that at Akhavank he was in a
better position to receive his guests and satisfy their wants. It is, no doubt, a paying
business to keep such a monastery, provided always that you manage it well. You must
personally superintend the arrangements for the picnic, or others of lesser station will
abstract your clients. You must be careful to keep well with the Government officials, or
pilgrims will be afraid to come.

So the Katholikos of Akhtamar discards his pomp, is seen and eats with his guests in the
same room round the same tray. On this occasion he was the centre of what was certainly
a curious party, assembled against the evening meal. Servants entered with a circular
platter on which were arrayed the various viands, and placed it before His Holiness.
Requested to seat myself on the right of our host, I endeavoured, as best I might, to fold
my legs beneath my body on a carpet by his side. Opposite me sat a Kurd, an old man
who was still a giant, with bony hands more than proportionate to his size. From his
sunken cheeks projected the beak of a vulture between small and deeply-caverned eyes.
One of the pupils had almost entirely disappeared, leaving a patch of red within the
hollow of the contracted eyelid, from which a mucous fluid was discharged over the
parchment skin. Of such a face smiling could scarcely be expected; my neighbour
remained grave, taking his fill of each dish, and fixing me with his single eye. On my
right was the Kaimakam, a little man of no particular characteristics, wearing a fez and
European dress. Although a Georgian and a relation of the Pasha of Van, you would take
him for a Turk. Towards myself he was profuse of compliments and attentions,
expressing his regret that he had not been present in Vostan to receive us, and blaming
the British Consul for not having written to announce our stay. An officer of zaptiehs
whom I had brought from Vostan with me—a mad fellow who had lathered his pony by
the wildest manœuvres as we rode along the sands—and some of the principal attendants
of the Turkish official, completed the company who were privileged to share the meal of
the Katholikos and sit at his pewter tray.

But on that tray my eyes discerned with ill-concealed fright a spectre invisible to my
fellow-guests. The shade of Hunger floated over the messes of meat and unpalatable
vegetables, swimming in oil or ghee.7 I could not eat the gritty pancake bread, or the salt
cheese inlaid with pieces of green straw. Nor was I able with success to emulate the
politeness of Julius Cæsar; a sickness came over me when I tried. The old priest was at
liberty to dip his fingers into my dishes and pick the choicest bits. I could scarcely
swallow a few morsels; but my host was much too stupid to see through the excuses
which I made.

I felt that the cross might have joy of Khachatur, and left his presence when the dishes
had been removed. On my guard against the prejudice of a bad dinner, I reflected that at
Varag the pangs had been the same; yet what pleasant recollections remained of that visit
and of the companionship of the quiet Daniel Vardapet! I sought out the steward of His
Holiness, and of him enquired for a sleeping-place. Zadò was the name of this
personage; he was an Armenian, but looked like a Kurd. He was the most influential of
the clerical officials, and certainly smelt the worst. With him came Avò, the trustiest of
his henchmen, proud of his antecedents as crossing-sweeper in Stambul. We were by
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