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Starting Out with Python 5e (Gaddis)

Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers and Programming

TRUE/FALSE

1. A software developer is the person with the training to design, create, and test computer programs.

ANS: T

2. A computer is a single device that performs different types of tasks for its users.

ANS: F

3. All programs are normally stored in ROM and are loaded into RAM as needed for processing.

ANS: F

4. The instruction set for a microprocessor is unique and is typically understood only by the
microprocessors of the same brand.

ANS: T

5. The CPU understands instructions written in a binary machine language.

ANS: T

6. A bit that is turned off is represented by the value -1.

ANS: F

7. The main reason to use secondary storage is to hold data for long periods of time, even when the
power supply to the computer is turned off.

ANS: T
 8. RAM is a volatile memory used for temporary storage while a program is running.

ANS: T

9. The Python language uses a compiler which is a program that both translates and executes the
instructions in a high-level language.

ANS: F

10. IDLE is an alternative method to using a text editor to write, execute, and test a Python program.

ANS: T

MULTIPLE CHOICE

1. Programs are commonly referred to as

a. system software
b. software
c. application software
d. utility programs
ANS: B

2. Which of the following is considered to be the world's first programmable electronic computer?
a. IBM
b. Dell
c. ENIAC
d. Gateway
ANS: C

3. Where does a computer store a program and the data that the program is working with while the
program is running?
a. in main memory
b. in the CPU
c. in secondary storage
d. in the microprocessor
ANS: A

4. What type of volatile memory is usually used only for temporary storage while running a program?
a. ROM
b. TMM
c. RAM
d. TVM
ANS: C

5. Modern CPUs are much _______________ than the CPUs of early computers.
a. larger and more powerful
b. smaller and more powerful
 c. less powerful
d. slower
ANS: B

6. Which computer language uses short words known as mnemonics for writing programs?
a. Assembly
b. Java
c. Pascal
d. Visual Basic
ANS: A

7. The process known as the __________ cycle is used by the CPU to execute instructions in a program.
a. decode-fetch-execute
b. decode-execute-fetch
c. fetch-decode-execute
d. fetch-execute-decode
ANS: C

8. Which language is referred to as a low-level language?

a. C++
b. Assembly language
c. Java
d. Python
ANS: B

9. The following is an example of an instruction written in which computer language?

10110000
a. Assembly language
b. Java
c. machine language
d. C#
ANS: C

10. The encoding technique used to store negative numbers in the computer's memory is called
a. Unicode
b. ASCII
c. floating-point notation
d. two's complement
ANS: D

11. The __________ coding scheme contains a set of 128 numeric codes that are used to represent
characters in the computer's memory.
a. Unicode
b. ASCII
c. ENIAC
d. two's complement
 ANS: B

12. The smallest storage location in a computer's memory is known as a

a. byte
b. ketter
c. switch
d. bit
ANS: D

13. What is the largest value that can be stored in one byte?
a. 255
b. 128
c. 8
d. 65535
ANS: A

14. The disk drive is a secondary storage device that stores data by __________ encoding it onto a
spinning circular disk.
a. electrically
b. magnetically
c. digitally
d. optically
ANS: B

15. A __________ has no moving parts and operates faster than a traditional disk drive.
a. DVD drive
b. solid state drive
c. jumper drive
d. hyper drive
ANS: B

16. Which of the following is not a major component of a typical computer system?
a. the CPU
b. main memory
c. the operating system
d. secondary storage devices
ANS: C

17. Which type of error prevents the program from running?

a. syntax
b. human
c. grammatical
d. logical
ANS: A

18. What is the decimal value of the following binary number?

 10011101
a. 157
b. 8
c. 156
d. 28
ANS: C

MULTIPLE RESPONSE

1. Select all that apply. To create a Python program you can use
a. a text editor
b. a word processor if you save your file as a .docx
c. IDLE
d. Excel
ANS: A, C

COMPLETION

1. A(n) ___________ is a set of instructions that a computer follows to perform a task.

ANS: program

2. The term ___________ refers to all the physical devices that make up a computer.

ANS: hardware

3. The __________ is the part of the computer that actually runs programs and is the most important
component in a computer.

ANS: central processing unit, CPU

4. A disk drive stores data by __________ encoding it onto a circular disk.

ANS: magnetically

5. __________ are small central processing unit chips.

ANS: Microprocessors

6. __________ is a type of memory that can hold data for long periods of time, even when there is no
power to the computer.

ANS: Secondary storage

7. Main memory is commonly known as __________.

ANS: random-access memory, RAM

8. USB drives store data using __________ memory.

 ANS: flash

9. The Python __________ is a program that can read Python programming statements and execute them.

ANS: interpreter

10. In __________ mode, the interpreter reads the contents of a file that contains Python statements and
executes each statement.

ANS: script
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 I. THE VICEROYALTY OF BUENOS AIRES
The Spanish colonies of La Plata were, from the conquest up to the
year 1776, annexed to the Viceroyalty of Peru, but in that year, the
same in which the revolted colonies of Great Britain declared
themselves an independent republic, King Charles III. of Spain
created by royal edict the Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires.
"Its limits extended from ten and a half degrees south latitude to
Tierra del Fuego, and from the Cordillera of the Andes to the hills
from whence flow the upper affluents of the Paraguay, Paranà, and
Uruguay; this immense line terminating at the opening where the
Rio Grande de San Pedro falls into the sea. This territory, equal to a
quarter part of the whole of South America, comprehended the most
beautiful fluvial system of the world, and might compete in fertility,
riches, and natural beauties with the finest empire of the universe. It
contained within its limits six out of the seven climates into which
Humboldt has divided the globe—from the region where bloom the
cinnamon and the spice-trees to far beyond the agricultural
countries; thus it produced all that man requires for his sustenance,
comfort, and delight."[14]
The first Viceroy, Don Pedro de Ceballos, landed at Buenos Aires on
the 15th October, 1777; the last actual Viceroy was deposed by the
people of Buenos Aires on the 25th May, 1810.
The Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires was divided into several provinces
and "intendencias," which later on became provinces. Of the
Viceroyalty Buenos Aires was the capital city, being the seat of the
Viceregal government, and the general residence of the Viceroy. The
province of Buenos Aires was thus under the immediate rule of the
Viceroy. The other provinces were ruled by governors appointed by
him, but were in their internal administration, completely
independent of Buenos Aires.
The Spanish colonial system, not only prohibited direct commercial
intercourse with foreign nations, but also imposed great restrictions
upon the intercourse of the several provinces with each other, the
aim of Spanish rule, being to secure the dependence of each
separate colony upon herself.
The whole of these provinces were independent colonies, bound
together only by their common allegiance to Spain, under the rule of
one Viceroy. The conquest of Spain by Napoleon destroyed the only
bond which held these provinces together.
The several events which followed the capture of Buenos Aires by
Beresford in the year 1806, and which it is the object of this book to
elucidate, gradually raised the citizens of Buenos Aires from a state
of blind subservience to Spanish rule, taught them their strength,
and accustomed them to criticise the acts of their rulers. Thus the
revolution of the 25th May, 1810, was nothing more to them than
the spontaneous outburst of popular will, a will which they had
already exercised on previous occasions with most glorious results.
But the provinces had undergone no such training. Thus, when the
conquest of Spain was apparently complete, and the whole
Viceroyalty was left without any legal authority, the citizens of
Buenos Aires did not hesitate as to what they should do. They saw
at once that the appointment of a new government rested with
themselves, and, taking such means of expressing their will as they
had already in other cases found efficient, they named the Junta
Gubernativa. But upon the provinces the news of the conquest of
Spain fell as a thunderbolt. The fall of Spain left them at the mercy
of any ruler who should call upon them to obey.
Such was the condition of the masses of the Argentine people on the
25th May, 1810, but both in Buenos Aires and in the provincial cities,
there was a small minority of educated men who had learned and
had accepted with eagerness, the principles inculcated by the
revolutionary leaders of France. "Le Contrat Social" and "Les Droits
de l'Homme" were for these men the gospel.[15] It was they who
directed the popular enthusiasm of Buenos Aires to one definite
object, the establishment of a Junta composed for the most part of
men of Argentine birth; it was they who throughout the provinces
echoed the cry of "Liberty" raised by the patriots of the capital.
 [14] "La Historia de la Republica Argentina," by Don Luis Josè
Dominguez.
[15] Mitre.

II. THE YEAR 1810

"The new government lost no time in propagating the revolution
throughout the Viceroyalty, inviting the towns to follow the example
of Buenos Aires, to appoint popular assemblies, and to name
deputies to form a congress, which should decide their future fate.
Where the people were free to express their opinions the vote was
unanimous. Maldonado and Colonia, in the Banda Oriental; Las
Misiones and Corrientes, La Bajada and Santa Fè, along the rivers;
San Luis, in the interior of the Pampas; Mendoza and San Juan, at
the foot of the Andes; Salta and Tucuman, on the confines of Upper
Peru, answered the call of the capital; Chili soon afterwards
following the same example."[16]
The revolution of the 25th May, 1810, was the work exclusively of
the citizens of Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires took upon herself the
responsibility of the step, and spared neither blood nor treasure to
secure to herself and to the Argentine people, that liberty which she
was the first to proclaim in South America as the birthright of man.
Throughout the provinces there were many friendly to the cause,
but there were also many who were not so, and more still who
looked on with perfect apathy, and were ready to accept as their
rulers any who might claim the sceptre which had fallen from the
hands of Spain.
To secure the triumph of her friends, Buenos Aires fitted out an army
composed of volunteers, equipped by private subscription, and
despatched it into the provinces. From Cordova this army marched
to the borders of Upper Peru, under the command of Don Antonio
Balcarce, defeated Goyeneche and other Spanish generals in several
actions, shot General Nieto and other chiefs, and completely freed
the Arribeño provinces from Spanish rule. The revolution advanced
in every direction, Chili entered into strict alliance with the Junta of
Buenos Aires, and sent a contingent of troops, and the auxiliary
army, again victorious at Suipacha, menaced with destruction the
last remnants of the Spanish army of Upper Peru.
A second expedition was also despatched to Paraguay under the
command of Don Manuel Belgrano, who received the grade of
general. Belgrano crossed the Paranà on the 19th December, putting
to flight a small force under Colonel Thompson, which opposed his
passage, and occupied the town of Itapùa.
But there was one exception to this general success which attended
the first measures of the Revolutionary Junta. General Don Francisco
Elio, Governor of Monte Video under the late Viceroy Cisneros, was
appointed in his place Viceroy of Buenos Aires by the new Regency
of Cadiz. Until the receipt of this appointment Elio had given a
favourable hearing to the emissaries of the Junta Gubernativa, but
he now insisted upon their recognition of his authority, and, finding
his friendly overtures rejected, declared war against Buenos Aires,
and despatched the Spanish squadron to blockade that port. The
authority of Spain was for a time re-established throughout the
Banda Oriental, but the blockade of Buenos Aires, after lasting three
months, was raised in November, through the intervention of Lord
Strangford, who considered the Junta Gubernativa, who ruled in the
name of King Ferdinand, as the allies of Great Britain.
So ended the year 1810. During the seven months which had
elapsed since the revolution of the 25th May, many reforms had
been introduced into the administration, chiefly through the
influence of Dr Don Mariano Moreno, secretary to the Junta
Gubernativa, but even his far-seeing intellect did not fully
comprehend the magnitude of the task Buenos Aires had taken upon
herself.
The first aim of the patriots was to procure the concurrence of all
the different provinces of the Viceroyalty. The next necessity was to
organise some entirely new form of government, which should
amalgamate these different provinces into one people. The history of
the Argentine Republic for the next six years, is the record of
struggles for these two objects, and of resistance against the
attempts of Spain to re-establish her authority.
The cry of "Liberty" raised in Buenos Aires on the 25th May, 1810,
had resounded throughout the Western Hemisphere, awakening
responsive echoes in the hearts of the down-trodden colonists of
Spain. Venezuela and Mexico had arisen against their oppressors,
Chili had declared for the revolution, Peru alone remained faithful to
Spain, and Peruvian troops marched under the Spanish flag against
the patriot armies of Buenos Aires. But in Buenos Aires only had the
champions of liberty any secure footing, to Buenos Aires alone could
the enslaved peoples of America look for the full achievement of
their freedom.
[16] "La Historia de Belgrano," by General Mitre, from which work
the dates and facts of this Epilogue are chiefly taken.

III. PARAGUAY
Paraguay had suffered more than any other province of the
Viceroyalty from the tyrannical exactions of Spanish rulers, but the
rule of Velazco, the then governor, was extremely popular, and
General Belgrano with his small army, instead of meeting with a
friendly reception, found the whole country in arms against the
Porteños; the country people fled before him, driving off their horses
and cattle, leaving nothing behind them that could in any way assist
his progress, but without venturing to molest him.
Through forests and swamps Belgrano forced his way with infinite
labour to within eighteen leagues of Asuncion, where, at Paraguay,
on the 19th January, 1811, he with 800 men attacked the
Paraguayan army under Velazco, which numbered 9000. The
impetuous valour of the volunteers at first carried all before them,
but, disordered by success, one part of them was surrounded by
overwhelming numbers and cut to pieces, and the rest under the
immediate command of Belgrano were forced to retire. On the banks
of the Tacuari, Belgrano halted with the remnant of his small army,
was there attacked by a pursuing column of 3000 men, repulsed
them, and then offered to retire across the Paranà if allowed to
march unmolested, saying it was not his object to conquer Paraguay.
In a lengthened conference Belgrano fully explained his views to the
Paraguayan generals and officers, his proposition was accepted, he
recrossed the Paranà, but the object of his expedition was achieved.
Soon after his retreat the Paraguayans rose against their Spanish
rulers, deposed them, and placed the government in the hands of a
triumvirate of natives. Of this triumvirate Dr Francia, a lawyer of
Asuncion, was the leader, a man of considerable mental attainments
and of great suavity of address, but withal of an iron will and of a
most ruthless disposition. Before long he had made himself the sole
ruler of Paraguay, and presently, seeing that anarchy was gradually
spreading over the other provinces of the late Viceroyalty, he cut off
all intercourse between Paraguay and the rest of the world.

IV. THE BANDA ORIENTAL

Early in 1811 the campaña of the Banda Oriental rose in rebellion
against the Spanish Viceroy; the Junta of Buenos Aires sent an army
to aid the movement. To Belgrano, recalled from the frontiers of
Paraguay, was entrusted at first the command of this army, but he
was soon superseded by General Rondeau, who was by birth an
Oriental.
Josè Artigas had commenced life as an estanciero, and had obtained
great fame and influence among the paisanos of the Banda Oriental,
till the Government of Monte Video, finding themselves unable
otherwise to put a stop to depredations upon the revenue, entrusted
him with the task of suppressing contraband trade; his influence
with the paisanage became greater than ever. In February, 1811, he
put himself at the head of the popular outbreak, marched with his
"gauchos" upon Monte Video, won the first victory of the war at Las
Piedras, and then, joining the army of Rondeau, assisted him in
laying siege to Monte Video.
The Princess Carlota of Brazil sent an army of 4000 Portuguese in
aid of the Viceroy. Then peace was made in November, 1811, but
was of no long duration. Josè Artigas took umbrage at the slow
retreat of the Portuguese, and made war upon them with his light
cavalry on his own account. Again the Government of Buenos Aires
sent an army to aid him, and secured the retreat of the Portuguese
by concluding a separate peace with them, after which, in October,
1812, Rondeau again laid siege to Monte Video.
On the 31st December the garrison sallied out, under the command
of Vigodet, who had succeeded Elio in command, and attacked the
principal position of the besiegers at the Cerrito. The sortie was at
first successful, but the day was retrieved by the gallantry of Colonel
Soler, who with the 6th regiment recaptured the Cerrito at the point
of the bayonet, and drove the garrison back with heavy loss into the
city.
After this, Artigas left the whole work of the siege to the Porteños,
named himself the military Governor of the Banda Oriental, and sent
deputies chosen by himself to the "Constituent Assembly" of Buenos
Aires. The assembly refused to admit his deputies, on the ground
that they were not legally elected; whereupon Artigas declared war
against Buenos Aires, and sent emissaries into Entre Rios,
Corrientes, and Santa Fè, seeking to stir up the people of those
provinces against the "Government of the Porteños."
At this time, the Government of Spain sent out to Monte Video a
reinforcement of 2200 men. Thus, when in January, 1814, Don
Gervacio Posadas was appointed Supreme Director of the united
provinces, he found himself with two wars upon his hands in the
Banda Oriental. The Argentine army, aided by Artigas, had been
unable to capture Monte Video, the garrison of that city was now
much stronger than before, and Artigas was actively engaged in
cutting off the supplies of the besieging army. Don Juan de Larrea, a
Spaniard by birth, and one of the members of the Junta Gubernativa
appointed on the 25th May, 1810, was the man to whom belongs
the credit of overcoming these difficulties. Up to this time the
Spanish fleet had held the command of the estuary of La Plata; the
Government of Buenos Aires, inspired by Larrea, now fitted out
some small merchant vessels as men-of-war, and, placing them
under the command of an Irishman named William Brown,
determined to dispute this supremacy.
The Spanish fleet was at that time divided into two squadrons, one
stationed at Martin Garcia, an island which commands the entrance
to the rivers Uruguay and Paranà, the other stationed at Monte
Video. Brown sailed in the first place against Martin Garcia, but was
beaten off by the Spanish squadron with heavy loss. He returned to
Buenos Aires for the purpose of refitting and procuring
reinforcements, after which he again approached the island, and,
landing his crews, captured it on the 16th March, 1814. The Spanish
squadron fled up the Uruguay, and placed themselves under the
protection of Josè Artigas.
Brown then sailed for Monte Video, attacked the Spanish squadron
there on the 14th May, and after a desperate conflict against very
superior numbers, gained a complete victory, and blockaded the city.
On the 8th May General Alvear crossed the river from Buenos Aires
with 3000 men, and with this reinforcement took command of the
besieging army. On the 20th June Monte Video, closely invested by
land and sea, surrendered. The trophies of this victory were 3500
prisoners, eight standards, 545 guns, and 8200 muskets.
Artigas, on hearing of the surrender, immediately advanced upon
Monte Video, but his lieutenant, Otorguez, a caudillo of infamous
repute, was twice defeated by a small force detached against him
under the command of Colonel Dorrego, but Dorrego was in his turn
completely defeated at Guayabo by Don Fructuoso Rivera, in
consequence of which, the Government of the united provinces
entered into an arrangement with Artigas. On the 24th February,
1815, Artigas took peaceable possession of Monte Video, the
Argentine army returned to Buenos Aires, and the Banda Oriental
became an independent state.

V. THE ARMY OF UPPER PERU

The auxiliary army of the north after its first successes, took the
name of "the army of Upper Peru," and, under the command of
Colonel Diaz Velez, penetrated victoriously to the confines of the
province of Cuzco, but was on the 20th June, 1811, surprised by
Goyeneche at the Desaguadero and totally routed. The remains of
the army, under the command of Don Juan Martin Puyrredon, made
good their retreat, in defiance of all the efforts of the Spaniards to
stop them, to the city of Salta. Here Puyrredon and Diaz Velez again
attempted to make head against the enemy, but their vanguard was
defeated at Nazareno and they were compelled to retreat upon
Tucuman. On the march they were joined by General Belgrano, who
had been recalled by Government from the Banda Oriental and
appointed to the command of this army, at the request of General
Puyrredon, whose health was much shattered by the hardships
through which he had passed.
On the 26th March, 1812, Belgrano took the command of the army
of Upper Peru, which was no longer an army but a disorganised, half
armed mob, with a very small supply of ammunition, consisting of
barely 1500 men, one fourth of whom were sick. The retreat of
Goyeneche gave him time to form an army on the basis of this
remnant; again he advanced into the neighbourhood of Salta.
Government, too much occupied by the war in the Banda Oriental to
send him any effective reinforcement, sent him positive orders to
retreat to Cordova. To these orders he paid no attention, till
Goyeneche, after quelling an insurrection in Cochabamba,
despatched General Tristan with an army of 3000 men to attack him.
In August Belgrano commenced his retreat from Jujui, closely
pursued by the Spanish vanguard, till on the 3rd September they
drove in his rearguard under Diaz Velez at Las Piedras, upon which
he turned on them with his whole army and totally routed them. The
success of this skirmish so greatly encouraged his men, that
Belgrano, disregarding renewed orders to retreat to Cordova,
determined to halt at Tucuman. The inhabitants of this city received
him with acclamations, and some of the principal citizens raised a
contingent of "gaucho" cavalry among the paisanos for his
assistance.
On the 24th September Tristan marched past the city of Tucuman
with the idea of cutting off the retreat of Belgrano and compelling
him to surrender. Belgrano sallied out and attacked him; he himself
at the head of his gaucho allies broke through the Spanish line and
assailed them in the rear, while his infantry completely routed their
centre, capturing five guns and three standards. The left wing of the
Spanish army stood firm, but the next day Tristan beat a precipitate
retreat, having lost 450 killed and 700 prisoners; the loss of the
patriots was 80 killed and 200 wounded.
The news of this victory excited the greatest enthusiasm in Buenos
Aires; then in January, 1813, came the news of the victory of the
Cerrito, and in February the victory of San Lorenzo. Fortune seemed
again to smile upon the patriot cause.
Colonel San Martin, since his arrival in Buenos Aires in 1812, had
been actively engaged in organising a regiment of cuirassiers, known
to history as the mounted grenadiers famous in the campaigns of
Chili and Peru. Their first exploit was the affair of San Lorenzo,
where they cut to pieces a detachment of Spaniards who had landed
from the squadron.
After the victory of Tucuman, Belgrano received reinforcements until
he had 3000 troops under his command, exclusive of the gaucho
cavalry of Tucuman, who scoured the whole country round, and
greatly harassed the Spanish general, Tristan, in his endeavours to
reorganize his routed army.
Up to this time the patriot armies had fought under the Spanish flag.
Previous to taking command of the army of Peru, Belgrano had been
for a short time stationed at Rosario, where he had adopted a new
flag for his troops, two horizontal stripes of blue and one of white,
with the national arms embroidered in the centre of the white stripe.
For this proceeding he had incurred the censure of the Government,
and had withdrawn his flag, saying that he should keep it concealed
until he could adorn it with the laurels of victory.
In February, 1813, Belgrano marched from Tucuman; on the banks
of the Rio Pasages, in the province of Salta, he halted his army on
the 13th February, and hoisting the blue-and-white flag upon a flag-
staff, administered to the whole army an oath of obedience to the
"Sovereign Assembly," from which imposing ceremony that river bore
afterwards the name of the "Rio del Juramento." Belgrano stood
beside the new standard, and drawing his sword held it across the
staff, while every officer and soldier of the army came up and kissed
this military cross as he took the oath. This standard was afterwards
adopted by the nation, and is to-day the national flag of the
Argentine Republic.
From the Rio del Juramento the patriot army marched upon Salta,
where Tristan was then stationed with 3500 men. In the
neighbourhood of this city the two armies met on the 20th February;
the battle was hotly contested, but at length the Spaniards were
driven in disorder back into the city, where the whole army
surrendered that afternoon, but after laying down their arms were
permitted by Belgrano with misplaced generosity, to retire to Peru.
The losses in this battle were about equal, 600 killed and wounded
in each army. The trophies of the victory were three standards, ten
guns, and the whole of the arms and baggage of the royal army.
Goyeneche, who was at Potosi with 4000 men, retired precipitately
on the news of this disaster, and throwing up his command was
succeeded by Pezuela.
Belgrano made but slight use of his victory, and spent months at
Potosi organising schools, while the royalists recovered from their
panic and organised an army. Of his supineness Pezuela took every
advantage, and, having assembled about 4000 men, advanced in the
spring upon Potosi. Belgrano awaited him on the table-land of
Vilcapugio, where he was attacked by Pezuela on the 1st October.
The patriots, advancing with their usual impetuosity, at first carried
all before them, but through an ill-understood order were seized
with a sudden panic and suffered a total defeat. Belgrano lost the
whole of his guns and baggage, but saved his standard, and four
days afterwards established his headquarters at Macha with a
remnant of his army.
In a month's time Belgrano had succeeded in again assembling
about 3000 men, while the victorious royalists were held in check by
the gaucho cavalry which swarmed all around their position. In
November Pezuela again advanced and again defeated the patriots
at Ayouma, Belgrano retiring from the hard-fought field with only
400 infantry and eighty cavalry.
Belgrano retreated to Jujui, where he succeeded in collecting 1800
men, but on the approach of Pezuela he evacuated that city, and
continued his retreat to Tucuman, where he was met by
considerable reinforcements, including the mounted grenadiers of
San Martin, who was named second in command.
Worn out with sickness and reverses, Belgrano applied to be relieved
of his command, and in January, 1814, resigned it into the hands of
General San Martin, who, establishing his headquarters at Tucuman,
applied himself diligently to reorganising the army, and constructed
an entrenched camp to the north of the city. Pezuela reoccupied
Jujui and Salta, but the two victories gained by Belgrano had so
roused the spirit of the people, that the paisanos rose in mass
against the invaders, and under Arenales and Güemes prevented any
further advance of the royalists.
In this year 1814, the revolution in Chili was completely crushed by
the defeat of the patriots at Rancagua. San Martin gave up the
command of the army of Peru to General Rondeau, and, marching
with his mounted grenadiers and a small force of infantry to
Mendoza, set to work to collect and organise the immortal "army of
the Andes."
Rondeau, advancing from Tucuman, retook Salta and Jujui, but was
afterwards totally defeated at Sipe-Sipe by Pezuela, on the 29th
November, 1815, and retreated to Jujui.

VI. THE SOVEREIGN PEOPLE

Such is a slight sketch of the military achievements and reverses of
the Argentine patriots, during the first six years of the era of liberty.
But not against external foes alone had they to contend, even yet a
more formidable foe, was the ignorance of the most enlightened
among them of the first principles of popular sovereignty. The
principles of representative government, then but partially
understood even in England, were by the Argentine people
understood not at all. Further, the Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires
comprised a host of discordant elements, which only the most
consummate skill could weld at once into one homogeneous people.
The Junta Gubernativa had not been long in power before it became
divided into two parties, Conservatives and Democrats. The latter,
under the leadership of Dr Moreno, represented the revolution; they
were for completely changing the whole system of government, and
to themselves made no secret that their ultimate aim was the
establishment of an independent republic on the democratic basis of
the sovereignty of the people. The Conservatives, of whom Don
Cornelio Saavedra was the head, aimed at nothing more than
continuing the government under the old forms, but independent of
Spain, until such time as Ferdinand VII. might again exercise his
royal authority. Such reforms as were forced upon them they
accepted, but they made no attempt to direct public opinion to any
definite end, they had no fixed policy whatever, and thus the
measures of the Junta were directed exclusively by the more active
Democrats, until in the month of March, 1811, twelve deputies
named by the Cabildos of as many provincial towns arrived in
Buenos Aires.
These provincial deputies, in spite of the opposition of Dr Moreno,
were incorporated with the Junta itself, and gave an overwhelming
majority to the Conservatives, who, not content with this triumph,
stirred up a popular commotion for the purpose of crushing the
Democrats. The result was the expulsion of four of the leading
Democrats from the Junta, after which the provinces were directed
to form Juntas of their own.
In September the form of government was again changed by the
authority of the Cabildo. The Junta was resolved into a deliberative
assembly, whose functions were very obscure, and the executive
was entrusted to a triumvirate, Chiclana, Passo, and Sarratea. To this
triumvirate Don Bernardina Rivadavia acted as secretary, and his
clear intellect infused itself into every measure adopted.
The provincial Juntas and the Junta of the capital were abolished,
and the triumvirate, under the name of "The Superior Provisional
Government of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata,"
commenced a vigorous policy of centralisation, with a view to
putting an end to the disorder which had crept into every branch of
the administration. Among other decrees was one establishing liberty
of the press.
The only check upon the power of the triumvirate was an assembly
of "Notables" chosen by the Cabildo. This assembly had the right of
appointing a successor to an outgoing triumvir every six months. On
the occasion of the first election their choice fell upon Don Juan
Martin Puyrredon, who was at that time absent in the interior. The
triumvirate denied their right to appoint a deputy to represent him
until his return to the capital, they insisted, the assembly was
dissolved, and the whole powers of government were assumed by
the triumvirate.
But the Argentine people, in accepting the revolution of the 25th
May, had delegated their power to an executive, only until the
meeting of a sovereign congress. The triumvirate convened a new
assembly elected by the Cabildos of the capital and of the provincial
towns, which was far from representing the people, and was in no
sense a congress.
At this time there existed in London a secret society, composed
entirely of men born in Spanish America, organised by General Don
Francisco Miranda of Venezuela, with the object of working out the
independence of the Spanish colonies of America. Three members of
this society, Josè de San Martin, Carlos Maria de Alvear, and Josè
Matias Zapiola, all Argentines by birth, arrived in Buenos Aires on the
13th March, 1812, in the British ship George Canning. They at once
proceeded to form a branch of this society under the name of "Los
Caballeros Racionales," and found many eager adherents among the
more advanced Democrats of the capital.
Taking advantage of the popular discontent with the measures of the
triumvirate the "Caballeros Racionales" stirred up a commotion, and
a fresh revolution in September placed the executive in the hands of
a new triumvirate, consisting of:
Dr Don Juan Jose Passo,
Don Nicolas Rodriguez Peña,
Antonio Alvarez Jonte,
all of whom belonged to the Democratic party.
"The eternal captivity of Ferdinand VII., has destroyed the last rights
of Spain."
Such were the words with which the new Government commenced
their first address to the Argentine people. They cast aside at once
the fiction of loyalty to a foreign king, and claimed to govern only by
the will of the people.
In accordance with this programme they devised a new plan of
electing the deputies to the assembly. Each town or city was divided
into eight electoral districts; in each district the citizens voted "viva
voce" for an "elector"; the eight "electors" so chosen by each city
named the deputy or deputies who should represent that city.
Buenos Aires, as the capital, had the right of sending four deputies
to the assembly, the capital of each province two, and all other
towns one each.
This was an immense advance upon the old system of leaving the
right of naming deputies to the Cabildos, and produced a very fair
representation of the urban population of the united provinces, but
the rights of the rural population were entirely overlooked.
"The General Constituent Assembly" was inaugurated on the 31st
January, 1813. Without proclaiming the independence of the united
provinces, they yet took to themselves the supreme power,
substituting the national arms for those of Spain; a national flag for
the flag of Spain; suppressing all laws and customs which in any way
recognised Spanish tribunals as courts of appeal; abolished the
Inquisition and judicial torture; gave liberty to all children born of
slave parents after that date; and in the service of the Litany
substituted a prayer for the "Sovereign Assembly of the United
Provinces" in place of the one previously offered on behalf of the
King. Further, they decreed that all Europeans, whether ecclesiastics,
civilians, or soldiers, who should not within fifteen days become
citizens should forfeit any employment they held under Government.
In January, 1814, the assembly determined upon another great step,
they abolished the triumvirate and placed Don Gervacio Posadas at
the head of the state, with the title of "Supreme Director of the
United Provinces," but after holding office for one year Posadas
resigned, and Don Carlos Maria de Alvear was named Supreme
Director.
Alvear owed his election to the influence of the "Caballeros
Racionales," of which secret society he was President, but he was
disliked both by the mass of the people and by the army.
The position of the united provinces was at this time very critical;
the fall of Napoleon had set Ferdinand at liberty, he was again King
of Spain, and was preparing at Cadiz an expedition of 15,000 men
for the purpose of reconquering the revolted colonies of La Plata.
Alvear despaired of securing the independence of the united
provinces, but five years of revolutionary rule had inspired the entire
Argentine people with a hatred of Spain; he determined to place
them under the protectorate of Great Britain. With this object he
chose two ambassadors, Don Manuel Belgrano and Don Bernardino
Rivadavia, whom he despatched to London with credentials to the
Court of Saint James, and with a despatch addressed to the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in which, after describing the
disorder into which everything had fallen from the inaptitude of the
people for self-government, he said:
"These provinces wish to belong to Great Britain, to adopt her laws,
to obey her Government, and to live under her powerful influence.
They deliver themselves unconditionally to the generosity and good
faith of the English people."
The two ambassadors reached London in March, 1815, only to find
Europe in a fresh commotion produced by the return of Napoleon
from Elba. This unforeseen event, put an end to the expedition in
preparation at Cadiz; greatly improved the position of Charles IV., ex-
King of Spain, who still asserted his right to the crown of Spain, and
was then living in retirement at Rome; and utterly precluded any
hope that the British Government would adopt any policy in
opposition to the interests of Ferdinand.
The two ambassadors never presented their credentials to the Court
of Saint James, and, in conjunction with Sarratea, who was at that
time agent in Europe for the Government of the united provinces,
addressed themselves, instead, to the ex-King Charles, offering to
bestow the crown of Buenos Aires upon his adopted son the Infante
Don Francisco de Paula. Waterloo put an end to this negotiation,
Rivadavia went to Spain to endeavour to treat with Ferdinand, and
Belgrano returned to Buenos Aires.
Belgrano was no great genius, either as a military man or as a
politician, but he was a hard-working, honest patriot; loving his
country, and ready to make any personal sacrifice in her service, he
aspired to no dignities and was careless of all emolument; he
devoted his life and his energies to securing the independence of the
Argentine people. But he was also a deep thinker, and foresaw that
the anarchy which was spreading over the united provinces
threatened evils even worse than the tyranny of Spain. During his
residence in England, he had seen that the liberty of the people was
perfectly compatible with monarchial institutions; he returned to
Buenos Aires, convinced that the establishment of a monarchy was
the only means by which order and liberty could be at once secured
to the Argentine people.
During the campaign of Tucuman he had entered into friendly
relations with various Indian chieftains of the interior, among them
he now proposed to search for a lineal descendant of Atahualpa, for
the purpose of re-establishing the Empire of the Incas. In this
purpose he found many willing to join him, but the Argentine people,
jealous of their new-born liberty, looked upon the project as a
dream.

The necessities of Government had compelled them to many

extreme and arbitrary measures for the replenishing of the
exhausted treasury. Of these measures the Spanish residents of
Buenos Aires were the especial victims. Early in the year 1812 the
capital was almost drained of troops by the large reinforcements
despatched to the army in the Banda Oriental, and the Spanish
residents, headed by Don Martin Alzaga, entered into a conspiracy
together, their object being to seize the city, put to death all the
principal Argentine leaders, and to set up a new government in
connection with the Spanish Cortes then assembled at Cadiz. To
further their scheme they entered into a correspondence with the
Princess Carlota of Brazil, and the Portuguese army, which had
received orders to retire from the Banda Oriental, delayed its retreat
in pursuance of secret instructions, and was held in readiness to
support the conspirators if they should succeed in gaining possession
of the capital.
Until the eve of the outbreak, the Government was in complete
ignorance of the danger, but immediately on the discovery of the
conspiracy adopted the most vigorous measures of suppression.
Thirty of the principal conspirators, including Don Martin Alzaga,
were shot, and their bodies hung upon gibbets, seventy-eight of less
note were condemned to minor punishments, and the danger was
thus averted.

The authors of the revolution of the 25th May, 1810, had sought to
establish a new government upon the democratic basis of the
sovereignty of the people. Many of them were men of great
intellectual attainments, but they had adopted the ideas of the
revolutionary leaders of France, in the full persuasion that that form
of government, which is in theory the best, must necessarily be the
best in practice. The failure of democracy in France had not opened
their eyes to the fact that a government, to be securely based upon
the will of the people, must be constructed in conformity with the
traditions, circumstances, and instincts of the people.
The first five years of revolutionary government were thus a series
of political experiments, a series of abortive attempts to govern a
number of distinct provinces by schemes of administration, which
might have been fully adequate for the government of the small
republics of ancient Greece, or of the Italian cities of the middle
ages, when each city was a separate state, but were totally
inadequate for the government of an immense territory, peopled
chiefly by herdsmen and shepherds. They totally failed to give the
people any adequate means of expressing their will, and the result
was that during these years the people, who had responded eagerly
to the cry of liberty, interpreted in their own way the theory of
popular sovereignty.
The nature of the country and the traditions and instincts of the
people all inclined them to an aristocratic form of government; the
attempt to form an administration on a democratic basis was
consequently a complete failure.
The mass of the Argentine people were herdsmen and shepherds,
who lived scattered over immense plains, who were yet in a state of
semi-barbarism; the theory of the sovereignty of the people was
interpreted to mean that each man had a right to choose his own
ruler. The qualities which they could most fully appreciate were
dauntless courage, a strong seat on horseback, and a ruthless will.
Men possessed of such qualifications were those to whom they
would naturally look as their leaders, and to whom they were ready
to yield the most unquestioning obedience; but men like these were
not the men to work cordially with the authors of the revolution in
the regeneration of their country. Thus the leading Democrats,
almost ignoring the existence of the mass of the people, except
when they looked to them for aid against the Spaniards, sought only
the co-operation of the towns and cities in their attempts to form a
national government.
The revolution of the 25th May, 1810, was exclusively the work of
the citizens of Buenos Aires. The nucleus of all the armies which
fought in the subsequent campaigns was formed of the militia of
Buenos Aires; the Patricios, and other regiments levied in Buenos
Aires, bore the brunt in every conflict. It was the militia of Buenos
Aires who marched with Belgrano through the dense woods and
endless swamps of Paraguay, and held their own against the
overwhelming odds of fourteen to one. It was the militia of Buenos
Aires who kept the Portuguese armies in check in the Banda
Oriental, laid siege to Monte Video, where the garrison outnumbered
them three to one, gained the victory of the Cerrito, and eventually
compelled the surrender of the city. It was the militia of Buenos
Aires who penetrated with Balcarce, Diaz Velez, Puyrredon, and
Belgrano to the confines of Upper Peru. It was the militia of Buenos
Aires who decided with their bayonets the fields of Suipacha,
Tucuman, and Salta; they stood round Belgrano and the blue-and-
white standard among the rocks on that dismal night which followed
the rout of Vilcapugio; they retreated with him from the still more
disastrous field of Ayouma. Argentines from other provinces, Paz,
Arenales, Martin Güemes, and many others, vied with their
comrades from Buenos Aires in gallantry and endurance on many a
hard-fought field; on two occasions Belgrano saved the remnant of
his army solely through the devoted bravery of his "gaucho" allies of
the interior, but in every conflict the brunt fell upon the infantry of
Buenos Aires.
Buenos Aires not only furnished the nucleus to every army, but her
citizens impoverished themselves to provide by voluntary
contributions for the support and equipment of these armies, while
her trade was harassed, and at times destroyed, by the hostility of
the Spanish cruisers. Of all the cities of the interior, Tucuman alone
displayed equal patriotism, equal zeal for the cause of all.
But Buenos Aires in return for the great sacrifices she made, claimed
for herself the chief place in the direction of affairs. The Cabildo of
Buenos Aires took upon itself on more than one occasion the right of
nominating the Government which ruled in the name of the
Argentine people. The "Constituent Assembly" of the year 1813 was
the first legislative body which in any degree represented the united
provinces. This assembly soon fell under the influence of the secret
society, then known as "Los Caballeros Racionales," and later on as
"La Sociedad de Lautaro."
The provincial jealousy of Buenos Aires, which almost disappeared in
the first burst of enthusiasm that welcomed the cry of "Liberty"
raised by Buenos Aires on the 25th May, 1810, soon revived; the
provincial cities began to ask themselves whether the domination of
Buenos Aires, the domination of a secret and irresponsible society,
was not worse than the domination of Spain. The disastrous issue of
some of the campaigns, and the continued demands upon them for
supplies, exhausted their patience. Then rose up a new power in the
state, to which both the provincial cities and Buenos Aires, had
hitherto given but slight attention—the people.
The army of Peru under Rondeau, the army of the Andes under San
Martin, refused to obey the orders of a Government which was
merely the mouth-piece of a clique. In their dilemma the citizens of
Buenos Aires looked about for a deliverer who should free them from
a despotism which threatened them with the loss of all for which
they had fought. Their gaze fell upon the new power which had
risen up amongst them, they appealed to the people.
In the year 1815 Josè Artigas stood forth prominently as "the man of
the people." The people were in a state of semi-barbarism. He
himself was little better, but he understood them, knew how to
attract their sympathies to himself, and how to rule over them. The
Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and Corrientes obeyed him. In answer to
the appeal of the citizens of Buenos Aires, he crossed the Parana
into Santa Fè with the pompous title of "Chief of the Orientales and
Protector of the Free Peoples." The men of Santa Fè received him as
their deliverer. Cordova declared herself independent of Buenos
Aires.
The people, knowing nothing of representative Government, chose
for themselves their leaders, and prepared to yield them unlimited
obedience. In every province there rose up petty chieftains, ruling
with absolute sway over their followers, ready for any sacrifice to
defend their country against Spain, equally ready to defend their
provincial rights against the domination of Buenos Aires. These
popular chieftains throughout the provinces hailed Artigas as their
champion.
Alvear bestirred himself against this new enemy, and despatched an
army to drive him from the province of Santa Fè. But on the frontier
of Buenos Aires this army joined the popular movement, and
fraternised with the barbaric hordes of Artigas. Then the citizens of
Buenos Aires arose and decreed the downfall of the Government,
the assembly was dissolved, and Alvear took refuge on board a
foreign vessel anchored in the roadstead.
The Argentine people were left without a government, and, in
presence of the anarchy which prevailed, without any legal means of
appointing one. Again Buenos Aires put herself forward as the
arbiter of the destinies of the nation. The Cabildo of Buenos Aires
resumed to itself the powers of government, and decreed the
election by the citizens of Buenos Aires of a "Junta de Observacion,"
which should form a provisional government until the convention of
a sovereign congress. This Junta named General Rondeau, then in
command of the army of Upper Peru, Supreme Director.
The new Government found itself face to face with three distinct
enemies, Spain, the provinces, the people. Two provinces of the old
Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires, Paraguay and the Banda Oriental, were
now completely independent of Buenos Aires; every other province
had an equal right to such independence; Cordova and Santa Fè
utterly refused to recognise the new government; Entre Rios and
Corrientes had chosen a ruler for themselves, and obeyed the orders
of Josè Artigas. The people everywhere, weary of the exactions of
the nominees of the capital, looked to Josè Artigas as their
champion.
Artigas, obeying the universal law which impels "the man of the
people" to become a despot, sought only to consolidate and extend
his own power.
The Government, after a vain attempt to come to some definite
arrangement with Artigas, concluded a truce with him. He retired
across the Parana, and they despatched an army to occupy Santa
Fè. But this Army was compelled to capitulate to the "Montonera," or
"gaucho" cavalry of Santa Fè. A second army, stationed at Rosario,
revolted, and demanded the resignation of the Supreme Director.
The Government yielded, the "Junta de Observacion" named General
Antonio Gonsalez Balcarce, Supreme Director, and the army of
Buenos Aires was withdrawn from Santa Fè.

VII. THE CONGRESS OF TUCUMAN

The only hope now of putting an end to this anarchy lay in the
assembling of a sovereign congress, in which all the provinces
should be duly represented.
On the 24th March, 1816, this congress was convened at Tucuman,
the mass of the Argentine people looking on with supreme
indifference. At the same time Artigas amused himself by convening
a Federal congress of his own at Paysandu in the Banda Oriental.
Each province sent deputies to the Congress of Tucuman in
proportion to its estimated population, and some attempt was made
to procure the representation of the campaña. Buenos Aires sent
seven deputies; Cordova, five; Chuquisaca, four; Tucuman, three;
Catamarca, Santiago del Estero, Mendoza, and Salta, two each; La
Rioja, San Luis, San Juan, Misque, Cochabamba, and Jujui, one
each. The Banda Oriental, Entre-Rios Corrientes, and Santa Fè sent
no deputies, Paraguay was by this time completely isolated from
Argentine affairs.
The congress of Tucuman did not fully represent the Argentine
people, nevertheless it was a more exact representation of the
popular will than any assembly which had yet been convened. Upon
one point only had the Argentine people as yet made up their minds,
they looked upon themselves as an independent nation, and were
ready to assert that independence before the world. To this resolve
of the people, the Congress of Tucuman gave full expression.
The first measures of Congress were marked by great timidity, as
though they feared to measure the extent of their power, but on the
3rd May they appointed Don Juan Martin Puyrredon Supreme
Director, thus annulling the appointment of General Balcarce by the
Junta of Buenos Aires.

VIII. INDEPENDENCE
In June Belgrano and San Martin arrived in Tucuman; neither of
them were members of Congress, but their personal influence had
great weight in the decisions of that body. In pursuance of their
counsels, on the 9th July, 1816, a day ever memorable in the annals
of the Argentine people, the secretary of Congress proposed this
question to the deputies:
"Do you desire that the provinces of the union form a nation free
and independent of the kings of Spain?"
"Yes," answered every deputy, springing to his feet.
That answer was the true, outspoken will of the Argentine people,
and has been maintained by them with unshaken heroism ever
since. By that answer the Argentine people took their place in the
world as an independent nation. Nothing less than that answer
would have justified the revolution of the 25th May, 1810. That
answer was the seal to the liberties of the New World, it carried with
it the independence of all the infant peoples then groaning under the
tyranny of Spain.
The Act of Independence was then drawn out as follows:
"We, the representatives of the united provinces of South America,
invoking that eternal Power which presides over the universe, in the
name and by the authority of the people we represent, protesting
before Heaven and before all nations and men of the globe, the
justice of our vote, solemnly declare before all the world, that it is
the unanimous and undoubted will of these provinces to break the
chains which bind them to the kings of Spain, to reassert the rights
of which they have been despoiled, and to take upon themselves the
high character of a free nation. In consequence of which they
remain with ample and full power to adopt such form of government
as justice and their circumstances may require. All and each one of
us so publish, declare, and notify, binding ourselves to the fulfilment
and support of this their will, under the security and guarantee of
our lives, fortunes, and good name."
Twenty-nine deputies signed their names to this Declaration of
Independence. To maintain this independence the Argentine people,
by their deputies and their authorities of every class, devoted
themselves, their lives, and their properties, and amid all the
convulsions through which they have since passed they have never
faltered for one moment in their adhesion to this solemn declaration
which was made for them by the Sovereign Congress of Tucuman on
the 9th July, 1816.
Since then the anniversary of that great day has been yearly
welcomed with rejoicings throughout the length and breadth of the
land. Amid the vineyards of Mendoza, on the sunny plains of Santa
Fè, in the peaceful seats of learning at Cordova, and amid the busy
hum of commerce at Buenos Aires, the yearly recurrence of that day
has been welcomed ever since. Arribeños, Rivereños, and Porteños,
whatever their passing differences, alike look back in boastful pride
to the day when their forefathers boldly asserted their right to a
place among the nations of the world.
Through much turmoil and sorrow, through anarchy, tyranny, and
bloodshed the Argentine people have struggled since the day when
Buenos Aires first raised the standard of freedom. For six years they
laboured before they could unite to declare themselves a nation,
even to the present day their efforts to form themselves into one
homogeneous people have not met with full accomplishment. But
the Argentine Republic now exists, she holds her acknowledged
place among the nations. The dream of those gallant men who, on
the 25th May, 1810, shook themselves free from the traditions of
centuries, is fulfilled.

In many of the events which we have so shortly chronicled in this

epilogue, Don Marcelino Ponce de Leon and Don Carlos Evaña took
their share, playing their parts, each according to his several
character. Both of them sprang to their feet and responded with an
enthusiastic "Yes" to the question proposed to the deputies by the
secretary of the Sovereign Congress of Tucuman, on the 9th July,
1816, both of them signed the Declaration of Independence. Yet if
you read that document you will not find either of those names
there written. They represent two great sections of the Argentine
people, differing widely in their principles, more widely yet in their
modes of thought, who joined cordially together, to overthrow the
domination of Spain, to establish the Argentine Republic.
THE RIVERSIDE PRESS LIMITED, EDINBURGH

Transcriber's Note:

The original spelling and grammar have been

retained.
Footnotes have been moved to the end of the
chapters in which they are referenced.
Minor changes in hyphenation and other punctuation
have been made without annotation.
The cover image for this book was created for use
with this electronic format and is released to the
public domain.

Typographical changes to this volume:

Pg 6 in the aame[name] of the King of Great Britain.

Pg 31 Doña Constanica[Constancia] and Dolores
Pg 41 earned for themelves [themselves] immortal
fame
Pg 75 forming perpendicular chiffs,[cliffs]
Pg 78 taking his hand let[led] him up to his mother
Pg 82 the things[thing] is to commence a
Pg 83 one of the twenty had make[made] off from
the
Pg 83 he ordered them to drive to[delete to] four
stout stakes
Pg 87 when the golloping[galloping] of horse
Pg 87 said Donñ[Doña] Constancia
Pg 88 Then you were made prisioner[prisoner]
Pg 99 his two brothers, Lietuenant[Lieutenant]
Gordon
Pg 103 and a few sconds[seconds] afterwards
Pg 107 near to the Ensenada do[de] Barragan
Pg 107 has already reported to to[delete to] himself
Pg 126 But he shrank form[from] her
Pg 131 the losses seemed marvellously[marvelously]
small
Pg 140 the distant hum with[which] told him
Pg 140 We[He] had crossed the ocean
Pg 143 on the Plaza Miserere[Miserere]
Pg 145 The right wing of this columnn[column]
Pg 146 closed by a black mound of eath[earth]
Pg 173 Very few prisoners find such kind
goalers[gaolers]
Pg 177 He[We] thought him our friend
Pg 188 like one of the old partiarchs[patriarchs]
Pg 191 by any proceedure[procedure] short of an
absolute rupture
Pg 196 to meddle any more in this affiar[affair]
Pg 215 who thought in[it] one of the
Pg 220 I know don't [don't know] any woman
Pg 220 her enthusiam[enthusiasm] beamed
Pg 224 Buenos[Buenas] noches y pasa adelante,
Pg 224 Upon which one of then[them] led him
Pg 229 and could bribe my goalers[gaolers].
Pg 230 Princess Carloto[Carlota] will not find
Pg 232 The idea is perfectly
inadmissable[inadmissible]
Pg 236 Buenos Aires hailed the even[event] with joy
Pg 237 in which Don Carlos had
esconced[ensconced] himself.
Pg 238 the interest of the is Patria[Patria is] above
every other
Pg 240 But do not afflict pourself[yourself],
Pg 245 Until the new Viceroy arrive [arrives]
Pg 250 in the most critical noment[moment]
Pg 262 their follow[fellow]-countrymen.
Pg 289 said Don Ciricao[Ciriaco]
Pg 291 For this Doña[Don] Manuel Belgrano
Pg 296 he forget[forgot] that he
Pg 303 But Marcelino heardly[hardly] heard the
remark
Pg 318 With heard [head] erect
Pg 322 for his bad success as a sportsmen.
[sportsman]
Pg 332 Enclosed in this letter come[came] another
Pg 338 Look you, Don Alfonso," said
Asnerios[Asneiros]
Pg 376 hunging[hanging] low over the city
Pg 377 clothing the whole earch[earth] with
Pg 378 than she had heart[heard] him speak
Pg 381 looked back in indignation upon his
coleagues[collegues],
Pg 382 King Fedinand[Ferdinand] VII
Pg 386 Marcelino has peruasded[persuaded] him
Pg 386 He declined it," said Esneiros[Asneiros]
Pg 391 were in the enighbourhood[neighbourhood]
caused
Pg 401 in the hearts of the citzens[citizens]
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