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C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-1

Chapter 9
Records (structs)
A Guide to this Instructor’s Manual:

We have designed this Instructor’s Manual to supplement and enhance your teaching
experience through classroom activities and a cohesive chapter summary.

This document is organized chronologically, using the same headings that you see in the
textbook. Under the headings, you will find lecture notes that summarize the section, Teacher
Tips, Classroom Activities, and Lab Activities. Pay special attention to teaching tips and
activities geared towards quizzing your students and enhancing their critical thinking skills.

In addition to this Instructor’s Manual, our Instructor’s Resources also contain PowerPoint
Presentations, Test Banks, and other supplements to aid in your teaching experience.

At a Glance

Instructor’s Manual Table of Contents

• Overview

• Objectives

• Teaching Tips

• Quick Quizzes

• Class Discussion Topics

• Additional Projects

• Additional Resources

• Key Terms

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-2

Lecture Notes

Overview
In Chapter 9, students will be introduced to a data type that can be heterogeneous. They
will learn how to group together related values that are of differing types using records,
which are also known as structs in C++. First, they will explore how to create
structs, perform operations on structs, and manipulate data using a struct.
Next, they will examine the relationship between structs and functions and learn
how to use structs as arguments to functions. Finally, students will explore ways to
create and use an array of structs in an application.

Objectives
In this chapter, the student will:
• Learn about records (structs)
• Examine various operations on a struct
• Explore ways to manipulate data using a struct
• Learn about the relationship between a struct and functions
• Examine the difference between arrays and structs
• Discover how arrays are used in a struct
• Learn how to create an array of struct items
• Learn how to create structs within a struct

Teaching Tips
Records (structs)

1. Define the C++ struct data type and describe why it is useful in programming.

Discuss how previous programming examples and projects that used parallel
Teaching
arrays or vectors might be simplified by using a struct to hold related
Tip
information.

2. Examine the syntax of a C++ struct.

3. Using the examples in this section, explain how to define a struct type and then
declare variables of that type.

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-3

Accessing struct Members

1. Explain how to access the members of a struct using the C++ member access
operator.
2. Use the code snippets in this section to illustrate how to assign values to struct
members.

Mention that the struct and class data types both use the member access
operator. Spend a few minutes discussing the history of the struct data type
and how it relates to C++ classes and object-oriented programming. Note that the
struct is a precursor to the class data type. Explain that the struct was
introduced in C to provide the ability to group heterogeneous data members
together and, for the purposes of this chapter, is used in that manner as well.
Teaching However, in C++, a struct has the same ability as a class to group data and
Tip
operations into one data type. In fact, a struct in C++ is interchangeable with
a class, with a couple of exceptions. By default, access to a struct from
outside the struct is public, whereas access to a class from outside the
class is private by default. The importance of this will be discussed later in the
text. Memory management is also handled differently for structs and
classes.

Quick Quiz 1
1. True or False: A struct is typically a homogenous data structure.
Answer: False

2. The components of a struct are called the ____________________ of the struct.

Answer: members

3. A struct statement ends with a(n) ____________________.

Answer: semicolon

4. True or False: A struct is typically defined before the definitions of all the functions
in a program.
Answer: True

Assignment

1. Explain that the values of one struct variable are copied into another struct
variable of the same type using one assignment statement. Note that this is equivalent to
assigning each member variable individually.

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-4

Note how memory is handled in assignment operations involving struct

Teaching
variables of the same type; namely, that the values of the members of one
Tip
struct are copied into the member variables of the other struct.

Comparison (Relational Operators)

1. Emphasize that no relational aggregate operations are allowed on structs. Instead,

comparisons must be made member-wise, similar to an array.

Ask your students why they think assignment operations are permitted on
Teaching
struct types, but not relational operations. Discuss the issue of determining
Tip
how to compare a data type that consists of other varying data types.

Input/Output

1. Note that unlike an array, aggregate input and output operations are not allowed on
structs.

Mention that the stream and the relational operators can be overloaded to provide
Teaching
the proper functionality for a struct type and, in fact, that this is a standard
Tip
technique used by C++ programmers.

struct Variables and Functions

1. Emphasize that a C++ struct may be passed as a parameter by value or by reference,

and it can also be returned from a function.

2. Illustrate parameter passing with structs using the code snippets in this section.

Arrays versus structs

1. Using Table 9-1, discuss the similarities and differences between structs and arrays.

Spend a few minutes comparing the aggregate operations that are allowed on
Teaching structs and arrays. What might account for the differences? Use your previous
Tip exposition on the history of structs and memory management to facilitate this
discussion.

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-5

Arrays in structs

1. Explain how to include an array as a member of a struct.

2. Using Figure 9-5, discuss situations in which creating a struct type with an array as a
member might be useful. In particular, discuss its usefulness in applications such as the
sequential search algorithm.

Ask your students to think of other applications in which using an array as a

member of a struct might be useful. For example, are there applications in
Teaching
which parameter passing might be reduced by using struct members in
Tip
conjunction with arrays? Also, are there other data members that would be useful
to include in the listType struct presented in this section?

3. Discuss situations in which a struct should be passed by reference rather than by

value. Use the sequential search function presented in this section as an example.

structs in Arrays

1. Discuss how structs can be used as array elements to organize and process data
efficiently.

2. Examine the employee record in this section as an example of using an array of

structs. Discuss the code for the struct as well as the array processing code. Use
Figure 9-7 to clarify the code.

Emphasize that using a structured data type, such as a struct or class, as the
Teaching element type of an array is a common technique. Using the vector class as an
Tip example, reiterate that object-oriented languages typically have containers such
as list or array types that in turn store objects of any type.

structs within a struct

1. Discuss how structs can be nested within other structs as a means of organizing
related data.

2. Using the employee record in Figure 9-8, illustrate how to reorganize a large amount of
related information with nested structs.

3. Encourage your students to step through the “Sales Data Analysis” Programming
Example at the end of the chapter to consolidate the concepts discussed in this chapter.

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-6

Quick Quiz 2
1. What types of aggregate operations are allowed on structs?
Answer: assignment

2. Can struct variables be passed as parameters to functions? If so, how?

Answer: struct variables can be passed as parameters either by value or by reference.

3. True or False: A variable of type struct may not contain another struct.
Answer: False

4. True or False: A variable of type struct may contain an array.

Answer: True

Class Discussion Topics

1. With the advent of object-oriented programming, is it ever necessary to use C-type
structs rather than classes? If so, when? What are the advantages or disadvantages of
each approach?

2. Discuss how the object-oriented concept of reusability relates to structs, structs

within arrays, arrays within structs, and structs within structs. Ask students to
think of some applications in which defining these data types for later use would be
beneficial.

Additional Projects
1. Write a program that reads students’ names followed by their test scores. The program
should output each student’s name followed by the test scores and the relevant grade. It
should also find and print the lowest, highest, and average test score. Output the name
of the students having the highest test score.

Student data should be stored in a struct variable of type studentType, which has
four components: studentFName and studentLName of type string, testScore
of type int (testScore is between 0 and 100), and grade of type char. Suppose
that the class has 20 students. Use an array of 20 components of type studentType.

2. Write a program that lists all the capitals for countries in a specific region of the world.
Use an array of structs to store this information. The struct should include the
capital, the country, the continent, and the population. You might include additional
information as well, such as the languages spoken in each capital. Output the countries
with the smallest and largest populations.

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
C++ Programming: From Problem Analysis to Program Design, Eighth Edition 9-7

Additional Resources
1. Data Structures:
http://www.cplusplus.com/doc/tutorial/structures/

2. struct (C++):
https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-us/library/64973255.aspx

3. Classes, Structures, and Unions:

https://msdn.microsoft.com/en-us/library/4a1hcx0y.aspx

Key Terms
 Member access operator: the dot (.) placed between the struct and the name of one
of its members; used to access members of a struct
 struct: a collection of heterogeneous components in which the components are
accessed by the variable name of the struct, the member access operator, and the
variable name of the component

© 2018 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part, except for use as permitted in a
license distributed with a certain product or service or otherwise on a password-protected website for classroom use.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 An hour or two later I was sitting in the consulting-room or
“office” of a coloured physician—Dr. Oberman, let me call him. His
A Doctor’s Story. real name was that of a we ll-known Southern
family, and I remarked upon the fact, expecting
to hear that he had been born a slave in that family. In a sense this
was the case; but his story was a strange one, and he told it with
frank simplicity.
“My father,” he said, “was in fact a member of that family”—and
he told of sundry political offices which his white kindred had filled.
“But my father attached himself openly and honourably to my
mother, who was a slave in the family, and for that reason had to
leave his home in North Carolina. For some reason or other they
chose to go to the State of Mississippi. In 1850 that was a long and
toilsome journey; and I was born on the way, not far from this place.
For some years they lived in Mississippi, but they were again driven
from there and passed into Ohio. My father was one of the noblest
of men, and as soon as he was in a State where he could legally do
so, he married my mother. I was present at the wedding.”
“Your mother, Dr. Oberman,” I said, “must surely have been a
quadroon, or even an octoroon?”
“My dear mother,” he said, “was very nearly of the same colour as
myself. You see, sir, we don’t breed straight,”—and he proceeded to
give several instances in which the children either of two people of
mixed blood, or of a white father and a mother of mixed blood, had
varied very widely in complexion and facial type, some seeming
almost pure white, others emphatically negroid. I did not say it, but
I could not help thinking: This is scarcely a point in favour of that
mixing of bloods which is here called miscegenation. Or is it merely
another form of race-prejudice to hold that marriage undesirable in
which the colour of the offspring cannot be foretold, and is apt to be
variegated?
“Miscegenation.” In a country where such terrible disabilities
and humiliations await those in whom there is
the slightest strain of black blood, it is surely manifest that the
people who impose these humiliations, and scout the idea of legal
marriage between the races, ought to visit with the severest
penalties any relation (necessarily illicit) between a white man and a
coloured woman—any augmentation by the white man of that half-
bred caste on which colour-disabilities press with such peculiar
cruelty. I asked Dr. Oberman whether there was any adequate
feeling of this sort in the white community—whether the white man
who was known to have relations with coloured women was
denounced and ostracised?
“My dear sir,” he replied, “I can assure you that many of those
who preach most loudly against miscegenation are far from
practising what they preach.”
I am glad to say, however, that white men everywhere assured me
that there was a strong and increasingly efficient public sentiment
against this most anti-social form of transgression.[19] I cannot but
think that the lynching of a few white men notoriously guilty of it
would beneficially equalize matters.
“Our Moses.” As I had come to Dr. Oberman with an
introduction from Mr. Booker Washington, it was
natural that the talk should fall upon the comparative merits of
academic and of industrial education for the negro. Said the doctor:
“We acquire property, and we want bankers; we fall ill, and we want
physicians; we have business difficulties, and we want lawyers; we
have souls, and we want preachers who can give us something
better than the old ranting theology. But for every one of our race
who can profit by a literary education, there are ninety-nine for
whom manual training is the first essential.”
Then, looking up at a portrait of Mr. Washington on the wall of his
office, he said, “Ah! he is our Moses!”
But a stronger proof of the reverence with which this leader is
regarded awaited me as I left Dr. Oberman’s house. I had gone
some twenty yards down the street, when I fancied I heard my
name called. It must be an illusion, I thought, but nevertheless I
looked round. There was the doctor, with his head thrust out of his
office-window on the first floor, calling to me and beckoning me
back.
“Did you take away that letter of Mr. Washington’s?” he asked.
 I searched my pockets, but had it not. Meanwhile the doctor
apparently rummaged on his bureau, and found it.
“Here it is! All right!” he cried; and I passed on.
A formal type-written note of introduction, signed by the great
man’s hand, was a thing to be treasured like a pearl of great price.
The first thought in the doctor’s mind on parting from me had been
to assure himself of its safety!

18. For the benefit of English readers, it may be well to state

clearly what Reconstruction meant. I do so in the words of Mr. Edgar
Gardner Murphy (“The Present South,” p. 9): “The policies of
reconstruction represented two cardinal movements of purpose. One
was the withdrawal of political and civic power from those, especially
those in official positions, who had borne arms against the United
States. This effort was an expedient of distrust. It was as natural as
it was unintelligent, and it was as successful as it was mischievous....
This was not all. The suffrage which the masters were denied was by
the same act committed into the hands of their former slaves, vast
dumb multitudes, more helpless with power than without power.” It
is almost universally admitted that the Reconstruction policy was a
mistake, which would never have been made had Lincoln lived, and
that its results were grotesque and often tragic. I find only Professor
Du Bois putting in a word for it and for some of its results. “The
granting of the ballot to the black man,” he says (“The Souls of Black
Folk,” p. 38), “was a necessity, the very least a guilty nation could
grant a wronged race, and the only method of compelling the South
to accept the results of the war.” But he adds, “Thus negro suffrage
ended a civil war by beginning a race feud.” The Reconstruction
policy was overthrown by the “Revolution” of 1876, when the
military support, on which the Reconstruction governments had
rested, was withdrawn.

19. That excellent investigator, Mr. Stannard Baker, in his chapter

on “The Tragedy of the Mulatto,” presents a good deal of conflicting
evidence on this point. In the city of Montgomery, with its 35,000
inhabitants, it has been publicly stated without contradiction that
400 negro women live in more or less permanent concubinage with
white men, while “there are thirty-two negro dives operated for
white patronage”; nor does it seem that this state of things is at all
exceptional. On the other hand, the feeling against such connections
is certainly growing, and finds expression on every hand. The New
Orleans Times Democrat, for instance, declares it to be a public
scandal that no law against miscegenation should be on the statute-
book of Louisiana, “and that it should be left to mobs to break up
the miscegenatious couples.” Mr. Baker is, however, able to say that
“the class of white men who consort with negro women is of a much
lower sort than it was five or ten years ago.”
 VIII
IN THE BLACK BELT

For a whole long hot summer’s day I journeyed down the

Mississippi Valley from Memphis to Vicksburg, stopping at every
wayside station. Here I first felt—what was afterwards to grow upon
me every day—an impression of the extraordinary potential wealth
of the South. These fat champains, many of them scarcely reclaimed
from the wilderness, and few of them subjected to more than a
rough surface culture, seemed to me to reek of fertility and to cry
aloud for development. As scenery they were monotonous enough,
but as the seed-plot of an illimitable future they were vastly
impressive.
There was no dining-car on the train, and at Clarksville, at 12.30,
we were allowed twenty minutes for “dinner.” We rushed for the
dingy refreshment-room, and found at each place a plate of soup,
surrounded by little saucers containing a cube of butter, a sort of
dough-nut in syrup, and some lettuce with a slice of hard-boiled egg.
There was also at each place a coffee-cup, a small milk-pot, and
some sugar. The soup-plates were removed by being piled in the
middle of the table; a negro waiter came round with fresh plates,
and then served the following menu, all dumped successively upon a
single plate: (1) chunks of boiled bacon with sauerkraut; (2) stewed
veal; (3) mashed potatoes; (4) baked beans; (5) roast chicken; (6)
boiled beef. The meal ended with pumpkin pie and ice-cream; and
for beverage you had your choice of either coffee or iced-tea. For
this refection the charge was seventy-five cents, or three shillings—
the regular tariff, it would seem, at roadside stations. Moral: Never, if
you can help it, take a train without a dining-car.
 Approaching Vicksburg, we ran for miles and leagues through a
lovely region of luxuriantly green, vine-tangled forest, mirrored in
perfectly clear water. Here, indeed, might the poet have sung of

“Annihilating all that’s made,

To a green thought in a green shade.”

How the water got there I cannot say. If it was simply the result of a
flood, how came it so exquisitely clear? It seemed as though the
forest grew naturally out of this pellucid mirror; the rather as we
passed many open glades of blue water, where a race of lake-
dwellers had built their cabins on piles. These glades I conceive to
be “bayous,” but found no native who could inform me. In any case,
I shall never forget that run up to Vicksburg. Until then, I scarcely
knew the meaning of the word “green.” The South was afterwards to
teach me many other shades of its significance.
This whole day’s journey lay through the “black belt” of the State
Africa in the of Mississippi. It was manifest to the naked eye
Ascendant. that the black population enormously
outnumbered the white. Few and far between were the cottages
occupied by white folks, numberless the cabins of the blacks. At the
stations the blacks—who love hanging around railway stations—were
to the whites as ten to one. They were a lively, good-humoured,
talkative crowd, and on the whole, one would have said, a fine race
physically. Neither the men nor the women showed any obvious sign
of that dwindling vitality wherein my friend the Memphis bookseller
rejoiced—which is not to say that he was entirely mistaken as
regards the urban negro. These were rural negroes—a wholly
different matter.
The newsman on the train was selling the Memphis Commercial
Appeal, and I noticed that he found quite as many customers among
the blacks as among the whites—two or three at each station. This
would have gratified Mr. Booker Washington, for it was not only a
proof of education but of easy circumstances—the paper costing just
about as much as the Times. Mr. Washington, too, would have
rejoiced to see the rather exquisitely-dressed negro cavalier,
mounted on a pretty little well-bred mare, with spick-and-span new
saddle and appurtenances, who, at Mound Bayou, rode up to the
Jim Crow car, and chatted with a friend. Here was the Gospel of the
Toothbrush supplemented by that of the curry-comb.
At this point I must face an avowal which I have long seen
The Jim Crow Car. looming ahead. Without sincerity these
impressions would be worse than useless. What
I think about the colour question must be superficial, and may be
foolish; but there is a certain evidential value in what I feel. The
whole question, ultimately, is one of feeling; and the instinctive
sensations of an observer, with the prejudices of his race, no doubt,
but with no local Southern prejudices, are, so far as they go, worth
taking into account.
Well, that day in the “black belt” of Mississippi brought home to
me the necessity of the Jim Crow car. The name—the contemptuous,
insulting name—is an outrage. The thing, on the other hand, I
regard as inevitable. There are some negroes (so called) with whom
I should esteem it a privilege to travel, and many others whose
companionship would be in no way unwelcome to me; but, frankly, I
do not want to spend a whole summer day in the Mississippi Valley
cheek by jowl with a miscellaneous multitude of the negro race.
The Jim Crow car is defended by many Southerners as a means of
keeping the peace, and on the ground of the special aversion which,
owing to deplorable and (in time) corrigible circumstances, the negro
male excites in the white woman. But I think the matter goes deeper
than this. The tension between the races might be indefinitely
relaxed, outrages might become a well-nigh incredible legend, the
Gospel of the Toothbrush might be disseminated among the negroes
ten times more widely than it is; and still it would not be desirable
that the two races should be intermingled at close quarters in the
enforced intimacy of a long railway journey. The permanent
difficulty, underlying all impermanent ones, that time, education,
Christian charity, and soap and water may remove, is that of sheer
unlikeness.
Oh! they are terribly unlike, these two races! I am postulating no
superiority or inferiority. I say, with Bishop Bratton, that “the negro is
capable of development up to a point which neither he nor any one
else can as yet fix;” and I will even assume that, from an astral point
of view, the negro norm of physical beauty may be quite as well
justified as that of the white. But they are essentially, irreconcilably
different; and instincts rooted through untold centuries lead the
white man to associate ugliness and a certain tinge of animalism
with the negro physiognomy and physique. Call it illusion, prejudice,
what you will, this is an unalterable fact of white psychology; or, if
alterable, not in one generation, nor yet in one century. No doubt
there is something good-humoured and not unsympathetic in the
very ugliness (from the white point of view) of the negro. For that
reason, among others, the two races can get on well enough, if you
give them elbow-room. But elbow-room is just what the conditions
of railway travelling preclude; wherefore I hold the system of
separate cars a legitimate measure of defence against constant
discomfort. Had it not been adopted, the South would have been a
nation of saints, not of men. It is in the methods of its enforcement
that they sometimes show themselves not only human but inhuman.
Remember that the question is complicated by the American’s
resolute adherence to the constitutional fiction of equality. As there
The Fiction of are no “classes” in the great American people,
Equality. so there must be no first, second, or third class
on the American railways.[20] Of course, the theory remains a fiction
on the railroad no less than in life. Everyone travels first class; but
those who can pay for it may travel in classes higher than first,
called parlour-cars, drawing-room cars, and so forth. The only real
validity of the fiction, it seems to me, lies in the unfortunate situation
it creates with regard to the negro. If our three classes (or even
two) were provided on every train, the mass of the negro population
would, from sheer economic necessity, travel third. It might or might
not be necessary to provide separate cars on that level; but if it
were, the discrimination would not be greatly felt by the grade of
black folks it would affect. In the higher-class cars there would be no
reasonable need for discrimination, for the number of negroes using
them would be few in comparison, and personally unobjectionable.
The essential elbow-room would seldom be lacking; conditions in the
first and second class would be very much the same as they are at
present in the North. It is the crowding, the swamping, the
submerging of the white race by the black, that the South cannot
reasonably be expected to endure; and what I realized on that day
in Mississippi was that such swamping would be an inevitable and
everyday incident unless measures were taken to obviate it.
A Dual Paradox. Of all historic ironies this is surely the bitterest
—that the Republic founded to demonstrate
eighteenth-century ideals of human equality should have been fated
to provide their most glaring reductio ad absurdum. This is far from
an original observation: but there is another paradox in the case
which is not so generally recognized. It is that the most religious of
modern peoples should all the time be flying in the face of the
plainest dictates of Christianity. The South is by a long way the most
simply and sincerely religious country that I ever was in.[21] It is not,
like Ireland, a priest-ridden country; it is not, like England, a country
in which the strength of religion lies in its social prestige; it is not,
like Scotland, a country steeped in theology. But it is a country in
which religion is a very large factor in life, and God is very real and
personal. In other countries men are apt to make a private matter of
their religion, in so far as it is not merely formal; but the Southerner
wears his upon his sleeve. There is a simple sincerity in his appeal to
religious principle which I have often found really touching. I have
often, too, been reminded of that saying of my Pennsylvanian friend:
“The South may be living in the twentieth century, but it has skipped
the nineteenth.” The Southerner goes to the Gospels for his rule of
life, and has never heard of Nietzsche; yet I am wholly unable to
discover how the system of race-discriminations is reconcilable with
the fundamental precepts of Christianity. It is far easier to find in the
Old Testament the justification of slavery than in the New Testament
the justification of the Jim Crow car, the white and black school, and
the white and black church.[22] This is not necessarily a
condemnation of the Southerner’s attitude; I do not think that the
colour problem was foreseen in the New Testament. Christianity is
one thing, sociology another, and the Southerner’s logical error,
perhaps, lies in not keeping the distinction clear.[23] But I am sure
there are many sincere and earnest Christians in the South who will
scarce be at ease in heaven unless they enter it, like a Southern
railway station, through a gateway marked “For Whites.”

20. Is this one of what Mr. E. G. Murphy calls “the divine

inconveniences of a Republic”?

21. “The fancied home of the cavalier is the home of the nearest
approach to puritanism and to the most vital protestant
evangelicalism in the world to-day.”—Dr. E. A. Alderman: “The
Growing South,” p. 20.

22. “The result of the war was the complete expulsion of negroes
from white churches.... The Methodist Church South simply set its
negro members bodily out of doors. They did it with some
consideration for their feelings ... but they virtually said to all their
black members, ‘You cannot worship God with us.’ There grew up,
therefore, the Coloured Methodist Episcopal Church.... From the
North now came those negro church bodies born of colour
discrimination in Philadelphia and New York in the eighteenth
century; and thus a Christianity absolutely divided along the colour-
line arose. There may be in the South a black man belonging to a
white church to-day; but if so, he must be very old and very feeble.
This anomaly—this utter denial of the very first principle of the ethics
of Jesus Christ—is to-day so deep-seated and unquestionable a
principle of Southern Christianity that its essential heathenism is
scarcely thought of.” W. E. B. Du Bois, “The Negro in the South,” p.
174. I have been told, but make the statement “with all reserve,”
that no colour-line is drawn in Roman Catholic churches in the
South.

23. The perils of biblical argument may be illustrated by this

passage from “An Appeal to Pharaoh,” a book of which I shall have
more to say later (p. 235): “The same inspired authority who tells us
that ‘God made the world ... and hath made of one blood all nations
of men, for to dwell on the face of the earth,’ reminds us in the
same breath that He Himself ‘hath determined the bounds of their
habitations.’” But if, on this principle, the presence of the negro in
America is a breach of divine ordinance, what are we to say of the
presence of the white man in America?
 IX
EDUCATION AND THE DEMONSTRATION FARM

Enormous undeveloped or half-developed fertility is the impression

one receives on every hand in the South; but the lack of
development belongs to a state of things soon to pass away. There
can be little doubt that the South stands on the threshold of an
agricultural Golden Age.[24] It is being brought about mainly by three
agencies: (1) The United States Department of Agriculture; (2) The
General Education Board of New York; (3) the boll-weevil, which,
entering Texas from Mexico in 1899, has extended its ravages over
the States of Arkansas, Oklahoma, Louisiana, and part of Mississippi,
and at one time threatened the ruin of the whole cotton industry. It
may seem odd that this unwelcome invader should be reckoned
among the factors that are promoting agricultural development; but,
in a very real sense, he has served as a pioneer to the movement.
Dr. Wallace Buttrick, of the General Education Board, was so kind
as to give me an outline of the course of events.
Rockefeller to the “Our Board,” he said, “was established and
Rescue. endowed, and has been at various intervals re-
endowed, by Mr. Rockefeller.”
“To promote education in the South?”
“Not in the South alone, nor even primarily; but we had, of
course, to study the special conditions prevailing in the South. We
soon convinced ourselves that the deficiencies of Southern education
—and they were enormous—were due to the sheer poverty of the
country.[25] In the Southern towns there are good schools, and the
accommodation is fairly adequate. But only 15 per cent. of the
population of the South is a city population. The remaining 85 per
cent. is rural and agricultural—not even, for the most part, gathered
in villages of any size—so that the problem of bringing education to
the doors of the people is an immensely difficult one.”
“I suppose compulsory education is not to be thought of?”
“It is thought of; it is mooted; it is coming; but not yet awhile.
That is just what, as I say, we realized—that the South is too poor to
pay for an adequate system of education, and that the problem is
too huge a one for even the most lavish outside philanthropy to
tackle. What was to be done, then? Manifestly to enrich the
Southern agriculturalist, so as to enable him to pay for the schooling
of his children. As it is, his average income is something like a third
of the average income of a man of his class in (say) the State of
Iowa, where the public-school system is adequate and satisfactory.
Multiply his income by three, or even by two, and he also will be
able to afford an adequate public-school system.”
“So your problem was nothing less than to double or treble the
wealth of the fifteen or sixteen Southern States?”
The Boll-Weevil. “Something like that; and it was right here
that the boll-weevil came in. With ruin staring
them in the face, the farmers of the affected districts took up
eagerly the system of what are called Demonstration Farms,
organized by Dr. S. A. Knapp, of the U.S. Department of Agriculture.
That department, at its experimental stations and with the aid of its
entomologists, had devised a method of combating the pest.
Roughly speaking, it consisted of getting in ahead of the weevil—
carefully preparing the ground and selecting the right varieties of
seed, so that the main part of the crop could be harvested before
the insect was ready to attack it. But it is one thing to devise a
scientific method and another thing to persuade and teach farmers
to carry it out. This difficulty Dr. Knapp got over by the following
means: he organized a body of skilled agents, who went to the
leading citizens—merchants, bankers, or what not—of a given
district, and said, ‘Introduce us to the most intelligent and
progressive farmer of your neighbourhood.’ Then to this farmer the
agent would say, ‘If you will set apart a certain amount of land to be
treated, under my supervision, exactly as I shall prescribe, I (that is
to say, the Government) will provide you with the right seed for the
purpose, and you will see what the result will be.’ Then meetings
would be called of the neighbouring farmers, principles explained,
and their attention directed to the experiment. Their life-and-death
interest in the matter would make them watch the result closely; and
as, in each case, the result would be a far larger crop per acre than
they had been used to before the appearance of the weevil, you may
imagine whether the methods of culture were eagerly adopted and
the right sorts of seed eagerly applied for.
An Educational “Well, we of the General Education Board saw
Campaign. in the method of Dr. Knapp’s campaign against
the boll-weevil the very thing we were wanting. The Government
was operating only in the boll-weevil districts—there were
constitutional objections to its extending its activity to regions
unaffected by the pest. There we stepped in, and offered to finance
the extension of the Demonstration Farms to other districts, in
accordance with their needs and capabilities. So long as only a
nominal money appropriation was required of it, the Government
had no objection to our acting under its authority, our agents thus
having the prestige of Government emissaries. For the current year,
we have appropriated £15,000 to the work, while Congress has
voted a somewhat larger sum for work in the boll-weevil States.
Altogether, about 12,000 Demonstration Farms have already been
established, and about 20,000 farmers have agreed to ‘co-operate’—
that is, to work the whole or part of their land according to our
instructions. The system is quite new. It has nowhere been at work
more than two years, and there are many regions which are not yet
even touched by it; but already the results are surprising.”
“It does not, I presume, apply solely to cotton-growing?”
“Certainly not; on the contrary, one of our great objects is to
break down the exclusive reliance on cotton so common in many
districts, and to show how the exhaustion of land may be avoided by
the judicious rotation of crops. In short, we aim at providing object-
lessons in scientific agriculture all over the Southern States, and of
course always with strict reference to the particular advantages and
disadvantages of a district. I assure you the South is at the opening
of a new agricultural era; and it will not be many years before our
work will produce a marked effect on education. Come back ten
years hence, and you will no longer find it true that the Southern
school is open, on an average, only about three months in the year;
that the Southerner gets, on an average, something less than three
years’ schooling in his whole life; and that about 10 per cent. of the
native-born white population of the Southern States is wholly
illiterate, and about 40 per cent. of the negro population. We are
going to change all that.”
The Way to Wealth. Shortly afterwards I met, not Dr. Knapp
himself, but his son, Mr. Arthur Knapp, who gave
me some further information as to the new era in Southern
agriculture.
“Not only,” he said, “is much Southern land unimproved, but much
of it is exhausted by careless and ignorant cultivation. It has been
the method of many Southern farmers to work their land until it
would no longer raise a paying crop of cotton; then to sell their
farms for what they could get and move on to fresher soil. The
system of Demonstration Farms will put an end to this, along with
many other abuses and stupidities. It is the only sound method of
educating the farmer. You may deluge him with Government
bulletins of printed advice without producing the slightest effect.
Even if he reads and understands the advice, he can’t or won’t apply
it in practice. You must show him the process and show him the
results. Much more is done by talking than by reading in the South;
things circulate from mouth to mouth much more effectually than
even through the newspapers. Each of the 12,000 Demonstration
Farms is visited by from thirty to one hundred neighbouring farmers.
That means that the object-lessons reach something like 400,000
every year. And then the spirit of emulation is awakened. Intelligent
and energetic men are fired with the idea that they will beat the
Government; and they go off and have a very good try.”
“I think I roughly understand the method of fighting the boll-
weevil; but can you tell me something of what is being done for the
benefit of other products than cotton?”
“Well, we insist on the necessity of better drainage, of deeper and
more thorough ploughing, of carefully selecting and storing the best
varieties of seed. We demonstrate the judicious rotation of crops,
and show the advantages of devoting portions of the farm to
legumes, which have a high food value for stock, and at the same
time enrich the soil. Above all, perhaps, we insist on the necessity of
economizing labour by the use of more horse-power and better
implements, and urge the increasing of stock to such an extent that
all the waste products and idle lands of the farm may be utilized.”
“But most, if not all, of these prescriptions surely demand fresh
capital. Where is that to come from?”
“Why, no one pretends that the average farmer can introduce all
these improvements at once. The fundamental ones do not require
more capital, but only more thought and labour; and, these once
applied, the more expensive improvements will gradually become
possible. The more intelligent preparation of the soil and selection of
the seed produce wonderful results at once in the case of corn—
what you call maize—no less than in the case of cotton. If a farmer,
under our guidance, plants half his land with corn and cowpeas, and
only the other half with cotton, he gets as much cotton as he used
to before, and has his corn and cowpeas in addition, while the land
will be gradually restored to its original fertility. It is one of our great
objects to teach farmers, while keeping cotton their ‘cash crop,’ as
they call it, to divert from cotton as much land as is necessary to
raise their own essential food-stuffs and the fodder for their stock—
things which, under the present wasteful system, they mostly buy
from outside.”
“Then the result of all this will not be an immense and immediate
increase in the whole output of cotton?”
“Not immediate, no; but who can tell what the ultimate result may
be? It is quite possible, for instance, that a cheaper and more
effective method of combating the boll-weevil may one day be
discovered. As it is, with all our care in breaking up the hibernating
places of the pest, and planting so that the greater part of the crop
can be secured before he is ready to attack it, we merely keep him
effectively in check, we do not exterminate him. He still puts us to
much additional labour and expense, and he still gets the end of the
crop.”
 “He seems to have been a valuable stimulus to effort, however;
you ought not to speak ungratefully of him.”
“His work in that respect is done—we have no further use for him.
By-the-by, have you seen his portrait?”
And I left Mr. Knapp with my note-book enriched with a
counterfeit presentment, many times enlarged, of the insect which
has co-operated with Mr. John D. Rockefeller in the agricultural
regeneration of the South.

24. “Mr. Richard H. Edmonds, in an illuminating article in the

Review of Reviews for February, 1906, has declared that no country
ever dominated, as does the South, an industry of such value and
importance as the cotton crop.... Three-fourths of this great crop,
which must be relied on to clothe civilization, and in the exploitation
of which two billions of capital are used, is raised in the South. It is a
stupendous God-made monopoly. To-day, the South has invested, in
777 mills, with their 9,200,000 spindles, $225,000,000, as against
$21,000,000 twenty-five years ago. The fields of the South furnish
the raw material for three-fourths of the mills of all the world with
their 110,000,000 spindles. The South now consumes 2,300,000
bales, which is about the amount consumed by the rest of the
country, and is a fourfold increase over its consumption in 1890.”—
Dr. E. A. Alderman: “The Growing South,” p. 18. A threefold increase
in the cotton-crops seems easily possible; but whether prices could
be kept up under such conditions is another question. Be this as it
may, an immense agricultural development seems practically certain.

25. “The figures of our national census show that from 1860 to
1870 there was a fall of $2,100,000,000 in the assessed value of
Southern property, and that the period of Reconstruction added, in
the years from 1870 to 1880, another $67,000,000 to the loss.”—E.
G. Murphy, “The Present South,” p. 40. “No other region, except
Poland, ever knew such losses; and Poland ceased to exist. The year
1900 had come and gone before the whole South had regained its
per capita wealth of 1860.”—E. A. Alderman: “The Growing South,”
p. 7.
 X
NEW ORLEANS

Vicksburg is situated on a solitary, abrupt bluff, at a bend of the

Mississippi; whence, I suppose, its strategic importance and its place
in history. I climbed to its highest point, and looked out, at sunset,
over the burnished river and the Louisiana shore beyond. It seemed
one unbroken stretch of dark forest, which might never have been
threaded by human foot, or only by that of the Red Man. When the
first explorer of the great river climbed the bluff (as he doubtless
did), he must have surveyed no very different scene.
The town, too, had a touch of the primitive South about it which I
had not hitherto encountered. Memphis was as civilized and modern
as any Northern city; but Vicksburg, with its steep-climbing streets,
its cavernous, dimly-lighted shops, and its lounging outdoor life, had
something of the air of an Italian hill-town. The principal hotel was a
gaunt, dingy caravanserai, with no pretence to modernity about it.
Here, and here only, I may say, I found the Northern allegation
justified, that the South had lagged behind the age in things
material.
An odd little incident brought home to me vividly the width of the
Madrigals by the empire of English literature. At a street corner a
Mississippi. sharp-featured Yankee youth, mounted on a
large cart, was carrying on a book-auction, with a great deal of lively
patter. As I passed, a familiar phrase fell upon my ear:

“And shallow rivers, by whose falls

Melodious birds sing madrigals.”
I stopped and heard him read, not without understanding, the whole
of Marlowe’s canzonet. It carried me back from the Mississippi to the
Cherwell and the Chess; but what did it mean, I wonder, to the little
crowd of loafers, half white, half black, that surrounded his stall?
Then, with a little more patter, he modulated into

“As it fell upon a day

In the merry month of May,”

and I left him stumbling over the accentuation of

“King Pandion he is dead,

All thy friends are lapt in lead.”

Passing the same way half an hour later, I heard him thus deliver
himself: “Here y’are—Dr. Johnson’s great work ‘Rasselas’! Seventy-
five cents for ‘Rasselas’! He was Prince of Abyssinia—that’s a country
in West Africa where they’s a powerful lot o’ coloured folks.” But
there was, in the phrase of the country, nothing doing in “Rasselas.”
I saw only one actual transaction concluded—a negro could not
resist the allurement of “Doré’s Bible Gallery,” on which he lavished
three shillings.
Next morning I awoke to look out upon a moist mist rising over
the vast green chequer-board of rice-fields, as we approached New
Disillusionment. Orleans. Again a country of wonderful richness,
to which clumps of splendid trees gave a park-
like aspect. The population seemed sparse. Little wooden churches
were dotted every here and there, each with its pigmy spire—a
feature not elsewhere common. The whole region, of course, was as
flat as a windless sea.
But, oh! the disappointment of New Orleans! To come from the
dainty pages of Cable to this roaring, clanging, ragged-edged,
commonplace American city! It seemed particularly frayed and
grimy, because the streets had everywhere been torn up for much-
needed sewerage operations; but under the best of circumstances it
must be, I should say, a city devoid of charm. In respect of mere
width, Canal Street is doubtless a splendid thoroughfare; but even it,
with its two or three scattered sky-scrapers and its otherwise paltry
buildings, produces a raw, unfinished effect; while it is so often
cluttered up with electric cars, on its six or eight tracks, as to have
the air of a crowded railway-yard.
The usually truthful Baedeker tells us that “New Orleans is in
many ways one of the most picturesque and interesting cities in
America, owing to the survival of the buildings, manners, and
customs of its original French and Spanish inhabitants.” He further
states that “Canal Street divides the French quarter, or ‘Vieux Carré’
from the new city, or American quarter.” I therefore plucked up fresh
hope, dodged the swarming street-cars of Canal Street, and made
for a street of the “Vieux Carré,” which had at least a French name—
Bourbon Street. But here my disappointment became abysmal. It is
difficult to believe that the French city, with its narrow, rectangular
streets and its commonplace houses, can ever have been
picturesque; now, at all events, it has sunk into a rookery of grimy
and dismal slums. There is still a certain pleasantness about the old
Place d’ Armes (now Jackson Square), with its cathedral and its old-
world red-brick Pontalba Mansions; but, for the rest, the glory of the
old city has absolutely departed. Baedeker duly informs us where
“Sieur George” lived, and “Tite Poulette,” and “Madame Délicieuse,”
but I did not take the trouble to identify the houses. If I am ever
again to read Mr. Cable with pleasure, I must forget all I saw of old
New Orleans. Of only one spot in it have I a grateful recollection—
namely, Fabacher’s Restaurant, in Royal Street (Rue Royale). There I
partook of a “Creole Gumbo”—a soup compounded of ham, crab,
shrimps, chicken, and oysters—the bouillabaisse, I take it, of
Louisiana.
In the new residential quarters of the city, in St. Charles Avenue
and about Audubon Park, there are, no doubt, many beautiful
houses, pleasantly embowered in semi-tropical vegetation. One or
two of the newest and showiest mansions, in the Spanish style of
architecture, I suspected of being built after a fashion I had
observed on the outskirts of Memphis—with only a “veneer” of
stone. The essential structure is of wood; but an outside casing is
added, consisting of rusticated blocks of stone some three or four
inches thick, an air-chamber being left between the stone and the
wood. Whether this method of building is found successful I cannot
say. The effect is often pleasing enough, even though the Lamp of
Truth may not shine conspicuous in the architecture.
A run in a river-steamer for several miles up and down the
Mississippi enabled me to realize in a measure the commercial
magnitude and importance of New Orleans. But what impressed me
most of all in the city was its cemeteries, of which it is justly proud.
They are certainly magnificent and “pretentious” cities of the dead.
(The word “pretentious” is currently used in America as a term of
laudation.) Yes; if you want to get buried with everything handsome
about you, by all means go to New Orleans. But as a place to live in,
I cannot, on short acquaintance, commend it.
A Champion of the My pleasantest memory of New Orleans is of a
Children. house on Prytania Street—cool and airy, on an
evening of extreme sultriness—where a lady of Scottish name and
descent was good enough to talk to me of her manifold public
activities. She is an ardent Suffragist—a rarity in these climes—but,
above all things, she devotes herself to the work of holding in check,
so far as may be, the terrible evils of child-labour, which its rapidly
growing industrialism has brought upon the South.
“It is quite true,” said Miss Graham, in answer to a question of
mine, “that you may often see the black child going to school while
the white child goes into the factory. The negro child is not wanted
in the factories; it could not be relied on; it would fall asleep over its
work. You know, I dare say, that we are now overrun in New Orleans
with Southern and Eastern Europeans—Italians, Roumanians,
Lithuanians, Greeks. It is their children that are the chief sufferers.”
“In what forms of employment?”
“Why, in cotton mills, stocking mills, candy factories, department
stores. We got an Act some time ago forbidding the employment in
factories of boys under twelve and girls under fourteen. But the
proof of age required was simply a certificate from the parents! And
the result was to make it appear that most boys had been born at
the age of twelve, and most girls at fourteen. We are now agitating
for an Act greatly increasing the penalties for employing children
under age and for issuing false certificates.”
“Just before coming here,” I said, “I went into a boot-blacking
‘parlour.’ It was a long, close gallery; and there I had seen a dozen
little boys working all this sweltering Sunday under a ‘boss.’ Unless
he had relays of boys (which seems unlikely) they must have been
at it, to my certain knowledge, for eight hours, and I don’t suppose
they will shut down for another two hours at least.”
“If you had inquired,” said Miss Graham, “you would probably have
found that they were all Greeks. The negro boot-blacks of New
Orleans used to be quite a class by themselves—Eugene Field has
written a poem about them. But now they have been quite ousted
by the Greeks; while the negroes, in turn, have ousted the Italian
organ-grinders. Yes, the boot-black boys are a bad case; but still
worse is the case of the telegraph-messengers. Just think of their
working young boys from six in the evening to six in the morning—
sending them at all hours of the night into the lowest streets of the
lowest quarters of this wicked city—and paying them two cents a
message.”
“At what age do they take them?”
“Why, at any age when they can trot and have intelligence enough
to find an address that is given them. And, mark you, it isn’t always
—perhaps not generally—extreme poverty that makes the parents
thus sacrifice their children. Often the children’s earnings will go to
pay the two or two-and-a-half dollars a month demanded for a piano
on the instalment system. That instalment system is a great curse to
the ignorant poor. I have known a little child sent out to labour that
its mother might acquire—of course at four or five times its value—
what do you think?—a huge green plush album!
An Island Inferno. “Just in these days,” Miss Graham continued,
“we have had some terrible revelations of child-
labour, at a certain place on the Gulf Coast, where more than 200
children, from nine years old upwards, are kept ‘shucking’ oysters for
twelve hours a day, under the most horrible conditions, physical and
moral. And the Law Committee of our S.P.C.C. reports that there is
no remedy, because the factory law at present in force in Louisiana
applies only to ‘cities or towns having a population of 10,000 or
more;’ whereas this place is a little private inferno, owned by a
single company and occupied solely by its serfs. But we are fighting
a good fight for better laws and better conditions.”
My greatly condensed report of her conversation may lead the
reader to mistake Miss Graham for a one-idea’d humanitarian. There
could not be a greater error. She is an eminently practical, energetic,
broad-minded young lady, with a keen sense of humour and an
interest in many things outside the work to which she has devoted
herself. I am sure the little children of New Orleans have in her not
only a sincere but a very shrewd and efficient friend.
Miss Graham reported the relations between the white and
coloured populations in New Orleans rather exceptionally good. The
reason, I think, is not far to seek—namely, that the whites
outnumber the blacks by about three to one. The acuteness of the
problem in any given locality is apt to depend largely on the
numerical proportions of the races.[26]
On the New Orleans street-cars the two races are kept apart, but
the discrimination is certainly made with the utmost urbanity. The
rear-seats of each car are marked “For Coloured Patrons Only.”

26. “I lay it down as a fact which cannot successfully be

challenged, that the relations between the white and negro races in
every State in the Union have been, and are now, controlled by
considerations ultimately governed by the factor of the relative
numbers of the two.’—A. H. Stone: “The American Race Problem,” p.
57.
 XI
CRIME-SLAVERY AND DEBT-SERFDOM[27]

Montgomery, the legislative capital of Alabama, has the air of a

pleasant and prosperous country town, with spacious streets, for the
most part well shaded with trees. Its dignified, unpretending State
House—where the Confederate Government was organized in 1861,
and where Jefferson Davis took the oath as President—is admirably
situated at the top of a gradually sloping hill, and commands a fine
view over the rich, pleasant country. The soil in this district (and,
indeed, in many parts of Alabama and Georgia) is as red as that of
South Devon, and has naturally imparted its tint to the swirling
Alabama river, which, when I saw it, reminded me of the rivers
through which Thomas the Rhymer rode in the old ballad:

“For a’ the blude that’s shed on earth

Rins through the springs o’ that countrie.”

I was much disappointed not to find at his Alabama home Mr.

Edgar G. Murphy, whose book on “The Present South” proves him
not only a humane and judicious thinker, but one of the most
accomplished living writers of America. I take this opportunity of
expressing my great indebtedness to his admirable work.
My most interesting experience in Montgomery was a long talk
with an intelligent and prosperous negro tradesman, whom I shall
A Contented call Mr. Albert Millard. Mr. Millard did not, on the
Negro. whole, express serious dissatisfaction with the
condition of his race in the neighbourhood, and was inclined to take
a hopeful view of the situation in general. “It’s the low classes of
both races,” said he, “that keep us down and keep friction up.”
 “In labour matters,” he went on, “no galling colour-line is drawn.
In the building trade, for example, there is a white union and a
coloured union, with a superior council representing both races. On
Labour Day they parade together until they come to a certain point.
Then one body turns to the right and the other to the left, and they
finish the celebration each in its own park.”
“I wonder,” I said, “whether that may not be a type and model in
miniature for the general solution of the question.”
But Mr. Millard’s note changed when I got him on the
administration of justice.
Inter-Racial Justice. “No,” he said, “we do not get justice in the
courts. A negro’s case gets no fair hearing; and
he is far more severely punished than a white man for the same
offence. I’ll give you a little instance of the sort of thing that
happens. A coloured man whom I know—a decent, quiet fellow—
used to work in a livery stable. The boss one day fell a-cursing him
so furiously that the man couldn’t stand it, and said he’d just as
soon quit. He went into a room to take off his overalls; the boss
followed him, and, without more ado, hit him over the head with an
iron crowbar and knocked him senseless. When the man recovered
he got out a warrant against the boss; but, instead of listening to his
case, the Recorder said he might be thankful his master hadn’t killed
him, and the next time he appeared in that court he would be sent
to the farm.”
“Sent to the farm?”
“That means fined a sum he couldn’t pay, and sent to work it out
either on the State farm or under some private employer. Oh, the
State makes a big profit in this way! Suppose a man is fined 20
dollars and costs—say 25 dollars altogether—his labour being
credited to him at 50 cents a day, it takes him fifty days to work out
his fine. But his labour is worth far more than 50 cents a day. Private
employers pay the State 60 or 70 cents a day for each convict
labourer, and provide his food as well; but he is credited only with 50
cents all the same.”
“And what are they employed in for the most part?”
 “Oh, farming in general—cotton, corn, potatoes, some sugar-cane.
The State has lots of stock. And then there are the truck gardens
(market-gardens) and the coal-mines.”
“And do you mean to say that all magistrates behave like the
Recorder you spoke of?”
“When the regular Recorder is away, they select the hardest of the
aldermen to take his place. There is only one court in which we think
we get justice, and that is the Federal Court.”
This is one of the few points on which there is little conflict of
evidence—the negro, in the main, does not get justice in the courts
An Elective of the South.[28] The tone of the courts is
Magistracy. exemplified in the pious peroration of the lawyer
who exclaimed: “God forbid that a jury should ever convict a white
man for killing a nigger who knocked his teeth down his throat!”
Exceptions there are, no doubt; there are districts in which the
negroes themselves report that they are equitably treated. But the
rule is that in criminal cases a negro’s guilt is lightly assumed, and
he is much more heavily punished than a white man would be for
the same offence;[29] while in civil cases justice may be done
between black and black, but seldom between white and black.
It would seem, too, that as a rule the negro lawyer receives scant
attention in the courts. Flagrant instances of this have been related
to me—too flagrant, I hope, to be typical. It is pointed out, indeed,
that while negro doctors are numbered by the thousand, negro
lawyers (despite the argumentative and rhetorical nature of the
race) are comparatively few. The reason alleged is that, though
colour is no disqualification in the courts of nature, it practically
disbars in the courts of men.
In the last analysis, this condition of affairs is no doubt a sort of
automatic index of the state of public sentiment in the South. The
average man does not greatly desire, or does not desire at all, that
scrupulous justice should be done to the negro; and an elective
magistracy—elected, as a rule, for short terms—simply mirrors this
attitude of mind. A Recorder who held the scales even, as between
the races, would quickly become unpopular with his electorate. He
must record their judgments, or he will record no longer.
 But there are special causes which tend to deflect the scale
against the negro, and the chief of these is the system touched upon
by Mr. Millard, which makes convict labour a source of profit to the
Profitable Crime. State. No doubt white men as well as blacks are
sentenced to the “chain-gang”; but it is much
more natural and simple to send a negro than a white man into
judicial slavery.[30] Why let any pedantic rule of evidence or
sentimental scruple of humanity deprive the commonwealth of a
profitable serf? I find it alleged that in the year 1904 the State of
Georgia made a clear profit of £45,000 out of “chain-gang” labour
leased to private contractors. There is perhaps some mistake about
this, since the average profit of the previous three years had been
only £16,000 per annum. But even that sum is surely £16,000 too
much.[31]
One can understand the attractions of such a system, however
unreal may be the gains that accrue to the Commonwealth. It is
much less easy to understand another system, expounded to me by
a leading white citizen of the State of Alabama, which makes it to
the interest of magistrates and other officers of the law to promote
litigation, and to keep the prisons full, because of the fees it brings
them—so much for issuing a warrant, so much for filing it, so much
for making an arrest, so much for maintenance in prison, etc. I do
not understand this system well enough to attempt to explain it; but
my informant declared that on one occasion, in his own town, a
temporary magistrate, who was appointed during the serious illness
of the regular occupant of the bench, found the prison “stacked up”
with 500 negroes. Half of them were “held” on frivolous charges,
which he simply dismissed; on the other half he imposed light fines
which they could pay. “These iniquities,” my friend continued, “react
upon us; they cost us money, and our gaols are breeders of crime
and filth and disease. But our best people see it, and they’re going
to correct it.”
While such systems prevail, it is manifest that statistics of negro
crime must be carefully scrutinized and largely discounted before
An Outlawed Race. any value can be attached to them.[32] At the
same time there is no doubt a considerable class
of criminal negroes. It is natural, and indeed inevitable, that there
should be. They are largely illiterate; they are for the most part
poor; their white environment does all it can to lower rather than to
stimulate their self-respect; the temptations of drink and drugs
(mainly cocaine) beset them in many places; and when once a negro
comes in conflict with the law, everything is done, not to reclaim
him, but to harden him in crime. When we consider in how many
respects the race is outlawed, it seems wonderful that more of them
should not fall into habits of outlawry. No one can reasonably
pretend, I think, that there is in the negro any innate and peculiar
bent towards crime. Give him an equal chance, and he will show
himself quite as ready as the white man to respect the criminal law
at all events, if not, perhaps, the precepts of current morality. I
cannot believe that any deep-rooted “original sin” in the African race
is a serious element in the colour problem.
Meanwhile, by treating him with consistent and systematic
injustice, the South is weakening and confusing her own case
against the negro. In spite of many better impulses among the more
enlightened of her people, her dominant instinct is to substitute for
slavery a condition of serfdom. The black race is to have no
indefeasible rights, but rather revocable licences to pretend to be
freemen, so long as the pretence does not seriously interfere with
the convenience or profit of the white race. And specially must the
strictest limits be placed to the freeman’s right to work when and
where he will, and even, if it suits him, to refrain from working. The
South needs the negro’s labour, and is determined to have it, not on
his terms, but on hers. Far more important and wide-reaching than
the crime-slavery of the “chain-gang” is the system of debt-slavery
or peonage, whereby a negro, becoming hopelessly indebted to a
white landlord (and store-keeper), is compelled to spend the
remainder of his life in working off a claim which can never be wiped
out, because, for his very subsistence, he is forced to be ever
renewing it. There is all the less chance of escape as accounts are
kept by the landlord or his agent, and the negro is seldom in a
position to check them. Until the law comes to the relief of the
“peon,” and ceases to traffic in the sweat of the convict, the South, it
seems to me, cannot look the negro squarely in the face.
Many Southerners, even the not unthoughtful or inhuman, make it
the first and last word of their philosophy that “the nigger must be
taught to know his place.” This means, on analysis, simply that he
must accept his position as a serf. But no more than slavery, I take
it, is serfdom permanently possible in a modern democratic State;
and in so far as she fails to recognize this, the South is once more
trying to put back the hands of Time.

27. “Two systems of controlling human labour which still flourish in

the South are the direct children of slavery. These are the crop-lien
system and the convict-lease system. The crop-lien system is an
arrangement of chattel mortgages, so fixed that the housing, labour,
kind of agriculture and, to some extent, the personal liberty of the
free black labourer is put into the hands of the landowner and
merchant. It is absentee landlordism and the ‘company-store’
systems united. The convict-lease system is the slavery in private
hands of persons convicted of crimes and misdemeanors in the
courts.”—Atlanta University Publications, No. IX. p. 2.

28. On the other hand, Mr. A. H. Stone (“The American Race

Problem,” p. 73) cites several cases of even-handed justice as
between the two races, and adds: “There is not a community in the
South where such things as these do not constantly occur, but their
record is buried in the musty documents of courts, instead of being
trumpeted abroad.” Mr. Stone also quotes a remark by Mr. Booker
Washington to the same effect.

29. It appears, however, that in many cases the great demand for
negro labour operates in favour of the negro who has been guilty of
serious crime—he escapes with a fine which is paid by his white
employer, and has to be worked off. Here, for instance, is a report
from the township of Prendergrass, Georgia: “The Negroes in
general are in a bad shape here. There are about eighty criminals
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