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49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page iii

Professional
Outlook® 2007 Programming

Ken Slovak

Wiley Publishing, Inc.

49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page ii
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page i

Professional
Outlook® 2007 Programming
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page ii
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page iii

Professional
Outlook® 2007 Programming

Ken Slovak

Wiley Publishing, Inc.

49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page iv

Professional Outlook® 2007 Programming

Published by
Wiley Publishing, Inc.
10475 Crosspoint Boulevard
Indianapolis, IN 46256
www.wiley.com

Copyright © 2007 by Wiley Publishing, Inc., Indianapolis, Indiana

Published simultaneously in Canada

ISBN-13: 978-0-470-04994-5

Manufactured in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:

Slovak, Ken.
Professional Outlook 2007 programming / Ken Slovak.
p. cm.
Published simultaneously in Canada.
Includes index.
ISBN 978-0-470-04994-5 (paper/website)
1. Microsoft Outlook. 2. Personal information management. 3. Business--Computer programs. I. Title.
HF5548.4.M5255S583 2007
005.5'7--dc22
2007031694

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise, except as permitted under Sections
107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permission of the Publisher, or
authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee to the Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood
Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, (978) 750-8400, fax (978) 646-8600. Requests to the Publisher for permission should be
addressed to the Legal Department, Wiley Publishing, Inc., 10475 Crosspoint Blvd., Indianapolis, IN 46256, (317)
572-3447, fax (317) 572-4355, or online at http://www.wiley.com/go/permissions.

LIMIT OF LIABILITY/DISCLAIMER OF WARRANTY: THE PUBLISHER AND THE AUTHOR MAKE NO REPRE-
SENTATIONS OR WARRANTIES WITH RESPECT TO THE ACCURACY OR COMPLETENESS OF THE CON-
TENTS OF THIS WORK AND SPECIFICALLY DISCLAIM ALL WARRANTIES, INCLUDING WITHOUT
LIMITATION WARRANTIES OF FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. NO WARRANTY MAY BE CREATED
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Trademarks: Wiley, the Wiley logo, Wrox, the Wrox logo, Wrox Programmer to Programmer, and related trade dress
are trademarks or registered trademarks of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. and/or its affiliates, in the United States and
other countries, and may not be used without written permission. Outlook and Microsoft are registered trademarks
of Microsoft Corporation in the United States and/or other countries. All other trademarks are the property of their
respective owners. Wiley Publishing, Inc., is not associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book.

Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be avail-
able in electronic books.
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page v

This book is dedicated, as always, to my beloved wife, Susie, for her patience in putting up
with the long hours of writing and for just being there, and to my dog Casey for keeping me
company while I was writing this book and for being my sales manager and the administrator
of my Exchange server.
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page vi

About the Author

Ken Slovak is president of Slovak Technical Services, a company specializing in Outlook, Exchange, and
Office custom development and consulting. He has been an Outlook MVP since 1998. He has coauthored
Programming Microsoft Outlook 2000, Professional Programming Outlook 2000, Beginning Visual Basic 6 Application
Development; contributed material to other Outlook books; and written numerous magazine articles about
Outlook. He makes his home in central Florida with his wife and dog and enjoys swimming, fishing, cooking,
and chasing squirrels for the dog’s amusement.
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page vii

Credits
Acquisitions Director Production Manager
Jim Minatel Tim Tate

Development Editor Project Coordinator

Maureen Spears Lynsey Osborne

Technical Editor Compositor

Diane Poremsky Craig Johnson, Happenstance Type-O-Rama

Production Editor Proofreader

Christine O’Connor Christopher Jones

Copy Editor Indexer

Foxxe Editorial Services Jack Lewis

Editorial Manager Anniversary Logo Design

Mary Beth Wakefield Richard Pacifico
49945ffirs.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:46 PM Page viii

Acknowledgments

A book like this is a team effort, and even though only the author’s name is on the cover, everyone
on the team makes valuable contributions. I’d like to thank the editors at Wrox for all their work on
the book, which I appreciate more than I can ever express, and for their patience during the long
waits for new chapters. Maureen Spears has been a patient and painstaking development editor,
guiding the book from beginning to end. Jim Minatel, the acquisitions editor is an old friend and
also has been a patient and critical part of this book’s publication. Everyone else at Wrox has also
been great to work with. The technical editor, Diane Poremsky, an Outlook MVP, is an old friend
and writing partner, and I was lucky to have her on this book. The editors are responsible for
everything that’s correct in this book and nothing that's incorrect.

I constantly learn more about Outlook and Outlook development from my fellow Outlook
MVPs, especially the ones who also are involved with Outlook development: Sue Mosher,
Dmitry Streblechenko, Dave Kane, Jay Harlow, Eric Legault, Michael Bauer, Roberto Restelli, and
Ricardo Silva. I’d also like to thank the other Outlook and Exchange MVPs for everything I’ve
learned from them. There is no better group of MVPs and people, and I appreciate being included
in their company. I’d also like to thank Patrick Schmid, who although not an Outlook MVP hangs
out with us and who has done a lot of pioneering work with Ribbon development for Office 2007.

I’d also like to give special thanks to the people on the Outlook product team responsible for Outlook
programmability, Randy Byrne and Ryan Gregg. Randy is an old friend and former Outlook MVP
who has helped bring Outlook from the programming Dark Ages by enhancing the Outlook object
model to turn it into a complete programming API. Ryan has always been completely helpful and
responsive also, and has become a new friend. Finally, Bill Jacob, an Outlook premier support pro-
gramming specialist in Microsoft PSS, has always been another helpful friend.
49945ftoc.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:47 PM Page ix

Contents

Acknowledgments viii
Introduction xv

Chapter 1: An Introduction to Outlook 2007 Programming 1

Setting Up Outlook VBA 1
Setting Up Macro Security 2
Creating a Code-Signing Certificate 3
Reviewing the VBA Editor Interface and Options 4
Understanding Outlook 5
Outlook Profiles and Data Store 6
Outlook Sessions and Data Stores 6
Outlook Folders 6
Outlook Items 8
Outlook Data Storage 8
Accessing Data Stores Using NameSpace 9
Accessing Data with Tables 9
Outlook Data Display 10
Summary 11

Chapter 2: What’s New in Outlook 2007 13

The Unified Object Model 14
The PropertyAccessor 14
Stores and Storage Items 24
User Interface Objects 26
Accounts 28
Performance Improvements 30
Working with Tables Instead of Items 30
Filtering Tables 31
Table Default Columns 33
Table Limitations 33
Security 34
Trusted Code 35
Untrusted Code 35
The Importance of Using DASL 35
DASL Namespaces 36
Using DASL and JET Syntax 36
Summary 38
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Contents
Chapter 3: Outlook Development 39
The Application Object 39
New Methods, Properties, and Events 44
Other Important Collections, Methods, Properties, and Events 48
The NameSpace Object 53
Exchange 53
Categories 54
Picking Folders 54
Picking Names 55
Summary 57

Chapter 4: Outlook VBA 59

The Outlook VBA Project 59
The Project File 59
ThisOutlookSession 60
Macros and VBA Procedures 60
Macro Security 60
Security Levels 61
Signed Macro Code 61
Class Modules 61
ThisOutlookSession 62
User Classes 62
Code Modules 63
Office UserForms 64
Creating the Macro User Interface 64
Working with Outlook Events 68
Application Events 69
Folder Events 77
User Events 80
Wrapper Classes and Collections 81
Macro Projects 88
Custom Rules 89
Additional Macros 100
Running and Distributing Macros 108
Running Macros 108
Distributing the VBA Project 109
Distributing Individual Macros 110
Summary 110

x
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Contents

Chapter 5: Outlook Forms 111

Working with Standard Forms 111
Forms Libraries 112
Published Forms 113
Form Customization 113
Advantages and Disadvantages of Custom Forms 114
Back to the Past: the Forms Development Environment 116
Using the Field Chooser 118
Using the Control Toolbox 119
Using the Code Window 120
Prototyping Forms Code in VBA 122
Simulating the Form Environment in VBA 123
Developing and Debugging Using VBA 124
Custom Form Walkthrough 124
Creating, Publishing, and Running a Form 125
Where to Publish Forms 129
Publishing Forms Using Code 129
Testing Code for the Form 132
Forms Management 136
Form Behavior 138
Trusted Forms 138
Active X Controls 138
Script in Forms 139
Form Regions 139
Form Region Locations, Properties, and Registry Settings 140
Form Region Walkthrough 141
Summary 145

Chapter 6: COM Addins 147

Managed or Unmanaged Code? 147
IDTExtensibility2 and Trusted COM Addins 148
Version Differences 149
VB.NET Addin Implementations 149
C# Addin Implementations 150
Addin Templates 151
Explorer and Inspector Event Handlers 152
Setting Up Explorer and Inspector Event Handlers 152
The OnDisconnection Catch-22 Bug 155
Explorer and Inspector Wrappers 164

xi
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Contents
Template Utility Code 179
VB.NET Utility Code 180
C# Utility Code 182
Displaying Outlook Property Pages 185
Displaying Property Pages with VB.NET 185
Displaying Property Pages with C# 186
Communicating with a COM Addin 188
VB.NET 188
Testing Addin Communications 189
C# 190
VSTO with VB.NET 191
VSTO with C# 194
Summary 196

Chapter 7: COM Addins and the Outlook User Interface 197

Working with Menus and Toolbars 197
Menus and Toolbars in Explorers 198
VB.NET 199
C# 206
VSTO Interface Handlers 213
VB.NET 213
C# 214
AxHost 216
VB.NET 216
C# 216
Working with the Ribbon 217
Ribbon XML 218
Ribbon Callbacks 224
Custom Task Panes 234
Creating Custom Task Panes 235
Working with Custom Task Panes 239
Form Regions 240
Creating Custom Form Regions 242
Working with Custom Form Regions 244
Custom Views 248
Types of Custom Views 248
Creating Custom Views 248
Filtering and Formatting Custom Views 249
View XML 250
Summary 251

xii
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Contents

Chapter 8: Interfacing Outlook with Other Applications 253

Microsoft Word 254
Microsoft Excel 257
Microsoft Access 264
ADO 265
Access DAO 267
DAO DBEngine 268
Web Browser 269
Browser Control Form 269
Summary 272

Chapter 9: Real-World Outlook Programming 275

Supporting Multiple Versions of Outlook 275
Coding for Compatibility 276
Ribbon Considerations and Workarounds 277
Addin Deployment 279
Unmanaged Code Addins 279
Managed Code Addins 280
Outlook Programming Limitations 282
Outlook 2007 282
Outlook 2003 and Earlier 283
Things We Still Don’t Have in Outlook 2007 287
Using Alternate APIs 288
CDO 288
Redemption 289
Summary 303

Chapter 10: Task Management System 305

Task Management System Features 305
The Connect Class 307
The VB Connect Class 307
The C# Connect Class 319
C# MyAxHost 335
VB Globals 337
VB OutExpl 337
C# OutExpl 338
VB ExplWrap 340
C# ExplWrap 341
VB OutInsp 344

xiii
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Contents
C# OutInsp 345
VB InspWrap 347
C# InspWrap 353
VB TaskPane 362
C# TaskPane 366
VB Ribbon XML 372
C# Ribbon XML 373
Summary 373

Appendix A: Outlook 2007 Object Model Summary 375

Appendix B: Troubleshooting Problems and Support 425

Index 439

xiv
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Introduction

Welcome to Professional Programming Outlook 2007. This book covers Outlook programming, with the pri-
mary emphasis on the many new Outlook 2007 programming features. Existing knowledge of Outlook
programming isn’t necessary because this book teaches you all you need to know to develop everything
from Outlook custom forms and personal productivity macros to advanced COM addins that utilize a
range of Microsoft technologies.

When I first was briefed on the programming features of Outlook 2007 early in 2005, I felt like a kid at
Christmas. Finally, the Outlook object model had almost all the features Outlook developers had been
requesting for many years.

Outlook’s object model always has been incomplete. Many properties that are important to Outlook
developers were always unavailable in previous versions of the Outlook object model. Some examples of
properties that were unavailable are Internet headers in emails, the name of the last person to modify an
item, the global object ID for calendar items that was introduced in Outlook 2003 SP2 and calendar labels.
Advanced Outlook programming always had to use additional programming APIs such as CDO 1.21
(Collaboration Data Objects), Extended MAPI, and third-party libraries that exposed Extended MAPI
properties, such as Redemption, that weren’t in the Outlook object model.

Now, with Outlook 2007 you rarely if ever have to leave the Outlook object model to do what you want
with your code.

Who Is This Book For

This book is for professional or advanced developers who want to take full advantage of the power of
the unified Outlook object model in Outlook 2007, and who want to learn the important new features in
the unified object model.

Most of the code samples in this book only require Outlook 2007, and use Outlook VBA code. Code that
utilizes COM addins or that uses VSTO requires you to install Visual Studio 2005 plus VSTO 2005 SE.

What Does This Book Cover?

This book covers:

❑ The Outlook 2007 object model (OOM).

❑ Programming Outlook using VBA, VBScript, VSTO, VB.NET, C#, and VB 6.
❑ Outlook macros, custom forms, and COM addins.
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Introduction
❑ Importing data into Outlook from other programs such as Word, Excel, and Access.
❑ Exporting Outlook data into other programs such as Word, Excel, and Access.
❑ Custom user interface elements for Outlook such as menu items, toolbars, and custom Ribbon
elements, and the use of custom data input and output forms.
❑ Tips and tricks to make your Outlook code run faster and better.

Most short code snippets are presented in VBA (Visual Basic for Applications) code. VBA is useful as a
prototyping tool, and code in VBA is easily translated into VB.NET, VBScript, VB 6, and usually even
into C#. Longer code segments are presented in either VBA or in both VB.NET and C#. The case study is
presented using VB.NET and C#.

Each chapter introduces important Outlook programming concepts, with plenty of sample code to help
you make use of the new and old features of the Outlook object model. In more detail, here’s what you’ll
find in each chapter:

❑ Chapter 1 introduces you to Outlook 2007 programming and includes how to set up Outlook
VBA, how to delve into Outlook and the basics on data storage and data display.
❑ Chapter 2 covers what’s new in the Outlook object model for Outlook 2007, providing an overview
of the important new properties, methods and events in the new unified object model. The chapter
also covers new features that can dramatically improve the speed of Outlook code, the essentials
of Outlook code security, Outlook syntax, and new features for Outlook forms.
❑ Chapter 3 gives you the basics of Outlook development, starting with the decisions about
whether to develop using custom Outlook forms, macros or COM addins. It also covers the
essential elements of Outlook programming, including the Application, Namespace, Explorer and
Inspector objects and collections, Outlook collections and items, and using Outlook’s built-in
dialogs.
❑ Chapter 4 takes a look at Outlook VBA and macros. Outlook VBA isn’t only for creating simple
macros; it’s a great prototyping tool for almost any Outlook project. The VBA Project, macro
security, class modules, UserForms, event handling, macro projects and macro distribution are
among the topics covered here.
❑ Chapter 5 covers Outlook forms, with custom forms both with and without code. The newly
exposed form controls such as the calendar controls are discussed, as is prototyping Outlook
forms code using VBA, Outlook form publishing and custom form distribution.
❑ Chapter 6 shows you Outlook COM addins, both managed and unmanaged, as well as how to
use VSTO 2005 SE (Visual Studio Tools for Office) to simplify the development of managed
Outlook addins. Creating Outlook property pages, debugging Outlook COM addins and distri-
bution of COM addins are also covered.
❑ Chapter 7 covers customizing the Outlook user interface. Working with menus and toolbars as
well as the new Office Ribbon interface are covered, as are custom views, custom task panes and
form regions.
❑ Chapter 8 shows how to interface Outlook with other applications. Interfacing with Word,
Excel, Access are all shown.

xvi
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Introduction
❑ Chapter 9 discusses real world Outlook programming tips and tricks. Code optimization for
speed, support for multiple versions of Outlook, working around Outlook’s remaining pro-
gramming limitations, coping with Outlook security and working with alternate APIs are all
covered from the perspective of an Outlook developer.

The rest of the material in the book gives you important learning and reference resources in the form of a
chapter devoted to a COM addin case study as well as two appendixes. The study chapter shows how to
use Outlook code in solving a real-world programming problem.

❑ Chapter 10 creates a task management system that utilizes the new PropertyAccessor and a
custom task pane to provide hierarchical task linking.
❑ Appendix A provides a summary of the important features of the Outlook 2007 object model.
Important new collections, events, methods, and properties are all covered, as are common
property tags used with the new PropertyAccessor object.
❑ Appendix B covers Outlook development resources, such as Microsoft and third-party Web
sites, resources for Outlook programming code samples, and tools that are useful for Outlook
development. It also shows you how to get help and support for Outlook development, cover-
ing Microsoft and third-party Web sites, support newsgroups, and support mailing lists.

What You Need to Use This Book

The Outlook VBA code samples in this book require you to have Office 2007 with Outlook 2007 installed.
The VB.NET and C# code examples and projects additionally require Visual Studio 2005. The VSTO
code examples and projects require VSTO 2005 SE. The sample code and projects will run on any com-
puter with those prerequisites. For readers using Windows Vista, Visual Studio 2005 requires Service
Pack 1 to be able to debug code.

Conventions
To help you get the most from the text and keep track of what’s happening, we’ve used a number of con-
ventions throughout the book.

Boxes like this one hold important, not-to-be forgotten information that is
directly relevant to the surrounding text.

Tips, hints, tricks, and asides to the current discussion are offset and placed in italics like this.

As for styles in the text:

❑ We highlight new terms and important words when we introduce them.

❑ We show keyboard strokes like this: Ctrl+A.
❑ We show file names, URLs, and code within the text like this: persistence.properties.

xvii
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Introduction
❑ We present code in two different ways:
In code examples we highlight new and important code with a gray background.

The gray highlighting is not used for code that’s less important in the
present context, or has been shown before.

Source Code
As you work through the examples in this book, you may choose either to type in all the code manually
or to use the source code files that accompany the book. All of the source code used in this book is avail-
able for downloading at www.wrox.com. The code for the addin templates and the chapters is also available
for downloading at www.slovaktech.com. Once at the site, simply locate the book’s title (either by using
the Search box or by using one of the title lists), and click the Download Code link on the book’s detail
page to obtain all the source code for the book.

Because many books have similar titles, you may find it easiest to search by ISBN; this book’s
097804470049945.

Once you download the code, just decompress it with your favorite compression tool. Alternately, you
can go to the main Wrox code download page at www.wrox.com/dynamic/books/download.aspx to
see the code available for this book and all other Wrox books.

You can copy the VBA examples in this book into a code module in the Outlook VBA project and run
them to display the outputs for the email Internet message header and the Out of Office state. To enter
and run the code in VBA by copying it from the book:

1. Use Alt+F11 to open the VBA project.

2. Select Insert, Module.
3. If the Property Window isn’t visible, make it show it by selecting View, Properties Window.
4. Place your cursor in the Name property in the Properties Window, as shown in the following
figure, and select the default name text, Module 1.
5. Change the module name to Chapter 2, and press Enter to save the change.
6. Place your cursor in the new code module, and type the code into the project.
7. To run the code, place your cursor in one of the procedures, and use the keyboard shortcut F5 to
start code execution.
The VB.NET and C# code examples require Visual Studio 2005 to run, and the VSTO code examples
require VSTO 2005 SE.

Errata
We make every effort to ensure that there are no errors in the text or in the code. However, no one is per-
fect, and mistakes do occur. If you find an error in one of our books, like a spelling mistake or faulty piece
of code, we would be very grateful for your feedback. By sending in errata you may save another reader
hours of frustration, and at the same time you will be helping us provide even higher-quality information.

xviii
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Introduction

To find the errata page for this book, go to www.wrox.com and locate the title using the Search box or
one of the title lists. Then, on the book details page, click the Book Errata link. On this page, you can
view all errata that has been submitted for this book and posted by Wrox editors. A complete book list,
including links to each book’s errata, is also available at www.wrox.com/misc-pages/booklist.shtml.

If you don’t spot “your” error on the Book Errata page, go to www.wrox.com/contact/techsupport.shtml
and complete the form there to send us the error you have found. We’ll check the information and, if
appropriate, post a message to the book’s errata page and fix the problem in subsequent editions of
the book.

p2p.wrox.com
For author and peer discussion, join the P2P forums at p2p.wrox.com. The forums are a Web-based
system for you to post messages relating to Wrox books and related technologies and interact with other
readers and technology users. The forums offer a subscription feature to email you topics of interest of
your choosing when new posts are made to the forums. Wrox authors, editors, other industry experts,
and your fellow readers are present on these forums.

xix
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Introduction
At http://p2p.wrox.com you will find a number of different forums that will help you not only as you
read this book but also as you develop your own applications. To join the forums, just follow these steps:

1. Go to p2p.wrox.com and click the Register link.

2. Read the terms of use and click Agree.
3. Complete the required information to join as well as any optional information you wish to pro-
vide and click Submit.
4. You will receive an email with information describing how to verify your account and complete
the joining process.

You can read messages in the forums without joining P2P, but in order to post your own messages, you
must join.

Once you join, you can post new messages and respond to messages other users post. You can read mes-
sages at any time on the Web. If you would like to have new messages from a particular forum emailed
to you, click the Subscribe to this Forum icon by the forum name in the forum listing.

For more information about how to use the Wrox P2P, be sure to read the P2P FAQs for answers to ques-
tions about how the forum software works as well as many common questions specific to P2P and Wrox
books. To read the FAQs, click the FAQ link on any P2P page.

xx
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Professional
Outlook® 2007 Programming
49945flast.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:49 PM Page xxii
49945c01.qxd:WroxPro 8/27/07 4:53 PM Page 1

An Introduction to
Outlook 2007 Programming

Outlook stores items such as mail, appointment, task, and contact items in tables in a hierarchically
structured database. This is unlike the underlying document object model that most other Office appli-
cations use and requires a change of orientation for programmers experienced in programming
applications, such as Word or Excel. For this reason, this chapter explains Outlook’s data model
and introduces Outlook’s data storage and data presentation models.

In this chapter, you first open the Outlook VBA project and set it up for use in creating and running
macros and prototype code. Using the Outlook VBA project is often the easiest way to quickly test
and prototype your Outlook code. Next, you discover the concept of a NameSpace and how to access
Outlook data in folders and in individual Outlook items. This is the basis of all Outlook data
access and is a building block for all Outlook programming. You next see how Outlook stores its
data and how to access that data. In Outlook 2007, you can now access data either with the traditional
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 Duke of Somerset in his stead, and quite as much attached to her
interests. There were, moreover, the Duke of Buckingham and others
who were by no means friendly to the Duke of York. But no man
possessed anything like the degree of power, experience, and political
ability to enable the king to dispense entirely with the services of his
present Protector. The king himself, it was said, desired that he should
be named his Chief Councillor and Lieutenant, and that powers should
be conferred upon him by patent inferior only to those given him by
the Parliament. But this was not thought a likely settlement, and no
one really knew what was to be the new régime. The attention of the
Lords was occupied with ‘a great gleaming star’ which had just made
its appearance, and which really offered as much help to the solution
of the enigma as any appearances purely mundane and political. 168.1
At length on the 25th of February the Lords exonerated York from his
duties as Protector; soon after which, if not on the same day,
Parliament must have been dissolved. 168.2 An Act of Resumption,
ged. rendered necessary by the state of the revenue, was the principal fruit
of its deliberations. 168.3 The finances of the kingdom were placed, if
not in a sound, at least in a more hopeful condition than before; and
Parliament and the Protector were both dismissed, without,
apparently, the slightest provision being made for the future conduct
of affairs. Government, in fact, seems almost to have fallen into
abeyance. There is a most striking blank in the records of the Privy
Council from the end of January 1456 to the end of November 1457.
That some councils were held during this period we know from other
evidences; 168.4 but with the exception of one single occasion, when it
was necessary to issue a commission for the trial of insurgents in 169
Kent, 169.1 there is not a single record left to tell us what was done at
them.
Yet the machine of state still moved, no one could tell exactly how.
Acts were done in the king’s name if not really and truly by the king,
and by the sheer necessity of the case York appears to have had the
ordering of all things. But his authority hung by a thread. His acts
were without the slightest legal validity except in so far as they might
be considered as having the sanction of the king; and in whatever
way that sanction may or may not have been expressed, there was no
security that it would not afterwards be withdrawn and disavowed.
 And so indeed it happened at this time in a matter that concerned
deeply the honour of the whole country. The outbreak of civil war had
provoked the interference of an enemy of whom Englishmen were
always peculiarly intolerant. The Duke of Somerset slain at St. Albans
was uncle to James II., the reigning king of Scotland, who is said to
g of have resented his death on the ground of consanguinity. In less than
six weeks after the battle, ‘the King of Scots with the red face,’ as he
is called in a contemporary chronicle, laid siege to Berwick both by
water and land. But the Bishop of Durham, the Earl of
Northumberland, and other Lords of the Marches, took prompt
measures for the relief of the town, and soon assembled such a force
as to compel James not only to quit the siege but to leave all his
ordnance and victuals behind him. 169.2 How matters stood between
the two countries during the next ten months we have no precise
information; but it is clear that England, although the injured party,
could not have been anxious to turn the occasion into one of open
rupture. Peace still continued to be preserved till, on the 10th of May
1456, James wrote to the King of England by Lyon herald, declaring
that the truce of 1453 was injurious to his kingdom, and that unless
more favourable conditions were conceded to him he would have
recourse to arms. 169.3 A message more calculated to fire the spirit of
170
the English nation it would have been impossible for James to write;
nevertheless, owing either to Henry’s love of peace, or to his lack of
advisers after his own mind, it was not till the 26th of July that any
answer was returned to it. On that day the Duke of York obtained, or
took, the liberty of replying in Henry’s name. To the insolence of the
King of Scots, he opposed all the haughtiness that might have been
expected from the most warlike of Henry’s ancestors. Insisting to the
fullest extent on those claims of feudal superiority which England
never had abandoned and Scotland never had acknowledged, he told
James that his conduct was mere insolence and treason in a vassal
against his lord; that it inspired not the slightest dread but only
contempt on the part of England; and that measures would be
speedily taken to punish his presumption. 170.1
A month later the Duke of York addressed a letter to James in his own
name, declaring that as he understood the Scotch king had entered
England, he purposed to go and meet him. He at the same time
reproached James with conduct unworthy of one who was ‘called a
 mighty Prince and a courageous knight,’ in making daily forays and
suddenly retiring again. 170.2 The end of this expedition we do not
know; but we know that not long afterwards Henry changed his
policy. The letter written by the Duke of York in the king’s name was
regularly enrolled on the Scotch Roll among the records of Chancery;
but to it was prefixed a note on the king’s behalf, disclaiming
responsibility for its tenor, and attributing to the duke the usurpation
of authority, and the disturbance of all government since the time of
Jack Cade’s insurrection. 170.3
The glimpses of light which we have on the political situation during
this period are far from satisfactory. Repeated notice, however, is
taken in these letters of a fact which seems significant of general
distrust and mutual suspicion among the leading persons in the land.
The king, queen, and lords were all separated and kept carefully at a
distance from each other. Thus, while the king was at Sheen, the 171
queen and her infant prince were staying at Tutbury, the Duke of York
at Sandal, and the Earl of Warwick at Warwick. 171.1 Afterwards we find
the queen removed to Chester, while the Duke of Buckingham was at
Writtle, near Chelmsford in Essex. The only lord with the king at
Sheen was his half-brother the Earl of Pembroke. His other brother,
the Earl of Richmond, who died in the course of this year, was in
Wales making war upon some chieftain of the country whose name
seems rather ambiguous. ‘My Lord [of] York,’ it is said, ‘is at Sendall
still, and waiteth on the queen, and she on him.’ 171.2 The state of
matters was evidently such that it was apprehended serious outrages
might break out; and reports were even spread abroad of a battle in
which Lord Beaumont had been slain and the Earl of Warwick severely
wounded. 171.3
g
The separation of the king and queen is especially remarkable. During
een.
May and June they were more than a hundred miles apart; and in the
latter month the queen had increased the distance by removing from
Tutbury in Staffordshire to Chester. It was then that she was said to
be waiting on my Lord of York and he on her. The exact interpretation
of the position must be partly matter of conjecture, but I take it to be
as follows. The Duke of York, as we find stated only a few months
later, was in very good favour with the king but not with the
queen; 171.4 and we know from Fabyan that the latter was at this time
doing all she could to put an end to his authority. It appears to me
that by her influence the duke must have been ordered to withdraw
from the Court, and that to prevent his again seeking access to the
king’s presence, she pursued him into the north. At Tutbury 171.5 she
would block his way from Sandal up to London; and though for some
reason or other she removed further off to Chester, she still kept an
anxious watch upon the duke, and he did the same on her. Very
probably her removal did give him the opportunity she dreaded of
moving southwards; for he must have been with the king at Windsor 172
on the 26th of July when he wrote in Henry’s name that answer to the
King of Scots of which we have already spoken.
However this may be, Margaret soon after had recourse to other
means to effect her object. In consequence of the Duke of York’s
popularity in London, it was expedient to remove the king some
distance from the capital. 172.1 He appears to have been staying at
Windsor during July and the beginning of August. In the middle of the
latter month he took his departure northwards. By the dates of his
Privy Seals we find him to have been at Wycombe on the 18th, at
Kenilworth on the 24th, and at Lichfield on the 29th. In September he
moved about between Lichfield, Coventry, and Leicester; but by the
beginning of October the Court seems to have settled itself at
Coventry, where a council was assembled on the 7th. 172.2 To this
council the Duke of York and his friends were regularly summoned, as
well as the lords whom the queen intended to honour; but even
before it met, changes had begun to be made in the principal officers
of state. On the 5th, Viscount Bourchier, the brother of the Archbishop
of Canterbury, was dismissed from his office of Lord Treasurer, and
the Earl of Shrewsbury was appointed in his room. On the 11th, the
archbishop himself was called upon to surrender the Great Seal, and
Waynflete, Bishop of Winchester, was made Chancellor in his stead.
Laurence Booth, afterwards Bishop of Durham, was made Lord Privy
Seal.
The new appointments seem to have been on their own merits
unexceptionable,—that of Waynflete more especially. Whether the
superiority of the new men was such as to make it advisable to
supersede the old is another question, on which we would not
attempt to pronounce an opinion, either one way or other. One thing,
however, we may believe on the evidence of James Gresham, whose
letters frequently give us very interesting political intelligence: the
 changes created dissatisfaction in some of the queen’s own friends,
particularly in the Duke of Buckingham, who was half-brother to two
of the discharged functionaries, the Archbishop of Canterbury and 173
Viscount Bourchier. Either from this cause or from a mere English love
of fair-play, it would appear that Buckingham now supported the Duke
of York, who, it is said, though at this time he had some interviews
with the king and found Henry still as friendly as he could desire,
would certainly have been troubled at his departure if Buckingham
had not befriended him. About the Court there was a general
atmosphere of suspicion and distrust. On the 11th October, the very
day on which Waynflete was appointed Chancellor, an encounter took
place between the Duke of Somerset’s men and the watchmen of the
city of Coventry, in which two or three of the citizens were killed. And
probably it would have gone hard with the duke’s retainers, had not
Buckingham used his good offices here too as peacemaker; for the
alarm-bell rang and the citizens rose in arms. But by the interposition
of Buckingham the tumult was appeased. 173.1
7.
For about a twelvemonth from this time we find that the Court
continued generally at Coventry, 173.2 occasionally moving about to
Stafford, Coleshill, Chester, Shrewsbury, Kenilworth, Hereford, and
Leicester. 173.3 The queen evidently feared all the while to bring her
husband nearer London, lest he should fall once more under the
power of the Duke of York. Meanwhile the want of a vigorous ruler
became every day more apparent. Not only was Calais again in
danger of siege, 173.4 but the coast of Kent was attacked by enemies,
and within the kingdom a dangerous spirit of disaffection had shown
itself in various places. On the Patent Rolls we meet with numerous
commissions for keeping watch upon the coasts, 173.5 for arraying the
country against invasion, 173.6 and for assembling the posse comitatus
in various counties, against treasonable attempts to stir up the
people. 173.7 During April the Court had removed to Hereford, 174.1 174
apparently in consequence of some disturbances which had taken
place in Wales under Sir William Herbert. Its sojourn upon the Welsh
borders had an excellent effect, the burgesses and gentlemen about
Hereford all declaring themselves ready to take the king’s part unless
a peace were made. On the 1st of May it was reported in London that
Herbert had offered, on being granted his life and goods, to return to
 his allegiance and appear before the king and lords at Leicester; so
we may conclude the insurrection did not last long after. 174.2
But though the personal influence of the king was doubtless great and
beneficial within his own immediate vicinity, it could do little for the
good order and protection of the country generally. Distrust,
exclusiveness, and a bankrupt exchequer were not likely to obtain for
the king willing and hearty service. Notwithstanding the commissions
issued to keep watch upon the coasts, the French managed to
nch surprise and plunder Sandwich. On Sunday, the 28th August, a large
force under the command of Pierre de Brézé, seneschal of Normandy,
ch. landed not far from the town, which they took and kept possession of
during the entire day. A number of the inhabitants, on the first alarm,
retreated on board some ships lying in the harbour, from whence they
began presently to shoot at the enemy. But de Brézé having warned
them that if they continued he would burn their ships, they found it
prudent to leave off. Having killed the bailiffs and principal officers,
the Frenchmen carried off a number of wealthy persons as prisoners,
and returned to their ships in the evening, laden with valuable spoils
from the town and neighbourhood. 174.3
The disaster must have been keenly felt; but if Englishmen had
known the whole truth, it would have been felt more keenly still. Our
own old historians were not aware of the fact, but an early French 175
chronicler who lived at the time assures us that the attack had been
purposely invited by Margaret of Anjou out of hatred to the Duke of
York, in order to make a diversion, while the Scots should ravage
England! 175.1 It was well for her that the truth was not suspected.
157.1 No. 270.
157.2 Ibid.
158.1 Rymer, xi. 361.
158.2 Ibid. 362, 363.
159.1 Rymer, xi. 363.

159.2 Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 234-8.

159.3 On the Patent Roll, 33. Hen. VI. p. 19 d., is a commission dated 5th
May, for keeping watch on the coast of Kent against invasion.
159.4 Rolls of Parl. v. 280-1.
160.1 Rolls of Parl. v. 280-1.
160.2 No. 282.
161.1 No. 283. Rolls of Parl. v. 281-2.
162.1 John Crane, writing from Lambeth on Whitsunday, three days after
the battle, says, ‘at most six score.’ No. 285. Another authority says, ‘60
persons of gentlemen and other.’ English Chronicle, ed. Davies, p. 72.
162.2 Nos. 283, 284, 285.
162.3 No. 284.

162.4 No. 283.

162.5 No. 285.
163.1 No. 299.
164.1 No. 288.
164.2 Nos. 294, 295.
164.3 No. 291.
164.4 No. 295.
165.1 See Rymer, xi. 366.
165.2 No. 287.
165.3 No. 303.
165.4 No. 303. See also a brief account of the same affair in W. Worcester’s
Itinerary, p. 114.
165.5 Jenkins’s History of Exeter, p. 78.

166.1 Rolls of Parl. v. 285. It may be observed that the bishopric was at this
time vacant, and the dean, whose name was John Hals, had received a
papal provision to be the new bishop, but was forced to relinquish it in
favour of George Nevill, son of the Earl of Salisbury, a young man of only
three-and-twenty years of age. Godwin de Præsulibus. Le Neve’s Fasti.
Nicolas’s Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 265.
166.2 Rolls of Parl. v. 285.
166.3 Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 262.
167.1 Rolls of Parl. v. 285-7.
167.2 Ibid. v. 288-90.
167.3 Ibid. 321.
167.4 No. 322.

168.1 No. 322.

168.2 Rolls of Parl. v. 321.
168.3 Ibid. 300. A more sweeping bill for this purpose, which was rejected
by the Lords, states that the revenue was so encumbered ‘that the charge
of every sheriff in substance exceedeth so far the receipt of the revenues
thereof due and leviable to you (i.e. the king), that no person of goodwill
dare take upon him to be sheriff in any shire, for the most party, in this
land.’ Ibid. 328. Additional illustrations of this fact will be found in Nicolas’s
Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 263-4, 272-3, and Preface lxxv-vi.
168.4 Nos. 334, 345, 348.
169.1 Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 287.
169.2 Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 70 (edited by me for the Camden
Society): Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 248-9.
169.3 Lambeth MS. 211, f. 146 b.
170.1 Lambeth MS. 211, f. 147. Rymer, xi. 383.

170.2 Lambeth MS. 211, f. 148. This letter is dated 24th August 1456.
170.3 Rymer, xi. 383.
171.1 Nos. 330, 331.
171.2 No. 334.
171.3 No. 331.
171.4 No. 348.

171.5 Tutbury was one of the possessions given to her for her dower. Rolls
of Parl. vi. 118.
172.1 Fabyan.
172.2 No. 345.
173.1 No. 348.
173.2 Accounts of the pageants shown before Queen Margaret at Coventry
are noticed as contained in the earliest Leet Book of the City. See Historical
MSS. Commission Report I., 100.
173.3 Privy Seals in Public Record Office.

173.4 No. 356.

173.5 Patent Roll, 35 Hen. VI. p. 1 m. 16 d. (26 Nov.); m. 7 d. (19 May).
173.6 Ibid. p. 2 m. 5 d. (29 Aug.).
173.7 Ibid. (18 July).
174.1 No. 356. There are Privy Seals dated at Hereford between the 1st and
the 23rd of April.
174.2 No. 356. By the 4th of May the king had left Hereford and gone to
Worcester, from which he proceeded to Winchcombe on the 10th and
Kenilworth on the 13th. (Privy Seal dates.)
174.3 English Chronicle (Davies), 74. Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 70,
71, 152-3. Contin. of Monstrelet, 70, 71.
175.1 De Coussy, 209.

Earl of Warwick severely wounded.171.3

text has superfluous close quote

Reconciliation and Civil War

 At length, it would seem, the Court found it no longer possible to
remain at a distance from the metropolis. In October the king had
removed to Chertsey, 175.2 and soon after we find him presiding at a
Great Council, which had been summoned to meet in his palace at
Westminster in consequence of the urgent state of affairs. Though
attended not only by the Duke of York, but by a large number of the
principal lords on both sides, the meeting does not appear to have led
to any very satisfactory results. All that we know of its proceedings is
that some of them, at least, were of a stormy character,—one point
on which all parties were agreed being the exclusion from the council
chamber of Pecock, Bishop of Chichester, an ardent and honest-
minded prelate, who, having laboured hard to reconcile the Lollards to
the authority of the Church by arguments of common sense instead of
persecution, was at this time stigmatised as a heretic and sedition-
monger, and very soon after was deprived of his bishopric. It augured
little good for that union of parties which was now felt to be
necessary for the public weal, that the first act on which men
generally could be got to agree was the persecution of sense and
reason. There were other matters before the council on which they
were unable to come to a conclusion, and they broke up on the 29th
November, with a resolution to meet again on the 27th January; for
which meeting summonses were at once sent out, notifying that on
that day not one of the lords would be excused attendance. 175.3
It was, indeed, particularly important that this meeting should be a176
full one, and that every lord should be compelled to take his share of
the responsibility for its decisions. The principal aim was expressly
stated to be a general reconciliation and adjustment of private
controversies 176.1—an object to which it was impossible to offer direct
opposition. But whether it was really distasteful to a number of the
peers, or obstacles started up in individual cases, there were certainly
several who had not arrived in town by the day appointed for the
8. meeting. The Earl of Salisbury’s excuse, dated at Sheriff Hutton on
the 24th of January, 176.2 does not refer to this, for it appears certainly
to be of a different year. Fabyan says that he had already arrived in
London on the 15th January. He made his appearance there at the
head of 400 horse, with eighty knights and squires in his company.
The Duke of York also came, though he arrived only on the 26th, ‘with
his own household only, to the number of 140 horse.’ But the Duke of
 Somerset only arrived on the last day of the month with 200 horse;
the Duke of Exeter delayed his coming till the first week of February;
and the Earl of Warwick, who had to come from Calais, was detained
by contrary winds. Thus, although the king had come up to
Westminster by the time prefixed, a full Council could not be had for
at least some days after; and even on the 14th of February there was
one absentee, the Earl of Arundel, who had to be written to by letters
of Privy Seal. 176.3
But by the 14th Warwick had arrived in London with a body of 600
in
. men, ‘all apparelled in red jackets, with white ragged staves.’ 176.4 The
town was now full of the retinues of the different noblemen, and the
mayor and sheriffs trembled for the peace of the city. A very special
watch was instituted. ‘The mayor,’ says Fabyan, ‘for so long as the
king and the lords lay thus in the city, had daily in harness 5000
citizens, and rode daily about the city and suburbs of the same, to see
that the king’s peace were kept; and nightly he provided for 3000
men in harness to give attendance upon three aldermen, and they 177 to
keep the night-watch till 7 of the clock upon the morrow, till the day-
watch were assembled.’ If peace was to be the result of all this
concourse, the settlement evidently could not bear to be protracted.
The Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick had taken
up their quarters within the city itself; but the young lords whose
fathers had been slain at St. Albans—the Duke of Somerset, the Earl
of Northumberland and his brother, Lord Egremont, and the Lord
Clifford—were believed to be bent upon revenge, and the civic
authorities refused them entrance within their bounds. 177.1 Thus the
lords within the town and those without belonged to the two opposite
parties respectively; and in consequence of their mutual jealousies,
conferences had to be arranged between them in the morning at the
Black Friars, and in the afternoon at the White Friars, in Fleet
Street. 177.2 The king, for his part, having opened the proceedings with
some very earnest exhortations addressed to both parties, withdrew
himself and retired to Berkhampstead. 177.3 The Duke of Somerset and
others went to and fro to consult with him during the deliberations.
Meanwhile the necessity of some practical arrangement for
government must have been felt more urgent every day. Sixty sail of
Frenchmen were seen off the coast of Sussex; and though Lord
Falconbridge was at Southampton in command of some vessels
 (probably on his own responsibility), there was a general feeling of
insecurity among the merchants and among dwellers by the sea-
coast. Botoner had heard privately from Calais that the French
meditated a descent upon Norfolk at Cromer and Blakeney. 177.4 And
the news shortly afterwards received from the district showed that his
information was not far wrong. 177.5
of
At last it was agreed on both sides that old animosities should be laid
ent.
aside, and that some reparation should be made by the Yorkists to the
sons and widows of the lords who had fallen on the king’s side at St.
Albans. The exact amount of this reparation was left to the award of
Henry, who decided that it should consist of an endowment of £45 a
year to the Monastery of St. Albans, to be employed in masses for 178 the
slain, and of certain money payments, or assignments out of moneys
due to them by the Crown, to be made by York, Warwick, and
Salisbury, to Eleanor, Duchess Dowager of Somerset and to her son,
Duke Henry, to Lord Clifford, and others, in lieu of all claims and
actions which the latter parties might have against the former. 178.1
With what cordiality this arrangement was accepted on either side we
do not presume to say. Historians universally speak of it as a hollow
concord, unreal from the first. But it at least preserved the kingdom in
something like peace for about a twelvemonth. It was celebrated by a
great procession to St. Paul’s on Lady Day, which must have been an
imposing spectacle. The king marched in royal habit with the crown
upon his head, York and the queen followed, arm in arm, and the
principal rivals led the way, walking hand in hand. 178.2
ght.
The keeping of the sea was now intrusted to the Earl of Warwick, and
it was not long before he distinguished himself by an action which
probably relieved the English coasts for some time from any
immediate danger of being attacked by the enemy. On the morning of
Trinity Sunday word was brought to him at Calais of a fleet of 28
Spaniards, of which 16 were described as ‘great ships of forecastle.’
Immediately he manned such vessels as he had in readiness, and
went out to seek the enemy. The force at his command was only five
ships of forecastle, three carvels, and four pinnaces; but with these
he did not hesitate to come to an engagement. At four o’clock on
Monday morning the battle began, and it continued till ten, when the
English obtained a hard-won victory. ‘As men say,’ wrote one of the
combatants, ‘there was not so great a battle upon the sea this forty
 winter; and forsooth, we were well and truly beat.’ Nevertheless, six
of the enemy’s ships were taken, and the rest were put to flight, not
without very considerable slaughter on either side. 178.3
9. 179
In the year following, the fire that had for some time smouldered,
burst once more into a flame. About Candlemas, according to Fabyan
—but an older authority says specifically on the 9th November
preceding 179.1—a fray occurred between one of the king’s servants
and one of the Earl of Warwick’s, as the earl, who had been attending
the Council at Westminster, was proceeding to his barge. The king’s
servant being wounded, the other made his escape; but a host of
retainers attached to the royal household rushed out upon the earl
and his attendants, and wounded several of them before they could
embark. With hard rowing they got beyond the power of their
assailants and made their way into the city; but the queen and her
friends insisted on imputing the outrage to the earl himself, and
demanded his arrest. The earl found it politic to retire to Warwick,
and afterwards to his former post at Calais. On this the queen and her
council turned their machinations against his father, the Earl of
Salisbury, whom Lord Audley was commissioned to arrest and bring
prisoner to London. Audley accordingly took with him a large body of
men, and hearing that the earl was on his way from Middleham in
Yorkshire, journeying either towards Salisbury or London, he hastened
r to intercept him. The earl, however, had received notice of what was
d. intended, and having gathered about him a sufficient band of
followers, defeated Lord Audley in a regular pitched battle at
Bloreheath in Staffordshire, where he attempted to stop his way, on
Sunday the 23rd of September. 179.2
The old elements of confusion were now again let loose. Commissions
to raise men were issued in the king’s name, and the Duke of York
and all his friends were denounced as a confederacy of traitors. They,180
for their parts, gathered together the men of the Marches in self-
defence. At Ludlow, the duke was joined by the Earl of Salisbury, and
g also by the Earl of Warwick, who had come over again from Calais.
he On the other hand, the king himself entered into the strife in a way he
had not done hitherto. He not only took the field in person against the
rebellious lords, but exhibited a spirit in the endurance of fatigue and
discomfort which seems to have commanded general admiration.
Even at the time of Lord Audley’s overthrow, it would appear that he
was leading forward a reserve. For about a month he kept continually
camping out, never resting at night, except on Sundays, in the same
place he had occupied the night before, and sometimes, in spite of
cold, rough weather, bivouacking for two nights successively on the
bare field. After the battle of Bloreheath, he could only regard
Salisbury as an overt enemy of his crown. At the same time he
despatched heralds to the Duke of York and the Earl of Warwick, with
proclamations of free and perfect pardon to themselves and all but a
few of the leaders at Bloreheath, on condition of their submitting to
him within six days. 180.1
To Garter King of Arms, one of the messengers by whom these offers
were conveyed, the confederate lords made answer, and also
delivered a written reply to be conveyed to the king, declaring the
perfect loyalty of their intentions, which they would have been glad to
prove in the king’s presence if it had been only possible for them to
go to him with safety. They had already endeavoured to testify their
unshaken fidelity to Henry by an indenture drawn up and signed by
them in Worcester Cathedral. This instrument they had forwarded to
the king by a deputation of churchmen, headed by the prior of that
cathedral, and including among others Dr. William Lynwoode, 180.2 who
administered to them the sacrament on the occasion. Again, after
Garter left, they wrote from Ludlow on the 10th of October, protesting
181
that their actions had been misconstrued, and their tenants subjected
to wrong and violence, while they themselves lay under unjust
suspicion. Their enemies, they said, thirsted for the possession of
their lands, and hoped to obtain them by their influence with the king.
For their own part they had hitherto avoided a conflict, not from any
fear of the power of their enemies, but only for dread of God and of
his Highness, and they meant to persevere in this peaceful course,
until driven by necessity to self-defence. 181.1
These earnest, solemn, and repeated expressions of loyalty have
scarcely, I think, received from historians the attention to which they
are entitled. 181.2 Of their sincerity, of course, men may form different
opinions; but it is right to note that the confederate lords had done all
that was in their power by three several and distinct protests to
induce the king to think more favourably of their intentions. It is,
moreover, to be observed that they remained at this time in an
attitude strictly defensive. But the king and his forces still
 approaching, they drew themselves up in battle array at Ludford, in
the immediate vicinity of the town of Ludlow. Here, as they were
posted on Friday the 12th October, it would almost seem that the
lords were not without apprehension of the defection of some of their
followers. A report was spread through the camp that the king was
suddenly deceased, witnesses were brought in who swore to the fact,
and mass was said for the repose of his soul. But that very evening,
Henry, at the head of his army, arrived within half a mile of their
position. The state of the country, flooded by recent rains, had alone
prevented him from coming upon them sooner. Before nightfall a few
volleys of artillery were discharged against the royal army, and a
regular engagement was expected next day. But, meanwhile, the
royal proclamation of pardon seems to have had its effect. One
Andrew Trollope, who had come over with the Earl of Warwick from182
Calais, withdrew at dead of night and carried over a considerable
body of men to the service of the king, to whom he communicated
the secrets of the camp. The blow was absolutely fatal. The lords at
once abandoned all thought of further resistance. Leaving their
e. banners in the field, they withdrew at midnight. York and his second
son, Edmund, Earl of Rutland, fled into Wales, from whence they
sailed into Ireland. His eldest, Edward, Earl of March, accompanied by
the two other earls, Warwick and Salisbury, and by Sir John Wenlock,
made his way into Devonshire. There by the friendly aid of one John
Dynham, afterwards Lord Dynham, and Lord High Treasurer to Henry
VII., they bought a ship at Exmouth and sailed to Guernsey. At last, on
Friday the 2nd of November, they landed at Calais, where they met
with a most cordial reception from the inhabitants. 182.1
e
Then followed in November the Parliament of Coventry, and the
d.
attainder of the Duke of York and all his party. The queen and her
friends at last had it all their own way, at least in England. It was
otherwise doubtless in Ireland, where the Duke of York remained for
nearly a twelvemonth after his flight from Ludlow. It was otherwise
too at Calais, where Warwick was all-powerful, and whither
discontented Yorkists began to flock from England. It was otherwise,
moreover, at sea, where the same Warwick still retained the command
of the fleet, and could not be dispossessed, except on parchment. On
parchment, however, he was presently superseded in both of his
important offices. The Duke of Exeter was intrusted with the keeping
 of the sea, which even at the time of the great reconciliation of
parties he had been displeased that Warwick was allowed to
retain. 182.2 The young Duke of Somerset was appointed Captain of
Calais, but was unable to take possession of his post. Accompanied by
Lord Roos and Lord Audley, and fortified by the king’s letters-patent,
he crossed the sea, but was refused admittance into the town.
Apparently he had put off too long before going over, 183.1 and he 183
found the three earls in possession of the place before him; so that he
was obliged to land at a place called Scales’ Cliff and go to
Guisnes. 183.2 But a worse humiliation still awaited him on landing; for
of the very sailors that had brought him over, a number conveyed
their ships into Calais harbour, offered their services to the Earl of
Warwick, and placed in his hands as prisoners certain persons who
had taken part against him. They were shortly after beheaded in
Calais. 183.3
It would seem, in short, that ever since his great naval victory in
1458, Warwick was so highly popular with all the sailors of England,
that it was quite as hopeless for the Duke of Exeter to contest his
supremacy at sea as for Somerset to think of winning Calais out of his
hands. Friends still came flocking over from England to join the three
0. earls at Calais; and though in London in the February following nine
men were hanged, drawn, and beheaded for attempting to do so, 183.4
the cause of the Yorkists remained as popular as ever. In vain were
letters written to foreign parts, ‘that no relief be ministered to the
traitor who kept Calais.’ 183.5 In vain the Duke of Somerset at Guisnes
endeavoured to contest his right to the government of that important
town. All that Somerset could do was to waste his strength in fruitless
skirmishes, until on St. George’s Day he suffered such a severe defeat
and loss of men at Newnham Bridge, that he was at length forced to
abandon all idea of dispossessing the Earl of Warwick. 183.6
Not only were the three earls secure in their position at Calais, but
there was every reason to believe that they had a large amount of
sympathy in Kent, and would meet with a very cordial reception
whenever they crossed the sea. To avert the danger of any such 184
attempt, and also, it would appear, with some design of reinforcing
the Duke of Somerset at Guisnes, Lord Rivers and his son Sir Anthony
Wydevile were sent to Sandwich about the beginning of the year, with
a body of 400 men. Besides the command of the town, they were
 commissioned to take possession of certain ships which belonged to
vers the Earl of Warwick, and lay quietly at anchor in the harbour. 184.1 But
the issue of their exploit was such as to provoke universal ridicule. ‘As
ch. to tidings here,’ wrote Botoner from London to John Berney at Caister,
‘I send some offhand, written to you and others, how the Lord Rivers,
Sir Anthony his son, and others have won Calais by a feeble assault at
Sandwich made by John Denham, Esq., with the number of 800 men,
on Tuesday between four and five o’clock in the morning.’ 184.2
The exact mode in which Rivers and his son ‘won Calais’ seems to
have been described in a separate paper. The truth was that a small
force under the command of John Denham (or Dynham) was
despatched across the sea by Warwick, and landing at Sandwich
during the night, contrived not only to seize the ships in the harbour,
but even to surprise the earl and his son in their beds, and bring them
over as prisoners to the other side of the Channel. 184.3 The victors did
not fail to turn the incident to account by exhibiting as much
contempt as possible for their unfortunate prisoners. ‘My Lord Rivers,’
writes William Paston, ‘was brought to Calais, and before the lords
with eight score torches, and there my lord of Salisbury rated him,
calling him knave’s son, that he should be so rude to call him and
those other lords traitors; for they should be found the king’s true
liegemen when he should be found a traitor. And my Lord of Warwick
rated him and said that his father was but a squire, and brought up
with King Henry V., and since made himself by marriage, and also
made a lord; and that it was not his part to have such language of
lords, being of the king’s blood. And my Lord of March rated him in
like wise. And Sir Anthony was rated for his language of all the three 185
lords in like wise.’ 185.1 It must have been a curious reflection to the
Earl of March when in after years, as King Edward IV., he married the
daughter of this same Lord Rivers, that he had taken part in this
vituperation of his future father-in-law!
By and by it became sufficiently evident that unless he was
considerably reinforced, the Duke of Somerset could do no good at
Guisnes. Instead of attempting to maintain a footing beside Calais,
the queen’s Government would have enough to do to keep the rebels
out of England. The capture of Rivers had excited the most serious
alarm, and the landing of Warwick himself upon the eastern coast was
looked upon as not improbable. 185.2 A new force of 500 men was
 accordingly sent to Sandwich under the command of one Osbert
Mountford or Mundeford, 185.3 an old officer of Calais. His instructions
were to go from Sandwich to Guisnes, either in aid of the Duke of
Somerset, as intimated in Worcester’s Annals, or, according to another
contemporary authority, 185.4 to bring him over to England. But while
he waited for a wind to sail, John Dynham again crossed the sea,
attacked the force under the command of Mundeford, and after a little
skirmishing, in which he himself was wounded, succeeded in carrying
him off to Calais, as he had before done Lord Rivers. Mundeford’s
treatment, however, was not so lenient as that of the more noble
captive. On the 25th of June he was beheaded at the Tower of
Rysebank, which stood near the town, on the opposite side of the
harbour. 185.5
Meanwhile the Earl of Warwick did not remain at Calais. He scoured
the seas with his fleet and sailed into Ireland. Sir Baldwin Fulford, a
knight of Devonshire, promised the king, on pain of losing his head,
to destroy Warwick’s fleet; but having exhausted the sum of 1000 186
marks which was allowed him for his expenses, he returned home
without having attained his object. 186.1 On the 16th of March, Warwick
having met with the Duke of York in Ireland, the two noblemen
entered the harbour of Waterford with a fleet of six-and-twenty ships
well manned; and on the following day, being St. Patrick’s Day, they
landed and were ceremoniously received by the mayor and
burgesses. 186.2 Warwick seems to have remained in Ireland more than
two months, concerting with the Duke of York plans for future action.
About Whitsunday, which in this year fell on the 1st of June, his fleet
was observed by the Duke of Exeter off the coast of Cornwall, on its
return to Calais. Exeter’s squadron was superior in strength, and an
engagement might have been expected; but the duke was not sure
that he could trust his own sailors, and he allowed the earl to pass
unmolested. 186.3
gate
About this time there arrived at Calais a papal nuncio, by name
.
Francesco Coppini, Bishop of Terni, returning from England to Rome.
He had been sent by the new pope, Pius II., the ablest that had for a
long time filled the pontifical chair, to urge Henry to send an
ambassador to a congress at Mantua, in which measures were to be
concerted for the union and defence of Christendom against the
Turks. This was in the beginning of the preceding year, 186.4 and, as he
 himself states, he remained nearly a year and a half in England. 186.5
But the incapacity of the king, and the dissensions that prevailed
among the lords, rendered his mission a total failure. Henry, indeed,
who was never wanting in reverence for the Holy See, named a
certain number of bishops and lords to go upon this mission, but they
one and all refused. He accordingly sent two priests of little name,
with an informal commission to excuse a greater embassy. England
was thus discredited at the papal court, and the nuncio, finding his
mission fruitless, at last crossed the sea to return home. At Calais,
however, he was persuaded by Warwick to remain. The earl himself187
was about to return to England, and if the legate would come back in
his company he might use the influence of his sacred office to heal
the wounds of a divided kingdom. 187.1
The nuncio had doubtless seen enough of the deplorable condition of
England to be convinced that peace was impossible, so long as the
lords most fit to govern were banished and proclaimed rebels by the
queen and her favourites. 187.2 He was, moreover, furnished with
powers, by which—the main object of his mission being the union of
Christendom—he was authorised to make some efforts to compose
the dissensions of England. 187.3 But he certainly overstrained them,
and allowed himself to become a partisan. Flattered by the attentions
shown him by Warwick, he acceded to his suggestion, and when, on
the 26th of June, 187.4 the day after Mundeford was beheaded at
Calais, the confederate lords crossed the Channel, the nuncio was in
their company, bearing the standard of the Church. Archbishop
Bourchier, too, met them at Sandwich, where they landed, with a
great multitude of people; and with his cross borne before him, the
Primate of England conducted the three earls and their followers, who
increased in number as they went along, until they reached the
capital. After a very brief opposition on the part of some of the
citizens, the city opened its gates to them. They entered London on
the 2nd of July. 187.5
ls
Before they crossed the sea, the three earls had sent over a set of
h,
k, articles addressed to the archbishop and the commons of England in
the name of themselves and the Duke of York, declaring how they
y. had sued in vain to be admitted to the king’s presence to set forth 188
certain matters that concerned the common weal of all the land.
Foremost among these was the oppression of the Church, a charge
 based, seemingly, on facts with which we are unacquainted, and
which, if known, might shed a clearer light upon the conduct of the
legate and Archbishop Bourchier. Secondly, they complained of the
crying evil that the king had given away to favourites all the revenues
of his crown, so that his household was supported by acts of rapine
and extortion on the part of his purveyors. Thirdly, the laws were
administered with great partiality, and justice was not to be obtained.
Grievous taxes, moreover, were levied upon the commons, while the
destroyers of the land were living upon the patrimony of the crown.
And now a heavier charge than ever was imposed upon the
inhabitants; for the king, borrowing an idea from the new system of
military service in France, had commanded every township to furnish
at its own cost a certain number of men for the royal army; ‘which
imposition and talliage,’ wrote the lords in this manifesto, ‘if it be
continued to their heirs and successors, will be the heaviest charge
and worst example that ever grew in England, and the foresaid
subjects and the said heirs and successors in such bondage as their
ancestors were never charged with.’ 188.1
Besides these evils, the infatuated policy into which the king had been
led by his ill-advisers, threatened to lose Ireland and Calais to the
crown, as France had been lost already; for in the former country
letters had been sent under the Privy Seal to the chieftains who had
hitherto resisted the king’s authority, actually encouraging them to
attempt the conquest of the land, while in regard to Calais the king
had been induced to write letters to his enemies not to show that
town any favour, and thus had given them the greatest possible 189
inducement to attempt its capture. Meanwhile the Earls of
Shrewsbury and Wiltshire and Viscount Beaumont, who directed
everything, kept the king himself, in some things, from the exercise of
his own free will, and had caused him to assemble the Parliament of
Coventry for the express purpose of ruining the Duke of York and his
friends, whose domains they had everywhere pillaged and taken to
their own use. 189.1
It was impossible, in the nature of things, that evils such as these
could be allowed to continue long, and the day of reckoning was now
at hand. Of the great events that followed, it will be sufficient here to
tle note the sequence in the briefest possible words. On the 10th July the
king was taken prisoner at the battle of Northampton, and was
mpt brought to London by the confederate lords. The government, of
course, came thus entirely into their hands. Young George Nevill,
Bishop of Exeter, was made Chancellor of England, Lord Bourchier
was appointed Lord Treasurer, and a Parliament was summoned to
meet at Westminster for the purpose of reversing the attainders
passed in the Parliament of Coventry. Of the elections for this
Parliament we have some interesting notices in Letter 415, from
which we may see how the new turn in affairs had affected the
politics of the county of Norfolk. From the first it was feared that after
the three earls had got the king into their hands, the old intriguers,
Tuddenham and Heydon, would be busy to secure favour, or at all
events indulgence, from the party now in the ascendant. But letters-
missive were obtained from the three earls, directed to all mayors and
other officers in Norfolk, commanding in the king’s name that no one
should do them injury, and intimating that the earls did not mean to
show them any favour if any person proposed to sue them at law. 189.2
Heydon, however, did not choose to remain in Norfolk. He was
presently heard of from Berkshire, for which county he had found
interest to get himself returned in the new Parliament.
John Paston also was returned to this Parliament as one of the
n
ent. representatives of his own county of Norfolk. His sympathies were 190
entirely with the new state of things. And his friend and
correspondent, Friar Brackley, who felt with him that the wellbeing of
the whole land depended entirely on the Earl of Warwick, sent him
exhortations out of Scripture to encourage him in the performance of
his political duties. 190.1 But what would be the effect of the coming
over from Ireland of the Duke of York, who had by this time landed at
Chester, and would now take the chief direction of affairs? 190.2
Perhaps the chief fear was that he would be too indulgent to political
antagonists. Moreover, the Dowager Duchess of Suffolk had contrived
to marry her son to one of York’s daughters, and it was apprehended
her influence would be considerable. ‘The Lady of Suffolk,’ wrote Friar
Brackley to Paston, ‘hath sent up her son and his wife to my Lord of
York to ask grace for a sheriff the next year, Stapleton, Boleyn, or
Tyrell, qui absit! God send you Poynings, W. Paston, W. Rokewood, or
Arblaster. Ye have much to do, Jesus speed you! Ye have many good
prayers, what of the convent, city, and country.’ 190.3
 Such was the state of hope, fear, and expectation which the new turn
of affairs awakened in some, and particularly in the friends of John
Paston. The next great move in the political game perhaps exceeded
the anticipations even of Friar Brackley. Yet though the step was
ges undoubtedly a bold one, never, perhaps, was a high course of action
wn. more strongly suggested by the results of past experience. After ten
miserable years of fluctuating policy, the attainted Yorkists were now
for the fourth time in possession of power; but who could tell that
they would not be a fourth time set aside and proclaimed as traitors?
For yet a fourth time since the fall of Suffolk, England might be
subjected to the odious rule of favourites under a well-intentioned
king, whose word was not to be relied on. To the commonweal the
prospect was serious enough; to the Duke of York and his friends it
was absolute and hopeless ruin. But York had now determined what
to do. On the 10th of October, the third day of the Parliament, he
came to Westminster with a body of 500 armed men, and took up
quarters for himself within the royal palace. On the 16th he entered 191
the House of Lords, and having sat down in the king’s throne, he
delivered to the Lord Chancellor a writing in which he distinctly
claimed that he, and not Henry, was by inheritance rightful king of
England. 191.1
The reader is of course aware of the fact on which this claim was
based, namely, that York, through the female line, was descended
from Lionel, Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., while King
Henry, his father, and his grandfather had all derived their rights from
John of Gaunt, who was Lionel’s younger brother. Henry IV. indeed
was an undoubted usurper; but to set aside his family after they had
been in possession of the throne for three generations must have
seemed a very questionable proceeding. Very few of the lords at first
appeared to regard it with favour. The greater number stayed away
from the House. 191.2 But the duke’s counsel insisting upon an answer,
the House represented the matter to the king, desiring to know what
he could allege in opposition to the claim of York. The king, however,
left the lords to inquire into it themselves; and as it was one of the
gravest questions of law, the lords consulted the justices. But the
justices declined the responsibility of advising in a matter of so high a
nature. They were the king’s justices, and could not be of counsel
where the king himself was a party. The king’s serjeants and attorney
were then applied to, but were equally unwilling to commit
themselves; so that the lords themselves brought forward and
discussed of their own accord a number of objections to the Duke of
York’s claim. At length it was declared as the opinion of the whole
body of the peers that his title could not be defeated, but a
compromise was suggested and mutually agreed to that the king
should be allowed to retain his crown for life, the succession reverting
to the duke and his heirs immediately after Henry’s death. 191.3
So the matter was settled by a great and solemn act of state. But
even a parliamentary settlement, produced by a display of armed
force, will scarcely command the respect that it ought to do if there192 is
armed force to overthrow it. The king himself, it is true, appears to
have been treated with respect, and with no more abridgment of
personal liberty than was natural to the situation. 192.1 Nor could it be
said that the peers were insensible of the responsibility they incurred
in a grave constitutional crisis. But respect for constitutional
safeguards had been severely shaken, and no securities now could
bridle the spirit of faction: suspicion also of itself produced new
dangers. The Duke of York, after all the willingness he had shown in
Parliament to accept a compromise, seems to have been accused of
violating the settlement as soon as it was made; for on that very night
on which it was arranged (31st October), we are told by a
contemporary writer that ‘the king removed unto London against his
will to the bishop’s palace, and the Duke of York came unto him that
same night by torchlight and took upon him as king, and said in many
places that “This is ours by right.”’ 192.2 Perhaps the facts looked worse
than they were really; for it had been agreed in Parliament, though
not formally expressed in the Accord, that the duke should be once
more Protector and have the actual government. 192.3 But it is not
surprising that Margaret and her friends would recognise nothing of
what had been done in Parliament. Since the battle of Northampton
she had been separated from her husband. She fled with her son first
into Cheshire, afterwards into Wales, to Harlech Castle, and then to
Denbigh, which Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, had just won for the
House of Lancaster. 192.4 Her flight had been attended with difficulties,
especially near Malpas, where she was robbed by a servant of her
own, who met her and put her in fear of the lives of herself and her
child. 192.5 In Wales she was joined by the Duke of Exeter, who was
 with her in October. 192.6 From thence she sailed to Scotland, where
the enemies of the Duke of York were specially welcome. For James 193
II., profiting, as might be expected, by the dissensions of England, a
month after the battle of Northampton, had laid siege to Roxburgh,
where he was killed by the bursting of a cannon. Margaret, with her
son, arrived at Dumfries in January 1461, and met his widow, Mary of
Gueldres, at Lincluden Abbey. 193.1 Meanwhile her adherents in the
North of England held a council at York, and the Earl of
Northumberland, with Lords Clifford, Dacres, and Nevill, ravaged the
lands of the duke and of the Earl of Salisbury. The duke on this
dissolved Parliament after obtaining from it powers to put down the
rebellion, 193.2 and marched northwards with the Earl of Salisbury. A
few days before Christmas they reached the duke’s castle of Sandal,
where they kept the festival, the enemy being not far off at
Pomfret. 193.3 On the 30th December was fought the disastrous battle
tle of Wakefield, when the Yorkists were defeated, the duke and the Earl
of Salisbury being slain in the field, and the duke’s son, the Earl of
ld. Rutland, ruthlessly murdered by Lord Clifford after the battle.
The story of poor young Rutland’s butchery is graphically described by
an historian of the succeeding age who, though perhaps with some
inaccuracies of detail as to fact, is a witness to the strong impression
left by this beginning of barbarities. The account of it given by Hall,
the chronicler, is as follows:—
‘While this battle was in fighting, a priest called Sir Robert Aspall,
chaplain and schoolmaster to the young Earl of Rutland, second son
to the above-named Duke of York, scarce of the age of twelve years
[he was really in his eighteenth year], a fair gentleman and a
maiden-like person, perceiving that flight was more safeguard than
tarrying, both for him and his master, secretly conveyed the Earl out
of the field by the Lord Clifford’s band towards the town. But or he
could enter into a house, he was by the said Lord Clifford espied,
followed, and taken, and, by reason of his apparel, demanded what
he was. The young gentleman, dismayed, had not a word to speak,
but kneeled on his knees, imploring mercy and desiring grace, both
with holding up his hands and making dolorous countenance, for194 his
speech was gone for fear. “Save him,” said his chaplain, “for he is a
prince’s son, and peradventure may do you good hereafter.” With
that word, the Lord Clifford marked him and said—“By God’s blood,
 thy father slew mine; and so will I do thee and all thy kin”; and with
that word stack the Earl to the heart with his dagger, and bade his
chaplain bear the Earl’s mother word what he had done and said.’
Another illustration which the chronicler goes on to give of Clifford’s
bloodthirsty spirit may be true in fact, but is certainly wrong as
regards time. For he represents Queen Margaret as ‘not far from the
field’ when the battle had been fought, and says that Clifford having
caused the duke’s head to be cut off and crowned in derision with a
paper crown, presented the ghastly object to her upon a pole with the
words:—‘Madam, your war is done; here is your king’s ransom.’
Margaret, as we have seen, was really in Scotland at the time, where
she negotiated an alliance with the Scots, to whom she agreed to
deliver up Berwick for aid to her husband’s cause. But soon
afterwards she came to York, where, at a council of war, she and her
adherents determined to march on London. So it may have been a
fact that Clifford presented to her the head of York upon a pole with
the words recorded. But never was prophecy more unhappy; for
instead of the war being ended, or the king being ransomed, there
cannot be a doubt these deeds of wickedness imparted a new ferocity
to the strife and hastened on the termination of Henry’s imbecile,
unhappy reign. Within little more than two months after the battle of
Wakefield the son of the murdered Duke of York was proclaimed king
in London, by the title of Edward IV., and at the end of the third
month the bloody victory of Towton almost destroyed, for a long time,
the hopes of the House of Lancaster. From that day Henry led a
wretched existence, now as an exile, now as a prisoner, for eleven
unhappy years, saving only a few months’ interval, during which he
was made king again by the Earl of Warwick, without the reality of
power, and finally fell a victim, as was generally believed, to political
assassination. As for Margaret, she survived her husband, but she
also survived her son, and the cause for which she had fought with195 so
much pertinacity was lost to her for ever.
And now we must halt in our political survey. Henceforth, though
public affairs must still require attention, we shall scarcely require to
follow them with quite so great minuteness. We here take leave, for
the most part, of matters, both public and private, contained in the
Letters during the reign of Henry VI. But one event which affected
greatly the domestic history of the Pastons in the succeeding reign,
 must be mentioned before we go further. It was not long after the
commencement of those later troubles—more precisely, it was on the
5th November 1459, six weeks after the battle of Bloreheath, and
little more than three after the dispersion of the Yorkists at Ludlow—
that the aged Sir John Fastolf breathed his last, within the walls of
that castle which it had been his pride to rear and to occupy in the
f place of his birth. By his will, of which, as will be seen, no less than
n three different instruments were drawn up, he bequeathed to John
Paston and his chaplain, Sir Thomas Howes, all his lands in the
counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, for the purpose of founding that
college or religious community at Caister, on the erection of which he
had bestowed latterly so much thought. The manner in which this
bequest affected the fortunes of the Paston family has now to be
considered.
175.2 Privy Seal dates.
175.3 Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 290-1.
176.1 Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 293.
176.2 No. 361.
176.3 No. 364. Privy Council Proceedings, vi. 293.
176.4 Chronicle in MS. Cott., Vitell. A. xvi.
177.1 English Chronicle (ed. Davies), p. 77. Hall.
177.2 Letter 366.
177.3 Whethamstede, 417-18. Letter 365.

177.4 Letter 365.

177.5 Letter 366.
178.1 Whethamstede, 422 sq. Engl. Chron. (Davies), 77, 78.
178.2 Hall.
178.3 Letter 369. Compare Fabyan. Whethamstede, who writes with some
confusion in this part of his narrative, speaks of a great naval victory won
by Warwick on St. Alban’s Day, the 22nd June 1459, over a fleet of
Genoese and Spanish vessels, in which booty was taken to the value of
£10,000, and upwards of a thousand prisoners, for whom it was difficult to
find room in all the prisons of Calais. It is not impossible that this may have
been a different action, which took place on the very day, month, and year
to which Whethamstede refers it; but the silence of other authorities about
a second naval victory would lead us to suppose he is simply wrong in the
matter of date. It must be observed that Whethamstede immediately goes
on to speak of the Legate Coppini’s arrival in England, which took place in
June 1460, as having happened circa idem tempus, and as if it had been in
the same month of June, only a few days earlier. This shows great
inaccuracy.
179.1 Engl. Chron. (Davies), 78.

179.2 Fabyan, Engl. Chron. (Davies), 80. Parl. Rolls, v. 348.

180.1 Rolls of Parl. vi. 348.
180.2 Not, as Stow supposes, the author of the book on the Constitutions of
the Church of England, but probably a nephew or other relation of his. The
William Lynwoode who wrote upon the Church Constitutions was Bishop of
St. David’s, and died in 1446.
181.1 Engl. Chron. (Davies), 81, 82.
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