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PROGRAMMING
MATHEMATICS
USING MATLAB®
PROGRAMMING
MATHEMATICS USING
MATLAB®
LISA A. OBERBROECKLING
Department of Mathematics and Statistics
Loyola University Maryland
Baltimore, MD, United States
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier
125 London Wall, London EC2Y 5AS, United Kingdom
525 B Street, Suite 1650, San Diego, CA 92101, United States
50 Hampshire Street, 5th Floor, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States
The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
Copyright © 2021 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-12-817799-0
Preface xiii
Introduction xv
Part 1. MATLAB®
1. Introduction to MATLAB® 3
1.1. Basic MATLAB® information 3
1.1.1. Starting MATLAB 3
1.1.2. Good commands to know 3
1.2. Basic mathematics 4
1.2.1. Built-in mathematical functions 5
1.2.2. Precedence rules 6
1.2.3. Formats 8
1.3. Variables 9
1.4. Diaries and script files 10
1.5. Exercises 12
3. Plotting in MATLAB® 33
3.1. Basic 2D plots 33
3.2. Bad domain examples 34
3.3. Axis settings 35
3.4. Multiple plots 40
3.5. Color, line, and marker modifications 43
3.5.1. Clf/close all 46
3.5.2. Subplots 46
3.6. Other 2D plots 49
3.6.1. Parametric curves 49
3.6.2. Polar curves 50
3.7. Exercises 52
4. Three-Dimensional Plots 59
4.1. Vector functions or space curves 59
vii
viii Contents
5. Functions 83
5.1. The lookfor and help commands 83
5.2. File format 84
5.3. Function examples 86
5.3.1. Basic function examples 86
5.3.2. More function examples – multiple inputs 86
5.3.3. Multiple outputs 87
5.3.4. Bad examples 89
5.4. Exercises 90
6. Control Flow 93
6.1. Relational and logical operators 93
6.2. If statements 97
6.3. Switch/case 99
6.4. Use of characteristic functions 99
6.5. For loops 100
6.6. While loops 102
6.7. Useful commands break, continue, return, and error 103
6.8. Optional inputs and outputs of functions 104
6.9. Exercises 107
References 271
Index 273
Preface
This book started in 2004 when I started to use MATLAB® in my courses at Loyola
University Maryland. I started including a few MATLAB projects within the intro-
duction to linear algebra and multivariable calculus courses. I also taught a one-credit
MATLAB course that was required of every mathematics major. Later the course was
changed to a three-credit course. I expanded the previous assignments and added some
others. The class notes and assignments from over the years have expanded into this
book.
My philosophy has always been to use MATLAB to practice basic programming skills
with mathematics topics students had seen previously, such as numerical integration, and
topics they likely had not seen such as fractals. Visualizing mathematics has always been
important.
Supplements
Student companion site: Please visit https://www.elsevier.com/books-and-journals/
book-companion/9780128177990
Instructor-only site: Qualified instructors can register and access teaching materials
at https://textbooks.elsevier.com/web/Manuals.aspx?isbn=9780128177990
xiii
Introduction
The goal of the course and thus book is to introduce MATLAB® and to practice basic
programming techniques. There is a lot more to MATLAB than what is covered in this
book. Most students have already had some programming experience in another lan-
guage before taking the course this book has stemmed from, although it is not necessary.
On completion of the course/book, one should be familiar enough with MATLAB to
explore more complicated features and commands. Deepening your understanding of
mathematics and learning new topics are bonuses!
xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to MATLAB®
1.1. Basic MATLAB® information
1.1.1 Starting MATLAB
MATLAB has many different windows or panels, the first three of which are on the
main screen by default (see Table 1.1).
You can always modify the layout of the panels including “docking” or “undock-
ing” them, in the “Home” view, select “Layout” from the menu and the top item is
“Default.” In order to use MATLAB successfully, you should pay attention to the Cur-
rent Folder. Otherwise, MATLAB may not be able to save and run your programs/files
successfully.
clear/close named figures, etc. such as clf(2) and close(2) that will clear or close
Figure 2, respectively.
• format Sends the output display back to the default format. The command format
compact will not have as much white space (blank lines) between subsequent
commands and output.
• exit or quit Quit MATLAB. You can also quit/exit MATLAB by using the
MENU option under “File” or the usual close application icon within a Mac or
Windows environment.
ans =
>> 10/3
ans =
3.3333
>> 10\3
ans =
0.3000
Thus the forward slash is our usual division, “3 divided by 2” while the backslash is “3
divided into 2.” The need for both of these become more apparent when working with
matrices.
“Dot” operations or component-wise operations are useful and/or necessary for
use with vectors and matrices (discussed in Section 2.4). These are considered “array
arithmetic operations” and are carried out element or component-wise.
MATLAB does NUMERICAL, rather than algebraic computations, as seen below.
Think about what is expected versus what is given as the answer to the subraction
calculation.
>> asin(1/2)
ans =
0.5236
ans =
-1.1102e-16
>> mod(10,3)
ans =
1
6 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
>> rem(10,3)
ans =
>> mod(10,-3)
ans =
-2
>> rem(10,-3)
ans =
>> mod(10,0)
ans =
10
>> rem(10,0)
ans =
NaN
If you have a long calculation/expression, you can continue on the next line in
the command window or within a MATLAB file with the ellipses or continuation
operator. Note when the ellipses work with/without spaces:
ans =
-89
ans =
-89
>> 1+2*3-12^2/3*...
2
8 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
ans =
-89
>> 1+2*3-12^2/3...
1+2*3-12^2/3...
|
Error: Unexpected MATLAB operator.
1.2.3 Formats
As mentioned above, the format command returns the format back to the default
format, which is the same as format short. Generally speaking, this will display a
number up to four decimal places, while format long will display 15. In scientific
notation, this amounts to five and 16 significant digits, respectively. See Table 1.4.
>> pi
ans =
3.1416
ans =
3.141592653589793
There are other built-in formats, including how numbers in scientific notation are dis-
played. See help format for more examples.
Another useful command is format compact and format loose (default). This
will change how the output is displayed.
>> pi
ans =
3.1416
>> pi
ans =
3.1416
>>
The subsequent commands shown in this text will use format compact (see Table 1.4).
1.3. Variables
The format for a variable assignment is as follows:
Variable name = Numerical value or computable expression
Some conventions:
• The = is the assignment operator which assigns a value to a variable.
• Left-hand side can include only one variable name.
• Right-hand side can be a number or an expression made up of numbers, functions,
and/or variables previously assigned numerical values.
• Variables must begin with a letter.
• Press the Enter/Return key to make the assignment.
• The variable ans is the value of the last expression that is not assigned.
• Be careful with variable names. For example, do not name a variable help or sin.
• Variable names are case sensitive; thus A is not the same as a.
Remember:
• Use semicolon (;) to suppress screen output.
• Multiple commands can be typed on one line by typing a comma (,) between them
if they are not already ended with a semicolon (;).
10 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
√
Example 1.3.1. Assign the number 3 to variable a and 4 to variable b. Print a2 + b2
and assign the solution to the variable c.
Notice in the above example, you do not need spaces around the “=” for variable
assignments but you may use them for aesthetic reasons.
>> x = pi/5;
>> LHS = (cos(x/2))^2, RHS = (tan(x)+sin(x))/(2*tan(x))
LHS =
0.9045
RHS =
0.9045
>> format long
>> LHS, RHS
LHS =
0.904508497187474
RHS =
0.904508497187474
>> LHS-RHS
ans =
-1.110223024625157e-16
more than once (within the same current folder), it will continue to APPEND to the
file.
For example, the commands above will generate the following text in the file “file-
name”:
1+1
ans =
2
diary off
3^2
ans =
9
diary
Script files, or m-files, are extremely useful for running and rerunning code. You
may be required to turn in script files for your assignments.
• Script files are ASCII files (plain text files) with extension .m; thus they are also
called m-files. These are basically batch files.
• When you run a SCRIPT file, MATLAB executes each line as if you typed each
line into the command window.
• Script files are very useful; you can edit them, save them, execute them many times
and “tweak” them to experiment with commands.
• The MATLAB editor window is the best way to create and edit script files.
• To avoid extraneous output to the command window, put “;” after variable assign-
ments or intermediate calculations.
• Comments within MATLAB files begin with the percent symbol (%).
Running script files:
There are many ways to run an m-file of name filename.m. First, you must MAKE
SURE CURRENT FOLDER IS CORRECT!
12 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
1. >> filename
2. >> run filename
3. >> run('filename')
4. Within the Editor tab, chose run...
1.5. Exercises
1. Basic calculations Use MATLAB to do the following calculations. Be careful! The
following are displayed using regular mathematical notation; you need to figure out
what MATLAB functions are needed.
7 .753 292 644/3
(a) (2.4)(64 ) + 8 , (b) + + 20 · 9−3 ,
16 2 − 225 5 11
(c) cos(360), (d) cos(360◦ ),
(k) From the above calculations, do you see anything surprising with the answers?
1 √
(l) Calculate (−x) 4 and 4 −x. What are the differences?
(m) Calculate (−8)2/3 and 82/3 on paper using your exponent rules. Now do the
calculations within MATLAB, Excel, Google.com, WolframAlpha.com, and
a scientific or graphing calculator (specifying what model you have used).
What are the differences, if there are any?
7. Calculator precision √
(a) Within an Excel spreadsheet or Google Sheet, calculate 12 178212 + 184112
using exponential notation for the calculations. Write your answer clearly.
(b) Rewrite the above expression with your answer to part (a) into an equation
and algebraically simplify the equation so there are no radicals or rational
exponents. √
(c) Now calculate 12 178212 + 184112 using MATLAB.
(d) Compare the left-hand side and right-hand side of the equation you get in
part (b) by subtraction within MATLAB, using format long).
14 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
(e) Calculate “3 quadrillion and 18 minus 3 quadrillion and 14” in your head
and write it down. Now translate this into mathematics so you can calculate
it within Google.com, Excel, and MATLAB. (You may need to look up how
many zeros you will need!) Compare your answers in a table.
(f) Do the same with 2.000000000000018 − 2.000000000000014.
8. Ambiguities with notation. Define variables with the assignments x = 10 and
y = π/4. Calculate the following within MATLAB. You may have to adjust from
mathematical notation to correct MATLAB notation. Make sure you are using the
default format!
(a) cos y, (b) cos y2 , (c) cos(y2 ), (d) cos2 y, (e) (cos y)2 ,
(j) Redo part (g) and then use the MATLAB variable ans to calculate
cos−1 (x/20)
.
4y
(k) Are any of the above calculations ambiguous in how they are written (which
ones and why)? What could be done to make the calculations clearer to the
person performing/entering the calculations?
9. Exploring rem and div. It is common to use either of the functions mod or rem
to tell whether positive integers are even or odd, among other uses. We will explore
the differences and similarities of these functions.
(a) Here is another simple use for these functions. You are given a list of 10-digit
numbers. You would like to only use the last seven digits of these numbers (for
example, for display purposes). Use both the mod or rem functions to easily
get the last seven digits of the number 4108675309. Do you see a difference
in their use for this?
(b) Use the same commands on the number -4108675309. Do you see a differ-
ence? Explain in your own words what you think is the difference between
the mod and rem functions. Is there a difference when using these functions
to tell whether any integer is even or odd?
(c) Can you come up with a way, using MATLAB functions such as mod, rem,
round, ceil, fix, etc. to capture the “area code” (first three digits) of
4108675309? Experiment with at least two phone numbers with different
area codes.
(d) What about capturing the “central office” part of the number (867)? Do it
for 4108675309 and 4106172000.
CHAPTER 2
>> y = [4;5;6]
y =
4
5
6
There are ways to define vectors without having to enter every element. The two most
common ways are to define constant spaced and equally spaced (linearly spaced) vectors.
variablename = [m: q : n]
1 3 5
z =
1 4 7 10 13 16 19 22 25
w =
1 4 7 10 13 16 19 22
Notice in the vectors y and w above that the last number (n) may not actually be a value
in the vector if the increment (q) is such that it will not occur based on the starting
value (m).
One can also increment backwards with a negative increment value.
Notice that both the values m and n are elements in the vector.
There is also a command logspace that is also useful for plotting (among other
things). The command logspace(a,b) will generate a row vector of 50 logarithmically
spaced points from 10a and 10b . If b is pi, then the points are between 10a and π .
variablename = logspace(a,b)
variablename = logspace(a,b,q)
Just as in linspace, you can specify the number of elements in the vector by stating
the value q.
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 17
>> logspace(0,5,6)
ans =
1 10 100 1000 10000 100000
>> logspace(5,1,5)
ans =
100000 10000 1000 100 10
>> linspace(1,pi,4)
ans =
1.0000 1.7139 2.4277 3.1416
>> logspace(0,pi,4)
ans =
1.0000 1.4646 2.1450 3.1416
>> logspace(2,pi,3)
ans =
100.0000 17.7245 3.1416
2x + 3y + z = 4,
x − 5y + 3z = 3,
4x − 2y + 3z = 2.
The format for defining matrices expands on the format for defining row and column
vectors; spaces or commas between elements within a row with semicolons between
rows.
variable = [1st row ; 2nd row ; ... ; last row]
You can also use vectors of the same size to be rows (or columns) of a matrix, as we do
to define the matrix B below.
Elements of vectors
• v(k) picks the kth element of v.
• v(m:n) picks the mth through the nth elements of v.
>> v = linspace(0,1,5)
v =
0 0.2500 0.5000 0.7500 1.0000
>> v(3)
ans =
0.5000
>> v(2:4)
ans =
0.2500 0.5000 0.7500
Elements of matrices
• A(m,n) picks the (m, n)th element (element in the mth row, nth column) of the
matrix A.
• A(m:n, p:q) gives the submatrix from the elements (m : n) × (p : q)
• A(m:n, :) gives rows m through n, and every column of A
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 19
>> A = [2 3 1;1 -5 3; 4 -2 3; 0 1 6]
A =
2 3 1
1 -5 3
4 -2 3
0 1 6
>> A(3,2) % 3rd row, 2nd column of A
ans =
-2
>> A(2:4,2:3) %2-4 rows, 2-3 columns of A
ans =
-5 3
-2 3
1 6
>> A(:,1) %every row, 1st column of A
ans =
2
1
4
0
>> A(2:3,:) %2-3 row, every column of A
ans =
1 -5 3
4 -2 3
1 4 9 7 3
2 5 1 8 4
Deleting elements
One can delete elements by assigning nothing to these elements.
>> v=[2:2:10]
v =
2 4 6 8 10
>> v(2)=[]
v =
2 6 8 10
>> v(2:3)=[]
v =
2 10
>> B
B =
1 4 2 3
3 6 9 2
1 4 9 7
>> B(2:3,:) = [ ]
B =
1 4 2 3
>> C
C =
1 4 2 3
3 6 9 2
1 4 9 7
2 5 1 8
>> C(:,1:2) = [ ]
C =
2 3
9 2
9 7
1 8
Notice the colon: recall that this indicates “all columns” or “all rows.”
Transpose
There are actually several commands for transposing an array, with subtle but important
differences.
1 4 7
A =
1.0000 0.6667
-3.0000 3.1416
>> x', A'
ans =
1
4
7
ans =
1.0000 -3.0000
0.6667 3.1416
>> x.', A.'
ans =
1
4
7
ans =
1.0000 -3.0000
0.6667 3.1416
>> transpose(x), transpose(A)
ans =
1
4
7
ans =
1.0000 -3.0000
0.6667 3.1416
-1 - 2i 4 + 5i
2 - 3i 6 + 7i
Notice that if every number is real, there are no differences between the commands.
But if there are complex numbers, there is a conjugate transpose, and a transpose (see if
you can figure out which ones are which). Other good commands are flip, fliplr,
flipud, etc.
Strings
Strings are arrays of characters rather than numbers, but addressing them can be done
in a similar way.
• An array of characters
• Created by typing characters within single quotes
• Can include letters, digits, symbols and spaces
ans =
3 4 5
>> -3*x
ans =
-3 -6 -9
>> x*y
Error using *
Inner matrix dimensions must agree.
>> A=[1 2;3 4], B = [0 1;-1 1], A*B
A =
1 2
3 4
B =
0 1
-1 1
ans =
-2 3
-4 7
>> x^2
Error using ^
Inputs must be a scalar and a square matrix.
To compute elementwise POWER, use POWER (.^) instead.
>> A^2
ans =
7 10
15 22
In order to do calculations component-wise on an array, use the “.” before the oper-
ator. Thus “.∗” is component-wise multiplication, “.^2” will square every component,
etc.
>>
x.*y
ans =
4 10 18
>> x.^2
ans =
1 4 9
>> A = [1 2 3;4 5 6;-7 -8 -9]
A =
1 2 3
4 5 6
-7 -8 -9
>> A^2
ans =
24 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
Note that, for scalar multiplication, the “.∗” is not necessary, but 3.∗z or z.∗3 will still
work. For addition and subtraction, it will only work if the scalar is first.
>> 3.*z
ans =
30 33
>> z.*3
ans =
30 33
>> 3.+z
ans =
13 14
>> z.+3
z.+3
|
Error: Unexpected MATLAB operator.
>> x.+y
x.+y
|
Error: Unexpected MATLAB operator.
>> abs(A)
ans =
1 2 3
4 5 6
7 8 9
>> exp(A)
ans =
2.7183 7.3891 20.0855
54.5982 148.4132 403.4288
0.0009 0.0003 0.0001
>> sind([0 30 45 60 90])
ans =
0 0.5000 0.7071 0.8660 1.0000
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 25
>> x=rand
x =
0.6348
>> y=randn
y =
0.4598
>> z=randi(10)
z =
6
>> p=randperm(5)
p =
5 3 2 4 1
All of the above commands can be modified to generate random vectors and matri-
ces, and other modifications can be made to randi and randperm. See Table 2.1 for
a summary of the basic modifications. See the MATLAB documentation about fancier
modifications, including information on the random number generator.
0.1492
y =
0.7923
z =
6
>> p=randperm(5)
p =
5 3 1 2 4
>> x2=rand(2), y2=randn(2,3)
x2 =
0.1903 0.2686
0.0302 0.9827
y2 =
-1.7616 -0.4471 0.1665
-0.9166 0.1737 -1.0049
>> z2=randi(10,2), z3=randi(10,2,3), z4=randi([-10,10],1,4)
z2 =
7 3
8 9
z3 =
9 1 2
9 5 7
z4 =
-9 1 6 -7
>> p2=randperm(10,3)
p2 =
10 2 7
>> p3=randperm(10,3), z6=randi(10,1,3)
p3 =
1 5 2
z6 =
5 3 3
Note that we can modify rand to generate a random number between any two
numbers and we can modify randn to have a different mean and standard deviation
than the standard normal distribution. See examples below.
>> x=rand(1000,1)*(3) + 5;
>> histogram(x)
In Fig. 2.1 the command histogram is used to quickly display the generated random
numbers.
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 27
Example 2.5.2. Create 10,000 random numbers normally distributed with mean
of 100 and standard deviation of 25. Note that our sampling of 10,000 data points
from N (100, 25) would not give a mean and standard deviation of exactly 100 and 25,
respectively.
In Fig. 2.2 the command histogram is used to display these normally distributed ran-
dom numbers.
2.6. Exercises
NOTE: additional exercises that use vectors and/or matrices appear in Appendix C.
1. Do not use MATLAB help or documentation to answer these questions; only
experiment with the commands.
(a) Using the rand command, create a random matrix A1 with 4 rows and 6
columns.
(b) Create a matrix B1 that is the transpose of A1 (there are multiple ways to do
this with one command; choose one).
(c) Using the randi command, create a random ROW VECTOR named u1
with eight elements of integers from 1 to 100.
(d) Create a random COLUMN VECTOR named v1 with nine elements of
integers from −10 to 10.
(e) By using the MATLAB functions length, size, and numel on these ma-
trices and vectors, figure out the differences between these functions, and
come to your own conclusions as to when these functions would be useful.
Write your conclusions nicely on a separate sheet of paper. Write complete
sentences so each part that you are answering is clear. You will be graded
on following directions and not on the accuracy of the descriptions of the
functions, but whether you experimented sufficiently and your conclusions
reflect your experimentation.
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 29
(a) E = CD, F = DC, and G = each element of C multiplied with its corre-
sponding element of D.
(b) H = C + D, J = C 2 , and K = each element of C squared.
9. Try to do these as efficiently as possible.
(a) Using rand, generate a random real number between −2π and 2π and store
it in the variable prob9a (do not suppress output).
(b) Using randi, simulate a roll of six dice for the game of Farkle by creating a
vector of six random integers between 1 and 6 (so repeats are allowed) and
store it in the variable farkle (do not suppress output).
(c) Generate a random order for 20 presentations (thus repeats are not allowed,
unlike above) by using the randperm function if the presenters are numbered
1 through 20 (do not suppress output).
(d) Generate a matrix called PowerballTix that will simulate ten Powerball
tickets/drawings (each row will be one drawing). The first five entries of
each row are the “white balls” and the last entry of each row is the “power-
ball” for the drawing. For each row/drawing, the first five columns should
Vectors and Matrices (Arrays) 31
11. Use the matrix M6 in #6 above to answer the following problems. Show the
commands and/or experimentation that helped you reach your conclusions.
(a) What is the difference between sum(M6), sum(M6,2), sum(M6,1), sum(
M6'), and sum(M6, 'all')? Can you come up with an equivalent but
different command for sum(M6,2)?
(b) What is the difference between the commands sort(M6), sort(M6,1), and
sort(M6,2)?
(c) Can you use the same idea for min and max? In other words, do you get
similar results for the commands min(M6), min(M6,2), min(M6,'all'),
etc. as you do with the sum or sort command? If not, what is going on with
these commands and how can you get the same results as in sum(M6,2)?
12. (a) Generate a vector named theta1 of values from 0 to 2π with increments of
π/6 using linspace. (Hint: how many values should you have?)
(b) Generate a vector named theta2 of values from 0 to 2π with increments of
π/6 WITHOUT using linspace.
(c) Calculate the sine of these angles using either theta1 or theta2.
(d) Generate a table of Cartesian coordinates corresponding to these angles on
the unit circle by building a matrix called Cart. The first column should be
32 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
Plotting in MATLAB®
3.1. Basic 2D plots
There are many ways to plot data, curves, and/or functions. We will not cover all
plotting commands, but hopefully after this chapter you will be able to use other plotting
commands (such as pie, etc.) and be able to customize your plots easier.
We will start with plotting functions. If you are familiar with the command ezplot,
this command is outdated and should be replaced by fplot, so we will not discuss
ezplot. Both ezplot and fplot are useful but do not have as much versatility as the
plot command. With fplot you can control the domain, colors, markers, etc. as we
will discuss in this chapter but MATLAB® decides which data points to use within your
domain to create the plot. For example, notice what the commands fplot(@(x)x.^3),
fplot(@(x)sin(x)), and fplot(@(x)sin(x), [-2,2]) create.
With the command plot we can control which points, and thus how many points
are used to create the plot(s). We can also plot data points. Most of the examples in this
chapter will use plot. Much of the syntax for modifying colors, creating multiple plots,
etc. are the same with fplot and plot.
In order to plot a mathematical function using plot, follow these steps.
Step 1: define the domain as a vector. This is where the linspace command can come
in handy, and when you will want to SUPPRESS THE OUTPUT.
x = linspace(-5,5);
Step 2: calculate the y-values for each of the x-values in your domain USING
COMPONENT-WISE CALCULATIONS. Note that fplot needs component-wise
calculations as well.
y = x.^3;
Step 3: Plot the inputs and outputs using the plot command. What the plot(x,y)
command does is plot each point (xk , yk ) in the vectors x and y (or whatever you have
called these variables). By default, it connects these points in the order of the vectors
with a blue line. If there are enough points in the vectors, you get a smooth curve as
expected in this case.
We will have to add labels and titles if we want them (shown later). One can also
just as easily define the vectors within the plot command. For example, the following
code would produce the same figure as in Fig. 3.1:
x=linspace(-5,5);
plot(x,x.^3)
Notice also the use of the axis command so that the plot can be seen better. We
must make sure the vertices are in the proper order so that when they are connected,
we get the desired effect.
Plotting in MATLAB® 35
Figure 3.2 Domain examples. (A) Bad domain: x = -5:5, (B) Better domain: x = -5:0.01:5.
Figure 3.3 Reordering points. (A) x=[0 0 1 1]; y=[0 1 0 1], (B) x=[0 0 1 1];
y=[0 1 1 0].
We can make this even better by remembering to include the first point as the
last point so all vertices are connected. Also, for Fig. 3.4(B), we added the command
axis equal after the axis([-0.2 1.2 -0.2 1.2]) command so that what is shown
does indeed look like a square as desired.
Figure 3.4 Better squares. (A) x=[0 0 1 1 0]; y=[0 1 0 1 0], (B) Using axis equal.
As seen in Figs. 3.3 and 3.4, you can control the length of the axes shown and/or
aspect ratios. You can even set axis off. You can change the limits of the x-values
or y-values shown in the figure by using xlim and/or ylim commands. Fig. 3.12 uses
the xlim command. You can also use the axis command. The axis command is in
the form [xmin xmax ymin ymax], with the addition of zmin zmax elements for a
three-dimensional figure (discussed in Chapter 4). Thus axis([-2 2 -5 5]) will set
the axes to be [−2, 2] × [−5, 5]. This command is equivalent to xlim([-2,2]), ylim
([-5,5]).
To change the aspect ratio, especially when plotting circles, squares, etc. you may
want to use axis equal or axis square. Another useful one is axis tight. To reset
to the default, use axis normal. In Fig. 3.5 are different examples showing the differ-
ences between some of the axis settings to graph y = sin(x) for x ∈ [−2π, 2π ]. A word
of advice: if you are expecting lines and/or planes to look orthogonal (perpendicular)
and they do not, it could be the aspect ratio of the figure. Learn from me, first try
axis equal before spending too much time double checking and triple checking your
math! This is demonstrated in Section 4.4.1.
To see the importance of setting the aspect ratio using axis, consider the following
MATLAB code that generates Fig. 3.6(A):
t=linspace(0,2*pi);
x=cos(t); y=sin(t);
plot(x,y)
If you look closely, this is a parameterization of the unit circle, and yet the figure
looks more like an ellipse. If we use the command axis([-1.5 1.5 -1.5 1.5]) to
Plotting in MATLAB® 37
Figure 3.5 Different axis settings with sine. (A) Default axis, (B) axis tight, (C) axis equal
and (D) axis square.
establish that [xmin xmax ymin ymax] should have values [-1.5 1.5 -1.5 1.5], it
still looks like an ellipse (Fig. 3.6(B)).
Setting the axis limits in Fig. 3.6(B) still does not achieve the desired picture. Other
axis properties then need to be set, such as axis square and axis equal (Fig. 3.7).
A word of caution: when you are combining both setting the limits and the aspect
ratios, the order of these commands is important! You may need to experiment
with different orders to see the difference and which order gives you the desired effect.
For example, in the y = sin(x) plot below, if you have the axis equal before or after
38 Programming Mathematics Using MATLAB®
Figure 3.6 Unit circle. (A) Default axis and (B) axis([-1.5 1.5 -1.5 1.5]).
Figure 3.7 Axis Examples. (A) The default axis, (B) axis square and (C) axis equal.
the ylim([-2,2]) commands, you get different results (see Fig. 3.8). Also, if you add
plots after setting the axes, the axes are already “set” so the additional plot will not
change the limits or aspect ratio.
x=linspace(-10,10);
y=sin(x);
plot(x,y)
axis equal
axis([-5, 5, -2,2])
Plotting in MATLAB® 39
Figure 3.8 Effects of order of commands. (A) axis equal first, (B) axis equal second, (C) Only
axis equal and (D) Only axis([-5, 5, -2,2]).
Experiment with plotting the circle, setting the axes from −1.5 to 1.5 and axis
equal. Have both commands, in different orders, and just one of those commands to
see the differences in the plots created. Experimenting you may notice the following:
May 22nd.—I met in a train a day or two ago Graham and the
Speaker, not having seen Graham for a long time. Since my friends
have been in office I have hardly ever set eyes on them or had any
communication with them. Graham seemed in excellent spirits about
their political state and prospects, all owing to Gladstone and the
complete success of his Budget. The long and numerous Cabinets,
which were attributed by the 'Times' to disunion, were occupied in
minute consideration of the Budget, which was there fully discussed,
and Gladstone spoke in the Cabinet one day for three hours,
rehearsing his speech in the House of Commons, though not quite at
such length. Graham again said Clarendon was doing admirably.
Palmerston he thinks much changed and more feeble, his energy
much less, and his best days gone by. He thinks Lord John's position
without office an unfortunate one, and regrets he did not stay at the
Foreign Office or take another; he thinks his influence impaired by
having none. He talked of a future Head, as Aberdeen is always
ready to retire at any moment, but it is very difficult to find anyone
to succeed him. I suggested Gladstone. He shook his head and said
it would not do; and he was for John Russell, but owned there were
difficulties there too. He considered Derby and the Tories
irretrievably ruined, their characters so damaged by Stafford's
Committee and other things; he spoke of the grand mistakes Derby
had made. Gladstone's object certainly was for a long time to be at
the head of the Conservative party in the House of Commons, and to
join with Derby, who might in fact have had all the Peelites if he
would have chosen to ally himself with them instead of with Disraeli;
thus the latter had been the cause of the ruin of the party. Graham
thought that Derby had committed himself to Disraeli in George
Bentinck's lifetime in some way that prevented his shaking him off,
as it would have been his interest to do. The Peelites would have
united with Derby, but would have nothing to do with Disraeli. Bad
as the cases were that had come forth at the election committees,
that of Liverpool was worse than any of them, and would create a
great scandal. Forbes Mackenzie could not face it, and would
probably retire; but it is doubtful if this would prevent an enquiry
and exposure, and when boundless corruption appeared at such a
place as Liverpool, with its numerous constituency, it was a blow to
the representative system itself, and showed the futility of attempts
to destroy bribery and improper influence.
May 30th.—Great alarm the last two or three days
at an approaching rupture between Russia and APPROACHING
RUPTURE OF
Turkey, as, if it takes place, nobody can pretend to RUSSIA AND
say what the consequences may be. Vast TURKEY.
indignation of course against the Emperor of
Russia, who certainly appears to have departed from the moderate
professions which he made to Seymour a short time ago, and the
assurances that were given to us and France. But Clarendon, whom
I saw yesterday, is rather disposed to give him credit for more
moderate and pacific intentions than his conduct seems to warrant.
He says that he is persuaded the Emperor has no idea of the view
that is taken of his proceedings here, and that he thinks he is
requiring no more than he is entitled to; and it is only the other day
that Nesselrode congratulated Seymour on the prospect of
everything being satisfactorily settled, having no doubt of the Turks
accepting the last proposals made to them, a copy of which
Nesselrode showed him. Still, though matters look very black,
Clarendon is not without hopes of war being averted and some
means found of patching up the affair, the Emperor having promised
that he will in no case resort to ulterior measures without giving us
notice of his intention. The difficulty for him now is to recede with
honour, as it would be to advance without danger. He has once
before receded after to a certain degree committing himself, and he
may not choose to do so a second time. Then he is naturally
provoked with the French, who are in fact the real cause of this by
their intrigues and extortions about the holy places; and we suspect
that he is, besides this, provoked at the Montenegrin affair having
been settled by Austria without his having a finger in that pie. All
these considerations combined make great confusion and difficulty.
Brunnow is in mortal agony, dreading above all things the possibility
of his having to leave this country.
The Government continues to go on very well; the Opposition got up
a debate on the legacy duties in the House of Lords the other night,
which only served to prove how entirely Derby's influence has
declined even there. They had thought themselves sure of beating
the Government, but not only were they defeated, but accident
alone (people shut out and absent) prevented their being defeated
by a considerable majority. The Cabinet is going on in the greatest
harmony, and the men who were strangers up to the time of its
formation have taken to each other prodigiously. Aberdeen
unfortunately wants the qualities which made Lord Lansdowne so
good a leader, and is rather deficient in tact and temper in the House
of Lords as he used to be formerly, when he attacked Lord Grey's
Government and Palmerston's administration of foreign affairs
always with too much asperity; but in spite of these defects he has
not done ill even there, and in the Cabinet he is both liked and
respected, being honest, straightforward, and firm, very fair, candid,
and unassuming. Granville tells me that of the whole Cabinet he
thinks Aberdeen has the most pluck, Gladstone a great deal, and
Graham the one who has the least. He speaks very well of
Molesworth, sensible, courageous, and conciliatory, but quite
independent and plain spoken in his opinions.
June 1st.—John Russell made an imprudent speech the night before
last on the Irish Church, giving great offence to the Irish and the
Catholics. He could not help, as leader of the Government, opposing
a proposition having for its object the destruction of the Irish
Church, but he might have done it with more tact and discretion,
and not in a way to elicit the cheers of the Tories. The Tail will pay
him off for this whenever they can. Quantum mutatus ab illo, who
broke up a Government for the sake of an appropriation clause.
Last night Macaulay reappeared in the House of Commons, and in a
speech of extraordinary power and eloquence threw out the Judges'
Exclusion Bill.[1] It was the first time he had spoken, and though his
physical strength is impaired he showed that his mental powers are
undiminished.
Senior called on me a day or two ago, just returned
from Paris, where he has been living and UNPOPULARITY
OF THE FRENCH
conversing with all the notabilities (principally of GOVERNMENT.
the Liberal party), and he tells me there is but one
opinion amongst them, that this Empire cannot last, and they only
differ as to the time it may last. Most of them think it will be short.
Thiers gives it only a year, Duch?tel alone thinks it will go on for
some years. The unpopularity of Louis Napoleon increases and his
discredit likewise, and as soon as the unpopularity shall extend to
the army, it will be all over with him. The Opposition which has
sprung up, which has increased rapidly and will increase still more in
the Corps L?gislatif, is deemed to be very important and significant,
and they think it will be impossible for him to go on with such a
body so constituted and disposed, and he will have to decide upon
suffering the embarrassment it will cause him, or having recourse to
a coup d'?tat, a measure which would be hazardous. There are no
fresh adhesions to the Court beyond the half dozen men of rank or
name who have already joined it, and who are hated and despised
for having done so. While such is the opinion of the people of mark
at Paris, they are nevertheless sensible of the danger which would
accompany a counter revolution, and of the uncertainty of what
might follow, what influences might prevail, and what form of
government be adopted; but they seem generally to think that while
in the first instance there would be a succession of provisional
arrangements and fleeting transitory governments, it would end in
the restoration of the monarchy under Henri V., but that this would
not take place by the acceptance and triumph of any divine
hereditary right, but must be adopted by the nation and ratified by a
national vote.
[1] [A Bill was before Parliament which would have excluded the
Master of the Rolls from the House of Commons, he being the
only Judge who could sit there. The Judge of the Admiralty Court
had already been excluded. Macaulay opposed the Bill with such
force and eloquence that he changed the opinion of the House,
and defeated the measure. An unusual occurrence.]
June 5th.—I saw Clarendon on Friday morning for a few minutes; he
takes a very gloomy view of the Russo-Turkish question, and is
greatly disgusted at having been deceived by the Emperor; he says
he is harassed to death with the whole affair, and with the
multiplicity of business he has besides; he has a difficult task to
perform, taking a middle position in the Cabinet between the
opposite opinions of those who are for more stringent measures and
those who, like himself, are for patience and moderation.
Palmerston, in whom his ancient Russian antipathies are revived, is
for vigour, and as in former times 'leading John Russell by the nose,'
Clarendon and Aberdeen for moderation; but he is beset by different
opinions and written suggestions and proposals, and all this worries
him exceedingly. I asked him how the Court was, and he said very
reasonable, their opinions being influenced of course by Aberdeen.
He talked with great disgust of John Russell's speech on the Irish
Church, how unfair it was as well as unwise, and how reckless of the
damage it caused to the Government, and the embarrassing and
awkward situation in which he thereby placed many of their
supporters. These are the general sentiments with regard to that
speech, which was neither more nor less than speaking the Durham
letter over again, and, considering what that famous letter cost him,
he might have been expected to steer clear of such a scrape. But he
is more than ever the creature of impulse and of temper, and he
seems to have lost a great deal of his tact and discretion, and
certainly he is no longer fit to be either head of a Government or
leader of the House of Commons, and perhaps the latter position in
such a Government as this suits him still less than the former would.
When I came to town yesterday morning I found that several of the
Irish Roman Catholic members of the Government, occupying
subordinate offices (Messrs. Keogh, Monsell, and Sadleir), had
resigned in consequence of Lord John Russell's speech, but an hour
afterwards I learnt that they had been induced to remain by an
assurance from Lord Aberdeen that Lord John did not express the
sentiments of the Government on this subject.
Charles Wood brought on the India Bill on Friday night in a speech
of unexampled prolixity and dulness. There is not yet time to
ascertain how the plan is likely to be received, but I suspect it will
meet with a great deal of opposition, although, as it is more
favourable to the existing interests than was expected, it will very
likely pass, as, if Leadenhall Street was to go further, it would
certainly fare worse.
St. Leonards, June 7th.—I am here for Ascot, a lovely place and
divine weather. The affair with the Irish has ended as harmlessly as
anything so awkward could do. Mr. G. H. Moore asked some rather
impertinent questions in the House of Commons on Monday, which
Lord John answered in an easy, nonchalant, jesting manner. The
House laughed, nobody said anything, and there it ended, but the
Brigade will probably seek opportunities of showing their teeth and
of revenging themselves on Lord John. It has been rather mortifying
for him, but he has taken it very quietly, and Aberdeen's letter to
Monsell was shown to him and received his assent. The French are
behaving very well about the Eastern question, and I begin to think
that it will in the end blow over, as diplomacy will probably hit upon
some expedient for enabling the Emperor of Russia to do what his
real interests evidently point out.
June 13th.—I came back from Ascot on Friday,
having met Clarendon on Thursday on the course, THE ALLIED
FLEETS AT THE
who gave me an account of the state of affairs. On DARDANELLES.
Saturday I met Walewski at dinner, and had much
talk with him, and yesterday I saw Clarendon again. The great event
has been the sailing of our fleet from Malta to join the French fleet
at the mouth of the Dardanelles, to the unspeakable satisfaction of
the French Government, who desire nothing so much as to exhibit to
all Europe an entente cordiale with us; and Walewski said to me
that, however the affair might end, this great advantage they had at
all events obtained.[1] The Emperor of Russia will be deeply
mortified when he hears of this junction; for besides that it will
effectually bar the approach of his fleet to Constantinople, if he ever
contemplated it, there is nothing he dislikes and dreads so much as
the intimate union of France and England. His Majesty is now so
greatly excited that nothing can stop him, and he told Seymour the
other day that he would spend his last rouble and his last soldier
rather than give way. Still he professes that he aims at no more than
a temporary occupation of the Principalities, and renounces all
purpose of conquest. The Russian army will therefore certainly
march in, and it will be the business of the other Governments to
restrain the Turks and prevent a collision, which Walewski thinks
they can certainly do.
Austria holds the same language that we do, but will not act.
Clarendon sent for Count Colloredo on Saturday (who never hears
from Buol), and set before him in detail all the dangers with which
Austria is menaced by the possibility of war breaking out in the East,
and above all by that of France being brought into the field in
hostility with Austria. In such a case the French would be quite
unscrupulous, and excite all the revolutionary spirit, which, though
now repressed, is thickly scattered over every part of the Austrian
Empire, from Milan to Hungary. Colloredo acknowledged the truth of
the representation, and promised to report textually to Buol what
Clarendon said.
All now depends on the Emperor Nicholas himself. If he adheres to
his determination not to advance beyond the Principalities, time will
be afforded for negotiations, and some expedient may be found for
enabling him to recede without discredit, and without danger to his
own prestige at home. The French and English feel alike on this
point, and are conscious that the Emperor has gone too far to
recede. He is pushed on by an ardent and fanatical party in Russia,
and is not entirely his own master. Both Governments are therefore
willing to make allowance for the exigencies of his position, and to
assist him to the uttermost of their power in getting honourably out
of the scrape into which he has plunged himself and all Europe.
[1] [Orders were sent to Admiral Dundas on June 2 to sail for the
Dardanelles, and the fleet proceeded to Besika Bay, together with
the French fleet.]
June 22nd.—The Opposition papers (especially the
'Morning Herald' and the 'Press,' Disraeli's new DIVIDED
OPINIONS IN THE
journal) have been making the most violent attacks CABINET.
on Aberdeen and Clarendon, calling for their
impeachment on the ground of their conduct in this Eastern quarrel,
particularly charging them with having been cognisant of and
approved of Menschikoff's demands, which have occasioned all the
hubbub. At last it was thought necessary to make a statement in
reply, which was done by the 'Times' on Thursday last. The article
was a good one, but contained an inaccuracy, about which Brunnow
wrote a long but friendly letter of complaint to Clarendon. The day
after this, another article was inserted to set the matter right, with
which Brunnow was quite satisfied; but the explanations of the
'Times' failed to stem the torrent of abuse, and the Tory papers only
repeated their misrepresentations with greater impudence and
malignity than before. It was thought necessary a stop should be put
to this, and it was proposed to Clarendon to let discussions come on
in both Houses, moved by Layard in the Commons, and Clanricarde
in the Lords, which would afford an opportunity for the only effectual
contradiction, Ministerial statements in Parliament. Last night I met
him at the Palace, when we talked the matter over. He is still of
opinion that it is essential to delay the explanations and put off all
discussion till the matter is decided one way or another. He thinks so
in reference to the case itself, leaving out of consideration the
convenience of the Government; he thinks that any discussion in the
House of Commons will elicit a disposition for peace ? tout prix,
which would seriously embarrass affairs, and only confirm Russia in
the course she is pursuing. I do not think so, but his opinions are
founded on what he hears Cobden has said, and on the animus of
the peace party. He told me again what a task his is in the Cabinet,
standing between and mediating between Aberdeen and Palmerston,
whose ancient and habitual ideas of foreign policy are brought by
this business into antagonism, and he says the difficulty is made
greater by Aberdeen's unfortunate manner, who cannot avoid some
of that sneering tone in discussion which so seriously affects his
popularity in the House of Lords. He is therefore obliged to take a
great deal upon himself, in order to prevent any collision between
Palmerston and Aberdeen. It appears that Palmerston proposed on
Saturday last that the entrance of the Russians into the Principalities
should be considered a casus belli, in which, however, he was
overruled and gave way. The Cabinet did not come to a vote upon it,
but the general sentiment went with Aberdeen and Clarendon, and
against Palmerston. He seems to have given way with a good grace,
and hitherto nothing has occurred of a disagreeable character; on
the contrary, both Clarendon and Granville tell me Palmerston has
behaved very well. Clarendon thinks (and in this I concur) that the
country would never forgive the Government for going to war, unless
they could show that it was absolutely necessary and that they had
exhausted every means of bringing about a pacific solution of the
question, and nobody here would care one straw about the Russian
occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia.
That all means have not been exhausted is clear from this fact. The
Austrians, who are more interested than anybody, have moved
heaven and earth to effect a settlement, and the Emperor of Russia
has himself asked for their 'bons offices' for that end. They have
entreated the Turks on the one hand to strike out some mezzo
termine compatible with their dignity and with their previous refusals
of Menschikoff's terms, promising that they will urge its acceptance
on the Emperor with all their force, and on the other hand they have
implored the Emperor to delay the occupation of the Principalities, so
that by temporising, mediation, and a joint action and a judicious
employment of diplomatic resources and astuteness, it is still
possible some mode may be hit upon of terminating the quarrel.
July 9th.—For the last fortnight or three weeks little has occurred
which is worth noting. The Eastern Question drags on, as it is likely
to do. Aberdeen, who ten days ago spoke very confidently of its
being settled, now takes a more desponding view, and the
confidence he has hitherto reposed in the Emperor of Russia is
greatly shaken. Clarendon has long thought the prospect very
gloomy, but they are still endeavouring to bring about an
accommodation. The question resolves itself into this: what are the
real wishes and views of the Emperor? If his present conduct is the
execution of a long prepared purpose, and he thinks the time
favourable for the destruction of Turkey, no efforts will be availing,
and he will listen to no proposals that we can possibly make. If, on
the contrary, he is conscious that he has got into a dilemma, and he
wishes to extricate himself from it by any means not dishonourable
to himself, and such as would not degrade him in the eyes of his
own subjects, then, no doubt, diplomatic astuteness will sooner or
later hit upon some expedient by which the quarrel may be
adjusted. Which of these alternatives is the true one, time alone can
show. Meanwhile the expense to which the Turks are put in the
wretched state of their finances will prove ruinous to them, and, end
how it may, the fall of the Turkish dominion has been accelerated by
what has already taken place. There has been a great deal of
discussion about bringing on debates on the Eastern Question in
both Houses, but all the leading men of all parties have deprecated
discussion, and it was finally determined last night that none should
take place. Disraeli alone, who cares for nothing but making
mischief, tried to bring it on, but in the House of Lords Derby took a
different and more becoming course, and recommended Clanricarde
to give it up. Disraeli urged Layard to persevere. Granville told me
yesterday that while he lamented that Aberdeen was not a more
judicious and conciliating leader in the House of Lords, and was so
inferior in this respect to Lord Lansdowne, he liked him very much,
thought he was a very good Prime Minister, and, above all, anything
but deficient in political courage, in which respect he was by no
means inferior to Palmerston himself.
The Government have been going on well enough
on the whole. Their immense majority on the India THE INDIA BILL
CARRIED.
Bill was matter of general surprise, and showed the
wretched tactics of Disraeli, as well as his small influence over his
party, for he could not get one hundred of the Tories to go with him.
A few small holes have been made in Gladstone's Budget, but
nothing of consequence. Tom Baring, however, told me he thought
Gladstone had made some great mistakes, and that Graham would
have been a better Chancellor of the Exchequer; but this I much
doubt. Popularity is very necessary to a Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and Graham would never have been so persuasive with the House as
Gladstone.
July 12th.—The 'Times' newspaper, always famous
for its versatility and inconsistency, has lately WARLIKE VIEWS
OF LORD
produced articles on the Eastern Question on the PALMERSTON.
same day of the most opposite characters, one
warlike and firm, the next vehemently pacific by some other hand.
This is of small importance, but it is indicative of the difference
which exists in the Cabinet on the subject, and the explanation of
the inconsistency of the 'Times' is to be found in the double
influence which acts on the paper. All along Palmerston has been
urging a vigorous policy, and wished to employ more peremptory
language and stronger measures towards Russia, while Aberdeen
has been very reluctant to do as much as we have done, and would
have been well content to advise Turkey to accept the last ultimatum
of Russia, and so terminate what he considers a senseless and
mischievous quarrel. Clarendon has had to steer between these two
extremes, and while moderating the ardour of Palmerston, to
stimulate Aberdeen, and persuade him to adopt a course congenial
to public opinion in this country, which, however inclined to peace
and abhorrent of war, is not at all disposed to connive at the
aggrandisement of Russia, or to submit to the insolent dictation of
the Emperor. The majority of the Cabinet have supported Clarendon,
and approximate more nearly to the pacific policy of Aberdeen than
to the stringent measures of Palmerston. When the two articles
appeared in the 'Times,' to which I particularly allude, Clarendon
approved of the first, and found great fault with the other, while
Aberdeen wrote to Delane and expressed his strong approbation of
the second, and his conviction that the public would sooner or later
take the views therein set forth. Clarendon tells me that he has no
doubt Aberdeen has on many occasions held language in various
quarters that was not prudent under the circumstances, and was
calculated to give erroneous impressions as to the intentions of the
Government, and he thinks that the Emperor himself has been
misled by what he may have heard both of the disposition and
sentiments of the Prime Minister, and of the determination of the
House of Commons and the country at large to abstain from war in
every case except one in which our own honour and interests were
directly concerned.
I had a long talk with Clarendon on Sunday, when he told me that
the chances of peace were a little better than they had been,
inasmuch as there seemed to be a disposition at St. Petersburg to
treat, and the Austrian Government was now in earnest bringing to
bear all their influence on the Emperor to accept reasonable terms of
accommodation. Colloredo brought him the copy of a despatch to St.
Petersburg, which he said was excellent, very frank and free in its
tone. Austria seems more fully sensible of the danger to herself of
any war, which would inevitably let loose the revolutionary element
all over the world. Clarendon has drawn up the project of a
Convention which embraces all the professed objects of the Emperor,
and which the Turks may agree to; he sent it to Paris, whence
Drouyn de Lhuys has returned it, with the full concurrence and
assent of the French Government, and it went to Petersburg
yesterday. The reception of this proposal will determine the question
of peace or war.
July 14th.—G— said to me this morning that Palmerston is beginning
to stir up matters afresh. I saw him yesterday morning at Holland
House in close confabulation with Walewski, with whom I have no
doubt he interchanged warlike sentiments, and complained of the
lukewarmness of Aberdeen and Clarendon. It is evident that he is at
work, and probably, according to his ancient custom, in some
underhand way in the press. His flatterers tell him that a majority of
the House of Commons would support him and a warlike policy, and
though he may wish to believe this, and perhaps does, he will hardly
go the length of trying to break up this Cabinet, with the desperate
hope of making another Government himself, based on the policy of
going to war. Certain newspapers are always asserting that the
Cabinet is divided and in dissension, and at the same time accusing
it of timidity and weakness, urging strong measures, and asserting
that, if we had employed such long ago, Russia would have been
frightened, and never have proceeded to such lengths. But the
Government are resolved, and wisely, to avoid war as long as they
can, and if driven on to it, to be able to show the country that they
had exhausted all means of preserving peace.
July 18th.—At last there appears a probability of this Turkish
question being amicably settled. On Saturday I was told that
despatches were just come from Sir Hamilton Seymour of a more
favourable character, and representing the Imperial Government as
much more disposed to treat, with a real disposition to bring the
negotiations to a successful issue. My informant added that
Palmerston predicted that none of the projects and proposals which
have emanated from the different Courts would be accepted at
Petersburg, which he thought they all would. Yesterday I saw
Clarendon, and found matters even in a still more promising state.
After the Cabinet Walewski went to him, and communicated to him
very important news (of a later date than Seymour's letters) from St.
Petersburg, which to my mind is decisive of the question of peace. It
appears that both France and Austria have been concocting notes
and projects of a pacific tendency to be offered to the Emperor.
There have been several of these, some framed at Constantinople,
others at Paris. A short time ago the French Government prepared
one, which it submitted to ours; Clarendon thought it would not
answer, and told them so. They asked whether he had any objection
to their sending it off to St. Petersburg and Vienna and making the
experiment. He replied, none whatever, and though he did not think
it would succeed, he should rejoice if it did, as, provided the affair
could be settled, it did not matter how. In the meantime he drew up
his own project of a Convention, which went to Paris, and received
the cordial approbation of the Emperor; and this document is now
on its way to Petersburg. In the meantime the French project was
sent there, Castelbajac took it to Nesselrode, who read it very
attentively, and said that he liked it very much, but that he could
give no positive answer till he had submitted it to the Emperor. The
same afternoon he saw the French minister again, and told him that
he had laid the project before the Emperor Nicholas, and that His
Majesty was not only satisfied, but grateful for it, 'non seulement
satisfait, mais reconnaissant,' and that the only reason he did not at
once close with it was that his ally, the Emperor of Austria, had also
submitted a proposal, and he did not like to take another from
another Court exclusively without previous communication with him.
Clarendon thinks that his proposal will be still more agreeable to the
Emperor than the French one, and that he will probably end in
taking it; nor will there be any difficulty in this, because our's is so
fully concurred in by France as to be in fact her's as much as our's.
July 31st.—Having been at Goodwood the last
week, I have not troubled myself with politics, SUCCESSION
DUTIES BILL.
either home or foreign, nor have any events
occurred to excite interest. The most important matter here has
been the division in the House of Lords on Monday last on the
Succession Duties Bill, on which the Opposition were signally
defeated. For a long time the Government were very doubtful of
obtaining a majority, but their whippers-in were more sanguine at
last. Great exertions were made on both sides, the Derbyites
whipped up all the men they could lay their hands on, and the
Government fetched their ministers from Paris and Brussels, and the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The majority was greater than either side
expected, and Derby and his crew were exceedingly disconcerted,
and Derby himself much out of humour. When Bessborough went
over to him after the division, and said 'Lord Aberdeen wants to
know if you will object to the Bill being read a third time on
Thursday next,' he pettishly replied, 'The Bill may go to the devil for
all I care; I shall take no further trouble about it.'
August 1st.—I saw Clarendon as usual yesterday (Sunday), when he
read to me a letter from Sir Hamilton Seymour, giving an account of
his delivering to Nesselrode the Convention which Clarendon sent
over, as well as reading to him Clarendon's private letter, which was
a stinging one, but very good. Nesselrode said of all the projects he
liked that the best, and if it was tendered to them from Vienna, he
thought it might do as the basis of an arrangement, but he could
give no positive answer till he had submitted it to the Emperor. At
the Cabinet on Saturday Clarendon read Seymour's letter, when his
colleagues begged they might see the private letter of his which was
alluded to, and he produced and read that likewise. It was generally
approved of, but the next day Palmerston wrote a note to Clarendon,
in which he expressed the warmest approbation of his note, and
added that he had only refrained from saying all he thought of it at
the Cabinet lest his approval might make others think it was too
strong. He added that he rejoiced that the management of our
foreign affairs was in such able hands, and that, in fact, he
(Clarendon) could do and say what Palmerston himself could not
have done. It was a very handsome letter, very satisfactory both to
Clarendon personally and as showing that there is no disagreement
on the Eastern Question in the Cabinet, or at least between
Palmerston and Clarendon, which is the essential point. Their union
and friendship are remarkable when we recollect their past
antagonism and Palmerston's jealousy of Clarendon, and the
persuasion of both himself and Lady Palmerston that Clarendon was
always waiting to trip up his heels and get his place. All these
jealousies and suspicions were, however, dissipated when Clarendon
refused the Foreign Office last year, since which time they have been
the best of friends, and Palmerston was quite satisfied at his having
the Foreign Office. With regard to the chances of a pacific
settlement, the assurances from St. Petersburg are all very
favourable, but the acts of the Russian generals in the Principalities
are quite inconsistent with them, and between these conflicting
manifestations Clarendon is in no small doubt and apprehension as
to the result.
London, August 8th.—Ever since last Monday,
when Clarendon made a speech in the House of NEGOTIATIONS
WITH RUSSIA
Lords on which a bad interpretation was put in AND TURKEY.
reference to the question of peace or war, there
has been a sort of panic, and the public mind, which refused at first
to admit the possibility of war, suddenly rushed to the opposite
conclusion, and everybody became persuaded that war was
inevitable. The consequence was a great fall in the funds, and the
depreciation of every sort of security. So matters remained till the
end of the week. On Saturday afternoon I met Walewski, who told
me he had that day received a letter from Castelbajac (the French
Ambassador at St. Petersburg), informing him that the Emperor had
signified his willingness to accept the proposal which was then
expected from Vienna, and last night fresh news came that the
proposal had arrived, and he had said he would take it, if the Turks
would send an ambassador with it, exactly as it had been submitted
to him. This I heard late last night, and Granville considered it
conclusive of an immediate settlement. But this morning I went to
Clarendon and found him not so sure, and not regarding the pacific
solution as so indubitable; there still remain some important matters
of detail to be settled, though certainly the affair wears a much more
favourable aspect, and there is every reason to hope it will all end
well. But while this proposal was concocted at Vienna, the Cabinet
here (last Saturday week) made some small verbal alterations in it,
so that ultimately it will not be presented for the Emperor's formal
acceptance word for word the same, and if he wants a pretext to
back out of his present engagement, he can therein find one, as he
only agreed to take it if it was word for word the same. Then it has
not yet been submitted to the Turks, and it is by no means sure they
may not make difficulties, or that Stratford Canning may not raise
obstacles instead of using all his influence to procure their
agreement, so that Clarendon does not consider that we are out of
the wood, though he expects on the whole that it will end well. If it
does it will be the triumph of diplomacy, and a signal proof of the
wisdom of moderation and patience. Granville says it will be
principally owing to Aberdeen, who has been very staunch and bold
in defying public clamour, abuse, and taunts, and in resisting the
wishes and advice of Palmerston, who would have adopted a more
stringent and uncompromising course.
August 9th.—At Court yesterday Aberdeen was quite confident of the
settlement of the Eastern affair, and Brunnow, who was there with
the Duchess of Leuchtenberg to see the Queen, very smiling.
Clanricarde interrupted Clarendon in the House of Lords, and made a
violent speech. Clarendon answered very well, without committing
himself. The Government are in high spirits at the prospect of
winding up this prosperous Session with the settlement of the
Eastern Question: nothing else is wanting to their success.
August 11th.—I saw Clarendon yesterday. Nothing new, but he said
he fully expected Stratford Canning would play some trick at
Constantinople, and throw obstacles in the way of settlement. This
seems to me hardly possible, unless he behaves foolishly as well as
dishonestly, and it can hardly be believed that his temper and
Russian antipathies will betray him into such extravagant conduct. It
is, however, impossible to consider the affair as 'settled.'
Yesterday all the world went to the great naval review at
Portsmouth, except myself. It appears to have been a fine but
tedious sight, for Granville set off at 5.30 A.M., and only got back at
one in the morning.
August 27th.—Since the 11th I have been absent from town, at
Grimstone for York races, then at Hatchford, and since that gouty.
While at York the Session closed with ?clat by a speech of
Palmerston's in his most flashy and successful style. John Russell
gave a night at last for the discussion of the Turkish question, and
made a sort of explanation, which was tame, meagre, and
unsatisfactory. After some speeches expressive of disappointment
and disapprobation, Cobden made an oration in favour of peace at
any price, and this drew up Palmerston, who fell upon him with
great vigour and success. The discussion would have ended
languidly and ill for the Government but for this brilliant
improvisation, which carried the House entirely with it. It was not,
however, if analysed and calmly considered, of much use to the
Government as to their foreign policy, for it was only an answer to
Cobden, and Palmerston did not say one word in defence of the
policy which has been adopted, nor identify himself with it, as he
might as well have done. Though there was nothing in it positively
indicative of dissent and dissatisfaction, any one might not unfairly
draw the inference that, if Palmerston had had his own way, he
would have taken a more stringent and less patient course. However,
nothing has been made of this, and on the whole his speech did
good, because it closed the discussion handsomely, and left the
impression of Palmerston's having cast his lot for good and all with
his present colleagues, as is really the case.
The Session ended with a very flourishing and
prosperous speech from the Throne, and nothing TURKISH
DIFFICULTIES.
was wanting to the complete success of the
Government but the settlement of the Turkish question, which,
however, seems destined to be delayed some time longer; for the
Turks have refused to accept the Vienna note, except with some
modifications, though these are said to be so immaterial that we
hope the Emperor will not object to them. But all this is vexatious,
because it reopens the whole question, causes delay and
uncertainty, and keeps the world in suspense and apprehension.
Granville told me that what had occurred showed how much more
sagacious Aberdeen had been as to this affair than Palmerston, the
former having always maintained that there would be no difficulty
with the Emperor, but if any arose it would be from the Turks;
whereas Palmerston was always sure the Turks would make none,
but that the Emperor would refuse all arrangements.
August 28th.—It seems the Turks, after a delay of ten days from
receiving the proposition, sent it back to Vienna, asking for some not
important alterations; but immediately afterwards they required a
stipulation for the evacuation of the Principalities, and guarantees
that they should not be occupied again. It is very improbable that
the Emperor will listen to such conditions. Nesselrode has all along
told Seymour that they (the Russians) mean in fulfilment of their
pledges to evacuate the Principalities, as soon as they have got the
required satisfaction, but that it must not be made a condition, and
entreated him to abstain from any demand which might give an air
of compulsion to the act, much in the same way as we have told
Nesselrode he must not attempt to make any stipulation about the
withdrawal of our fleet. Clarendon thinks that the Emperor is certain
to reject the Turkish terms, and that the Turks are very capable of
declaring war thereupon; for in their last communication they said
that they were prepared for 'toutes les ?ventualit?s,' and he suspects
that Stratford has not bon? fide striven to induce them to accept the
proffered terms. Their rejection is the more unreasonable because
the proposal is a hash-up of Menschikoff's original Note, and that
which the Turks proposed in lieu of it, but in which the Turkish
element preponderates, so that not only are their honour and dignity
consulted, but in refusing they recede from their own original
proposal.
The Queen is gone to Ireland, and Lord Granville with her, who is
afterwards to attend her to Balmoral. This is new, because hitherto
she has always had with her either the Premier or a Secretary of
State. Granville is to be relieved when circumstances admit, but at
present there is no other arrangement feasible. Aberdeen and
Clarendon are both kept in town till the question is settled.
Newcastle got leave to go to Clumber for his boys' holidays, and Her
Majesty does not desire to have the Home Secretary.
But Charles Villiers told me last night that Lord Palmerston's
influence and popularity in the House of Commons are greater than
ever, and if this Government should be broken up by internal
dissension, he would have no difficulty in forming another, and
gathering round him a party to support him. This is what the Tories
are anxiously looking to, desiring no better than to serve under him,
and flattering themselves that in his heart he personally dislikes his
colleagues, and in political matters agrees with themselves. They
pay him every sort of court, never attack him, and not only defer to
him on all occasions, but make all the difference they can between
him and the rest of the Government; nor does he discourage or
reject these civilities, though he does not invite them, or say or do
anything inconsistent with his present position, but he probably
thinks the disposition towards him of that large political party
enhances his value to his own friends and increases his power,
besides affording to him a good alternative in case anything should
happen to break up the present Government or separate him from it.
September 2nd.—For the last week the settlement of this tedious
Turkish question has appeared more remote than ever, and
Clarendon was almost in despair when I saw him a few days ago,
and the more so because he suspected that Lord Stratford was at
the bottom of the difficulties raised by the Divan. However, according
to the last accounts it would seem that Stratford was not to blame,
and had done what he could to get the Turks to comply with the
terms of the Conference. At this moment the affair wears rather a
better aspect, and my own belief is that it will be settled. It is a
great bore that it drags on in this way, creating alarm and
uncertainty, shaking the funds, and affecting commerce.
The Duke of Bedford, of whom I have seen nothing
for a long time, called on me a few days ago, and LORD JOHN
RUSSELL'S
talked over the present state of affairs, and the POSITION.
position of Lord John Russell. He said Lord John
was now quite satisfied with it, and rejoiced at his own comparative
freedom, and his immunity from the constant attacks of which he
used to be the object; and he is now conscious that, by the part he
has acted in waiving his own pretensions, he has not only not
degraded himself, but has greatly raised himself in public estimation
and acquired much credit and popularity, besides rendering the
country a great service. He is very well with his colleagues, and
gratified at the deference shown him, and the consideration he
enjoys in the House of Commons. There, however, I know from
other sources, all the popularity is engrossed by Palmerston and by
Gladstone, and Lord John has foolishly suffered Palmerston to take
his place as leader very often, because he chose to stay away at
Richmond, and not come near the House.
The Duke took this opportunity of telling me what is now a very old
story, but which he said he thought he had never told me before,
and I am not sure whether he did or not. It was what happened to
him at the time of the formation of this Government last year, of
which he was evidently very proud. Just before the Derby
Government broke down, and before that reunion at Woburn of
which so much was said, the Prince gave him to understand that
they should look to him for advice if anything occurred, which they
were every day expecting. The Duke was at Woburn, and one
morning when the hounds met there and half the county was at
breakfast in the great hall, word was brought him that a messenger
had come from Osborne with a letter for him. He found it was a
letter from the Prince, in which he informed him that this was
despatched by a safe and trustworthy hand, and nobody was to
know of its being sent; that the Derby Government was at an end,
and the Queen and Prince were anxious for his opinion on the state
of affairs, the dispositions of public men, and what course they had
better take. The Duke had recently been in personal communication
with all the leaders, with Aberdeen and Lord John, Newcastle,
Clarendon, Lansdowne, Palmerston, and others, and he was
therefore apprised of all their sentiments and in a condition to give
very full information to the Court. He sat himself down and with the
greatest rapidity (his horse at the door to go hunting) wrote four or
five sheets of paper containing the amplest details of the sentiments
and views of these different statesmen, and ended by advising that
the Queen should send for Lords Lansdowne and Aberdeen—as she
did. Lord John had already told him he did not wish to be sent for.
After this of course he could not resent the advice the Duke gave;
and happily Lord John was firm in resisting the advice of some of
those about him, and acted on the dictates of his own conscientious
judgement and the sound advice of his friends.
September 3rd.—I dined last night t?te-?-t?te with
Clarendon and heard all the details of the state of OPPOSITION OF
LORD
the Turkish question, and read the interesting STRATFORD.
correspondence of Cowley, with his accounts of his
conversations with the Emperor, and many other things. Clarendon is
very uneasy because he thinks the Emperor Nicholas' pride will not
let him accept the Note as modified by the Turks, though he would
have accepted the same Note if it had been presented originally by
the Conference. This is one danger. The next is one at
Constantinople, where there is a strong bigoted violent party for war,
disposed to dethrone the Sultan and replace him by his brother. This
brother (of whom I never heard before) is a man of more energy
than the Sultan, and is connected with the fanatical party. The
Sultan himself is enervated by early debauchery and continual
drunkenness, and therefore in great danger should he by any
unpopular measures provoke an outbreak from the violent faction.
Clarendon thinks that Stratford has encouraged the resistance of the
Divan to the proposals of the Conference, and that he might have
persuaded the Turks to accept the terms if he had chosen to do so
and set about it in a proper manner; but Clarendon says that he has
lived there so long, and is animated with such a personal hatred of
the Emperor, that he is full of the Turkish spirit; and this and his
temper together have made him take a part directly contrary to the
wishes and instructions of his Government. He thinks he wishes to
be recalled that he may make a grievance of it, and come home to
do all the mischief he can. Westmorland wrote word the other day
that Stratford's language was very hostile to his Government and the
Ministers of all the other Powers at Constantinople, thought he had
actually resigned, and reported the fact to Vienna.
The most important question now pending is what to do with the
fleets. They cannot remain much longer in Besika Bay, and must
either retire to Vourla or enter the Dardanelles. The Emperor
Napoleon wishes they should enter the Dardanelles, but only a little
way, and not go on to Constantinople; and Clarendon takes the
same view, proposing a mezzo termine. The Emperor professes an
earnest desire for a peaceful solution, and the strongest
determination to act in concert with England to the end, and his
views seem very sensible and proper. But, notwithstanding this
disposition, in which he probably is sincere, there is reason to
believe that he is all the time keeping up a sort of secret and
underhand communication with Russia, and the evidence of this is
rather curious. It appears that he has recently written a letter to the
Duchess of Hamilton, in which he says that he believes the Russians
will not evacuate the Principalities, and that he does not care if they
stay there. This letter the Duchess showed to Brunnow, and he
imparted it to Aberdeen, who told Clarendon, but none of the other
Ministers know anything of it. Clarendon wrote word of this to
Cowley, and told him to make what use of it he thought fit. In the
first instance he said something to Drouyn de Lhuys of the
Emperor's entertaining views different from our's, which Drouyn
repeated to the Emperor, who spoke to Cowley about it, and
protested that he had no separate or different objects, when Cowley,
without mentioning names, told him what he had heard of his
having written. The Emperor made an evasive answer to this, but
gave many assurances of his determination to act with us heartily
and sincerely. This incident seems to have made a great impression
both on Cowley and Clarendon, particularly as both know something
more. Cowley says he knows that the Emperor has a private
correspondence with Castelbajac, of which Drouyn de Lhuys is
ignorant, and Seymour writes to Clarendon that he has observed for
some time past a great lukewarmness on the part of the French
Minister in pressing the Russian Government, and an evident leaning
to them. As the Duchess of Hamilton has no intimacy with Brunnow,
it appears very extraordinary that she should communicate to him a
letter of the Emperor's, and such a letter, which would be a great
indiscretion unless he had secretly desired her to do so; and all
these circumstances taken together look very like a little intrigue
between the Emperor and the Russian Court, which would also be
very consistent with his secret, false, and clandestine mode of
conducting his affairs. It is probable enough that he may wish to
keep on good terms with Russia and at the same time maintain his
intimate connexion with England. That he is bent on avoiding war
there can be no doubt, and for very good reasons, for France is
threatened with a scarcity, and he is above all things bent on
keeping the people supplied with food at low prices; and for this
object the French Government is straining every nerve and prepared
to make any amount of pecuniary sacrifice; but the necessity for
this, which absorbs all their means, renders it at the same time
particularly desirable to maintain peace in Europe.
There never was a case so involved in difficulties
and complications of different sorts, all the DISPOSAL OF
THE FLEET.
particulars of which I heard last night; but the
affair is so tangled, that it is impossible to weave it into an
intelligible and consistent narrative, and I can only jot down
fragments, which may hereafter serve to explain circumstances
connected with the d?nouement, whenever it takes place. John
Russell and Palmerston are both come to town, so that a little
Cabinet will discuss this matter. Palmerston is extremely reasonable,
does not take the part of the Turks, but on the contrary blames them
severely for making difficulties he thinks absurd and useless, but is
still for not letting them be crushed. He is on the best terms with
Clarendon, and goes along with him very cordially in his policy on
this question. Both Palmerston and Lord John seem to agree with
Clarendon on the question of the disposal of the fleet better than
Aberdeen, who is always for trusting the Emperor, maintaining
peace, and would be quite contented to send the fleet to Vourla or
Tenedos, and would see with regret the more energetic course of
entering the Dardanelles. However, there is no chance of any
material difference on this score, and I have no doubt, if the
question is not settled before the end of the month, the fleets will
anchor within the Straits and there remain.
I was glad to find that the Queen has consented to let Palmerston
take his turn at Balmoral, and Aberdeen has informed him that he is
to go there. It was done by Aberdeen speaking to the Prince at
Osborne, who said he thought there would be no difficulty. The
Queen acquiesced with the good sense she generally shows on such
occasions, being always open to reason, and ready to consent to
whatever can be proved to her to be right or expedient.
September 4th.—I went to Winchester yesterday,
and fell in with Graham in the train, so we went LORD
STRATFORD'S
together and had a great deal of talk, mostly on GOOD FAITH.
the Eastern Question. He thinks the Emperor of
Russia will not accept the Turkish alterations, and he is very hot
against Stratford, to whom he attributes all the difficulties. He has
heard that Stratford has held language hostile to the Government,
and he is inclined to think not only that he has acted treacherously
towards his employers, but that proofs of his treachery might be
obtained, and he is all for getting the evidence if possible, and acting
upon it at once, by recalling him; he thinks the proofs might be
obtained through the Turkish Ministers, and if they can be, he would
not stop to enquire who might be displeased, or what the effect
might be, but do it at once. He acknowledges, however, that it would
not do to act on surmises or reports, and that nothing but clear
proofs of Stratford's misconduct, such as will satisfy Parliament,
would render such a step justifiable or safe. With regard to the
fleets, he says there is no reason why they should not remain in
Besika Bay, and it is a mistake to suppose they could not, and he is
very decidedly against their entering the Dardanelles in any case,
because it would be contrary to treaty and afford the Emperor of
Russia a just casus belli; and he maintains that his having (contrary
to treaties and international rights) occupied the Principalities affords
no reason why we should infringe them in another direction. When
this question comes to be discussed, his voice will evidently be for
not entering the Dardanelles, though he acknowledges that we
cannot retreat while the Russians remain where they are. He talked
a great deal about Palmerston, of whom he has some distrust, and
fancied he has been in communication with Stratford, and that he
would concur with him in his proceedings, and he expressed great
satisfaction when I told him that Palmerston and Clarendon were on
the most cordial and confidential terms, and that the former entirely
disapproved of the conduct of the Turks (which is that of Stratford)
in regard to the Note. He thinks Palmerston looks to being Prime
Minister, if anything happened to Aberdeen, but that neither he nor
John Russell could hold the office, as neither would consent to the
elevation of the other. On the whole, he inclines to the opinion that
Palmerston has made up his mind to go on with this Government
and his present colleagues, that he means to act fairly and honestly
with and by them, and has no arri?re pens?e towards the Tories,
though he is not sorry to have them always looking to him, and
paying him, as they do, excessive court. It ensures him great
support and an easy life in the House of Commons, where, however,
he says Palmerston has done very little this year, and he does not
seem much impressed with the idea of his having gained very
considerably there, or obtained a better position than he had before.
September 8th.—I saw Clarendon on Sunday. There is nothing new,
but he said he would lay two to one the Emperor does not accept
the modified Note; it will be a contest between his pride and his
interest, for his army is in such a state of disease and distress that
he is in no condition to make war; on the other hand, he cannot
without extreme humiliation accept the Turkish Note. What will
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