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Popular culture and working-class taste
in Britain, 1930–39
R O B E RT J A M E S
The publisher has no responsibility for the persistance or accuracy of URLs for external
or any third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that
any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
First of all, I would like to thank Jeffrey Richards for his kind and encour-
aging comments during the various stages of this project. Jeffrey was external
examiner for my PhD thesis, on which this study is based, and kindly suggested
that it should be turned into a book.
I am hugely indebted to Sue Harper. She has been a wonderful mentor over
the past years, running a critical eye over, firstly, my PhD thesis, for which
she was Director of Studies, and latterly, various drafts of this book. Without
her guidance and support this study would not have seen the light of day.
Her gentle coaching, constructive criticism and eternal optimism have made
working on it a real pleasure. I should also like to thank Brad Beaven, who
has also provided much welcome advice, especially during the latter stages of
this project.
I am extremely grateful for the financial assistance received from the Art
and Humanities Research Council which has allowed me to undertake this
research.
Gratitude must also go to the numerous staff at the archives I have visited
during my research. Their assistance has been most welcome. Especial thanks
go to Elisabeth Bennett, archivist at the South Wales Coalfield Collection,
University of Wales, Swansea; John Dallison and Trish Kenny at Derby Local
Studies Centre; and Lizzie Ennion and Elisabeth Kingston at Peterborough
Archives Service. All were helpful beyond the call of duty. Numerous archi-
vists at Portsmouth Norrish Central Library and Portsmouth Records Office
also deserve gratitude for their invaluable assistance. Janet Moat and Julia Bell
at Special Collections, BFI, London were also adept at digging out less well-
known archival material. I would also like to thank the Trustees of the Mass-
Observation Archive, University of Sussex for the use of their material, and
Dorothy Sheridan for her assistance in finding what I needed. I would also like
‘Giving the Public what it wants’. By a process not difficult to imagine and
easily demonstrable, this has come to mean providing fiction that requires
the least effort to read and will set the reader up with a comfortable state
1
of mind.
The cinematograph film is today one of the most widely used means for the
amusement of the public at large. It is also undoubtedly a most important factor
in the education of all classes of the community, in the spread of national culture
and in presenting ideas and customs to the world. Its potentialities moreover
in shaping the ideas of the very large numbers to whom it appeals are almost
2
unlimited. The propaganda value of film cannot be over-emphasised.
T hese quotes reveal much about British society’s attitudes towards popular
leisure in the 1930s. The first, written by Q.D. Leavis, reveals how socie-
ty’s leisure activities were believed to be contributing to a more passive, less
socially aware population. The second, taken from a Government-sponsored
report of the Committee on Cinematograph Films, demonstrates that some
contemporaries viewed leisure as a valuable propaganda medium. Something
was clearly afoot, and the authors of these remarks were attempting to deal
with it. Interestingly, these remarks were made with little or no attention
paid to the consumers themselves. More to the point, consumers are being
identified as passive observers. They are being denied agency. This is typical
of many investigations into popular leisure in the period. When scrutinising
society’s leisure activities, even the most vociferous critics did so very much
like a stone skipping across deep water. They failed to penetrate the surface
and thus did not gain any real understanding of what leisure actually meant
to those consuming it.
This book explores the social and cultural roles of cinema-going and reading
in the lives of the working classes in 1930s Britain. It aims to establish what
types of material they consumed, and, more specifically, why they consumed it.
The reasons behind these choices are three-fold. Firstly, social investigators
were particularly interested in the leisure activities of the working classes in
the 1930s; it was this social group that caused most concern. Secondly, cinema-
going and reading, as two of the most popular leisure pastimes among working-
class consumers, came under greatest scrutiny. Thirdly, and finally, historians,
very much like contemporaries of the period, have been rather reluctant to
analyse the meaning of popular leisure for those consuming it. They, too, have
frequently identified working-class consumers as passive observers with no
individual agency. There is, then, a gap in the literature that needs redressing,
and it is one which, once filled, will help to improve our understanding of the
role of popular leisure in a period during which British society’s engagement
with it was vital
There was, in fact, a notable growth in cinema-going and reading habits in
the 1930s, especially within working-class communities. This rapid growth,
coupled with heightened social tensions, persuaded society’s cultural elites to
look more closely at them; they were eager to understand the effects these
leisure activities were having on society. Their responses were generally
negative. Cinema-going, as a relatively new cultural phenomenon, bore the
brunt of their criticism, but reading habits were also heavily criticised.
This interest in the effects of leisure on the working classes was not a new
phenomenon. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards social commenta-
tors, such as Charles Booth and Henry Mayhew, compiled studies evaluating
the relationship between leisure, labour and the working class.3 For them,
much of what was wrong in society could be blamed on the type of leisure
activity in which people partook. As a result of these investigations, many
middle-class philanthropists sought to influence the working classes’ choice
of leisure activity. Attempts were made to ‘improve’ working-class society
through ‘rational recreation’; ‘educational’ forms of entertainment were
promoted vigorously.
The majority of investigations performed during the 1930s operated along
similar lines. The writings of middle-class observers George Orwell, J.B.
Priestley and Seebohm B. Rowntree, along with the work of the Mass-Obser-
vation organisation and the Scrutiny group, are cases in point. Like Booth and
Mayhew, these observers and cultural critics sought to investigate and record
various aspects of working-class life. Assorted approaches were taken, but each
researcher had similar aims: to gain a better understanding of society at ‘grass-
roots’ level. The primary motivation behind these investigations was dissatis-
faction with the working classes’ apparent lack of interest in politics. There
The little ball that hung at the main suddenly broke, and out to the breeze
there floated not the red ensign of the merchant service, but the Stars and
Stripes of America—more, on the little flagstaff at the bow of the ship
fluttered a tiny blue flag spangled with stars.
"It's a Yankee man-o'-war!" he cried, and his voice was cracked. "We've
——"
"Bang!"
The shell carried away a boat and a part of the wireless cabin.
To the last, fortune was with the Nine, for the second or third shot sent
the American over with a list to starboard.
Round swung the Maria Braganza like a frightened hare; the water
foamed under her bows as, running under every ounce of steam, she made
her retreat.
"We must drop all idea of picking up Zillier," said Baggin, white to the
lips; "this damned warship is probably in wireless communication with a
fleet; can you tap her messages?"
Poltavo shook his head.
"The first shell smashed our apparatus," he said. "What is that ahead?"
Lombrosa, with his telescope glued to his eye, was scanning the horizon.
Over the edge of the ocean hung a thin red haze. He put the glass down,
and turned a troubled face to the two men.
"In other latitudes I should say that it was a gathering typhoon," he said.
He took another long look, put down the telescope, closed it mechanically,
and hung it in the rack.
He brought the Maria Braganza's bows northward, but the smoke haze
was there, too.
East, north, south, west, a great circle of smoke and the Maria Braganza
trapped in the very centre.
Out of the smoke haze grey shadowy shapes, dirty grey hulls, white
hulls, hulls black as pitch, loomed into view.
Then he shot himself and fell dead at the feet of the two. Baggin sprang
forward, but too late.
"You coward!" he screamed. He shook his fist in the dead man's face,
then he turned like a wild beast on Poltavo. "This is the end of it! This is the
end of your scheme! Curse you! Curse you!"
For a moment they swayed and struggled, then suddenly Baggin released
his hold, dropped his head like a tired man, and slid to the deck.
Count Poltavo flung the knife overboard, and lit a cigarette with a hand
that did not tremble.
* * * * * *
*
One last expiring effort the Maria Braganza made; you could almost
follow Poltavo, as he sped from one side of the ship to the other, by the
spasmodic shots that came from the doomed ship.
A white flag waved feebly from her bridge, and a British destroyer came
with a swift run across the smoky seas.
T. B. came upon the count standing with his back to a bulkhead, grimy—
bloodstained, but with the butt of a cigarette still glowing in the corner of
his mouth.
"You are Count Ivan Poltavo," said T. B., and snapped a pair of
handcuffs on his wrists. "I shall take you into custody on a charge of wilful
murder, and I caution you that what you now say may be used in evidence
against you at your trial."
"You will find Miss Grayson in the cabin with her father, who is dying.
For him, also, Mr. Smith comes a trifle too late."
He staggered backward.
A slight foam gathered upon the count's lips. He opened his eyes.
He stiffened himself suddenly, and stood boldly erect, gazing past the
circle of men.
"Vive Poltavo!" he cried, in a loud, clear voice, and fell backward into
their arms.
THE END
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