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 Professional Oracle® Programming

Rick Greenwald, Robert Stackowiak, Gary Dodge, David Klein, Ben Shapiro,
Christopher G. Chelliah
Professional Oracle® Programming
 Professional Oracle® Programming

Rick Greenwald, Robert Stackowiak, Gary Dodge, David Klein, Ben Shapiro,
Christopher G. Chelliah
Copyright © 2005 by Wiley Publishing Inc. All rights reserved.
Published by Wiley Publishing, Inc., Indianapolis, Indiana
Published simultaneously in Canada
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by
any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning, or otherwise, except as permitted
under Section 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permis-
sion of the Publisher, or authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee to the Copyright
Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, (978) 750-8400, fax (978) 646-8700. Requests
to the Publisher for permission should be addressed to the Legal Department, Wiley Publishing, Inc., 10475
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MAY BE CREATED OR EXTENDED BY SALES OR PROMOTIONAL MATERIALS. THE ADVICE AND
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Trademarks: Wiley, the Wiley Publishing logo, Wrox, the Wrox logo, and Programmer to Programmer are
trademarks or registered trademarks of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. and/or its affiliates. All other trademarks
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vendor mentioned in this book.
Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not
be available in electronic books.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data:
Professional Oracle programming / Rick Greenwald ... [et al.].
p. cm.
Includes indexes.
ISBN-13: 978-0-7645-7482-5 (paper/website)
ISBN-10: 0-7645-7482-5 (paper/website)
1. Oracle (Computer file) 2. Relational databases. I. Greenwald, Rick.
QA76.9.D3P76646 2005
005.75'85--dc22
2005010511
ISBN 13: 978-076-457482-5
ISBN 10: 0-7645-7482-5
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1B/QS/QW/QV/IN
 About the Authors

Rick Greenwald has been in the technology industry for over 20 years and is the author of 12 previous
books, most of them on Oracle. He has been involved with development and databases for his entire
career, including stops at Data General, Cognos, Gupta Technologies, and his current employer, Oracle.
Computers and computing are a sideline for Rick — his real job is father to his three wonderful girls,
with a primary hobby of music appreciation.

Robert Stackowiak is Senior Director of Business Intelligence (BI) in Oracle’s Technology Business Unit.
He is recognized worldwide for his expertise in business intelligence and data warehousing in leading
the North American BI team at Oracle. His background includes over 20 years in IT related roles at
Oracle, IBM, Harris Computer Systems, and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers including management
of technical teams, software development, sales and sales consulting, systems engineering, and business
development.

Gary Dodge has been focused on database technology since his first COBOL programming job with IMS
DB/DC in 1976. He joined Oracle Corporation in 1987 and has served in various management and
technical positions within both the sales and consulting divisions. He has been a frequent speaker on
database topics at many local and national information technology conferences. In addition to several
magazine articles, he is co-author (with Tim Gorman) of Oracle8 Data Warehousing and Essential Oracle8i
Data Warehousing, both published by John Wiley & Sons.

David Klein has been in the technology industry for over 20 years with a variety of companies, including
Data General, Wang Laboratories, Gupta Technologies, Oracle, and a few consulting services companies.
He has had many roles, including management of application development and database design teams,
sales and sales consulting, systems engineering and marketing. Recently, he has focused on developing
classroom and online training courses. An active wife and two boys and a 200-year-old house take up any
free time.

Ben Shapiro is the president of ObjectArts Inc., a New York City-based technology consulting company,
and has been designing database systems with Oracle since 1997. ObjectArts has worked with many
large corporate clients developing XML-based publishing tools and web-based applications. Before
ObjectArts, Ben worked with several NYC-based startup companies as a technical lead building content
management software.

Christopher G. Chelliah joined Oracle as a Consultant in 1995. He brings with him project management,
architecture, and development experience from a number of large, multinational sites in the mining, oil
and gas, and telecom industries. Chris has been involved with emerging and database technologies for
his entire career and is an accomplished software architect with a flair for business development. His
expertise has been actively sought by a number of major Oracle clients in Australia, Europe, and the
United States. Chris, his wife and two kids are currently in Singapore, where he leads a team defining
and executing on innovative E-Government strategies for Oracle’s Public Sector industry in Asia Pacific.
 Credits
Vice President and Executive Group Publisher Development Editor
Richard Swadley Sharon Nash

Vice President and Publisher Production Editor

Joseph B. Wikert Felicia Robinson

Executive Editor Technical Editors

Robert Elliott Michael Ault, Tim Gorman,
Wiley-Dreamtech India Pvt Ltd
Editorial Manager
Mary Beth Wakefield Text Design & Composition
Wiley Composition Services
Senior Production Editor
Geraldine Fahey
 Acknowledgments

Although there are a number of names listed on the title page of this book, there are many other people
involved in the creation of the work you are currently reading.

First and foremost, all of the authors would like to thank Bob Elliott and Sharon Nash for their steady
hands on the throttle of this project. Although the birthing of this baby had more than the normal share
of labor pains, the worth and beauty of this offspring owes an enormous amount to them.

Rick Greenwald, in particular, would like to thank two people. First of all, the process of writing three
(is it three already) titles and several revisions of books with Bob Stackowiak has been a wonderful
experience, both professionally and personally. I am delighted to count Bob as a friend, and, thanks to
him, I still don’t know what BI stands for.

Secondly, throughout my writing career, Steven Feurstein has been a mentor as well as a sterling example
of what an author and person should be like. I hope to someday reach his level in terms of writing and,
even more importantly, humanity.

And, of course, I would like to thank my family — LuAnn for helping me have a life that supports writing
and working, and Elinor Vera, Josephine, and Robin Greenwald for giving me all the inspiration anyone
would ever need.

In addition, Rick would like to acknowledge all those people who came through with suggestions and
knowledge at crucial times, including Richard Foote, Raj Mattamal and Tyler Muth.
 Contents

About the Authors v

Acknowledgments ix

Introduction xxvii
Introduction xxvii
What Does This Book Cover? xxvii
Who Is This Book For? xxvii
What You Need to Use This Book xxviii
How Is This Book Structured? xxviii
Part I: Oracle Essentials xxviii
Part II: Data Topics xxix
Part III: Database Programming Languages xxix
Part IV: Programming Techniques xxix
Part V: Business Intelligence Techniques xxx
Part VI: Optimization xxx
The Bigger Picture xxx
Conventions xxx
Source Code xxxi
Errata xxxi
p2p.wrox.com xxxii

Chapter 1: Oracle Architecture and Storage 1

Architecture 2
The Instance 2
Data Organization 6
Data Types 9
Character Data Types 9
BFILE 10
Numeric Data Types 11
Date Data Types 12
RAW and LONG RAW 12
Other Data Types 13
Summary 13
Contents
Chapter 2: Using SQL 15
The Processing Cycle for SQL Statements 15
Connecting to a Database 16
Establishing a Cursor 18
Submitting SQL Statements 18
Receiving Data 21
Performance Considerations 21
Retrieval Performance 22
Using Bind Variables 23
Parallel Operations 25
Summary 26

Chapter 3: Handling Multiple Users 27

Goals 28
Data Integrity 28
Isolation 29
Serialization 29
Transactions 29
Concurrent User Integrity Problems 30
Locks 33
Contention 34
The Oracle Solution 35
Multiversion Read Consistency 35
Integrity Implications 37
Performance Implications 37
Isolation Levels 38
Implementation Issues 39
Write Contention 39
Avoiding Changed Data 40
Summary 41

Chapter 4: Database Design Basics 43

Database Design Phases 45
Conceptual Database Design 45
Logical Database Design 45
Physical Design 46
Practical Design 47
Database Design Tools 48
Database Design Techniques 49
Database Design Case Study Example 53

xii
 Contents
Normalization 54
First Normal Form 56
Second Normal Form 59
Third Normal Form 60
Other Keys 60
Normalization Summary 62
Defining Additional Entities (Tables) 62
Denormalization 63
Other Physical Design Options 64
Object-Oriented Design Options of Oracle 66
Summary 66

Chapter 5: Oracle Security 67

Security Concepts 67
Confidentiality and Privacy 67
Integrity 68
Why Database-Level Security? 68
Authentication 69
Users and Passwords 69
Smart Cards and Biometric Identification 70
Oracle Syntax 70
Authorization 73
System Privileges 74
Object Privileges 74
Roles 75
Stored Procedures 78
Access Control 78
Views 79
Encryption 80
Virtual Private Database 81
Oracle Label Security Option 84
Accountability 85
Auditing 85
Triggers 88
Enterprise Security 88
LDAP 89
Enterprise Users 89
Shared Schemas 89
Database Security 90
Network Security 90
Security Practices 92
Summary 92

xiii
Contents
Chapter 6: The Oracle Data Dictionary 93
What Is the Data Dictionary? 93
Structure of the Oracle Data Dictionary 94
USER_TABLES 95
ALL_TABLES 96
DBA_TABLES 97
TAB 98
V_$FIXED_TABLE 99
The Oracle Data Dictionary During Development 101
Locating and Describing Data Dictionary Views 101
Which Set of Views? 103
Updating the Data Dictionary 107
The Oracle Data Dictionary at Execution Time 108
SQL to Generate SQL 108
Dynamic SQL 110
Summary 112

Chapter 7: Installing Oracle 113

Getting Oracle Software 113
Installing Oracle Server Software 116
System Requirements 116
Installing the Software 117
Accessing Your Oracle Database 122
Installing Oracle Client Software 123
Java Drivers 124
Oracle Client Software 124
Installing the Instant Client 125
Which Driver? 126
Summary 127

Chapter 8: Introduction to SQL 129

A Bit of History 129
Standards 130
SQL Statement Groupings 130
Data Definition Language (DDL) 131
CREATE 131
ALTER 133
DROP 134
Caveat! 134
Data Manipulation Language (DML) 135

xiv
 Contents
SQL: Set-Orientated and Nonprocedural 135
SELECT Statement 135
Multi-Table Access 147
Subqueries 150
Insert 153
UPDATE 155
DELETE 155
COMMIT/ROLLBACK/SAVEPOINT 156
Summary 156

Chapter 9: Extended SQL 159

Extended Conditions 159
LIKE and REGEXP_LIKE 159
IN and EXISTS 160
ALL, SOME, and ANY 164
Extended Set Operations 166
UNION 166
INTERSECT 168
MINUS 169
MERGE 171
An Example 172
Caveats 173
TRUNCATE 174
ROWNUM and Ranking 174
Using ROWNUM 174
Using Analytics 177
Flashback Query 179
How It Works 180
Syntax 180
An Example of Flashback Query 180
Caveats 183
Extended Flashback Capabilities 183
Returning Data from Write Operations 183
Additional Extensions 184
Summary 184

Chapter 10: Indexes 185

Index Basics 186
How an Index Works 186
Keys 190
Index Attributes 190

xv
Contents
B-Tree Indexes 193
How It Works 193
B-Tree Index Myths 194
Reverse Key Indexes 196
Function-Based Indexes 197
Function-Based Indexes at Work 198
Caveats 201
Domain Indexes 202
Bitmap Indexes 202
The Structure of a Bitmap Index 203
The Impact of a Bitmap Index 204
Bitmap Join Index 206
Index-Organized Tables 207
Index Clusters 207
Hash Cluster 209
Design and Performance Tips 209
Start Small 209
Key Compression 210
SQL Access Advisor 211
Summary 211

Chapter 11: Constraints 213

Database Integrity Features 213
Data Typing 214
Constraints 215
Triggers and Stored Procedures 215
Types of Constraints 216
NOT NULL 217
PRIMARY KEY 219
UNIQUE 221
FOREIGN KEY 222
CHECK 226
DEFAULT 230
REF Constraints 231
Working with Constraints 232
Alter Table 233
Constraint States 234
Constraints and Indexes 236
Deferrable Constraints 238
Direct Path Operations 238
Constraints and Export/Import 239
Effect on Mutating Table Triggers 239

xvi
 Contents
Constraints on Views 239
Using Database Constraints for Application-Side Rule Checking 240
Summary 240

Chapter 12: Other Database Structures 241

Tablespaces 241
Temporary Tablespaces 242
Undo Tablespaces 243
Compression 243
Partitioning 245
Views 246
Materialized Views 248
Sequences 248
Global Temporary Tables 250
Recycle Bin 250
Synonyms 253
Why Use Synonyms? 253
Working with Synonyms 253
Database Links 255
Advanced Queuing and Streams 255
Streams AQ 255
Streams 256
Streams Summary 258
Objects 258
Stored Procedures, Functions, and Triggers 259
Accessing Flat Files 260
External Tables 260
UTL_FILE 260
SGA Buffer Pool Assignments 260
Workflows 261
Workspace Manager 262
Summary 263

Chapter 13: Functions 265

What Is a Function? 265
Defining Your Own Functions 265
Permissions to Create Functions 266
Where Can Functions Be Used? 266
Defining a Java Function 267
Viewing Information about Your Functions 267
Deleting a Function 268

xvii
Contents
Oracle’s Built-In SQL Functions 268
Aggregate Functions 268
Numeric Functions 275
Character Functions 281
Date and Time Functions 288
Conversion Functions 295
Collection Functions 303
Other Oracle Functions 303
XML Functions 309
Summary 313

Chapter 14: Distributed Queries, Transactions, and Databases 315

Linking Distributed Oracle Databases 316
Distributed Transactions and Two-Phase Commit 319
Heterogeneous Services 320
ODBC 321
Transparent Gateways 322
Summary 323

Chapter 15: PL/SQL Basics 325

Code Architecture 325
The Block Header 326
The Declaration Section 328
The Execution Section 328
The Exception Section 329
How Exceptions Are Handled 329
Error-Related Functions 330
Scoping and Notation 330
PL/SQL language 331
Implementing Logic 335
Conditional Logic 335
Branching 338
Iterative 339
Doing Nothing 340
Creating a PL/SQL Program 341
The Purpose of the Sample Procedure 341
Starting the Code 341
Adding Variables 342
Adding Logic 342
Adding Exception Handling 343

xviii
 Contents
Using PL/SQL Code 344
Preparing for Compilation 344
Compiling PL/SQL Code 344
Running PL/SQL Code 345
Compilation, Source Code, and Dependencies 346
Security 348
Granting Access to PL/SQL units 348
Program Unit Rights 348
Native Compilation 349
Uses of PL/SQL Units 350
Summary 350

Chapter 16: PL/SQL and SQL 351

Basic SQL in PL/SQL 351
Cursors 352
Creating a Cursor 352
Opening a Cursor 352
Fetching Data 352
Closing the Cursor 353
Cursor Attributes 353
Using a Single Cursor 353
Declare Variables 354
Declare Cursor 354
Open a Cursor 354
Fetch 355
Clean Up 356
Running the Procedure 356
Special Data Types 357
%TYPE 357
%ROWTYPE 358
FOR Cursor 359
Syntax 359
Modifying the Example 359
Implicit Cursors 360
REF CURSORs 362
PL/SQL Records and Collections 363
PL/SQL Records 363
PL/SQL Records and SQL 364
Associative Arrays 364
Nested Tables 365
Variable Arrays 366

xix
Contents
Working with Collections 366
Collection Operations 367
Which Collection Type? 369
BULK COLLECT 369
Using BULK COLLECT 370
FORALL 373
Exception Cases 373
FORALL Enhancements 374
Dynamic SQL 375
EXECUTE IMMEDIATE 376
Bulk Operations with Dynamic SQL 376
More on Dynamic SQL 376
Summary 376

Chapter 17: PL/SQL Packages 379

What Is a Package? 379
Impact of Packages 380
Organization 381
Visibility 381
Scope 381
Dependencies 382
Runtime Memory Usage 382
Oracle’s Endorsement 383
An Example 383
The Package Specification 383
The Package Body 384
Running the Example 390
Using Packages Together 391
Your Second Package 392
Package Code 392
Changing the First Package 393
Impact on the Second Package 394
Summary 396

Chapter 18: Introduction to Java Database Programming 397

Java Architecture 398
Java: The Language 398
Java Virtual Machine and Bytecode 398
What about Performance? 399
J2SE and J2EE 400
Oracle’s Java Architecture 406
JDBC and Persistence Frameworks 408
xx
 Contents
Java outside the Database 411
Java inside the Database 412
Building Sample Applications 413
Setting the CLASSPATH 413
Java Application Using JDBC — Basic Ingredients 414
Java Application Using OracleAS TopLink 419
Java Stored Procedures 427
Summary 434

Chapter 19: Triggers 437

What Are Triggers? 437
Types of Triggers 437
Order of Execution 438
Working with Triggers 438
Naming Triggers 438
Permissions for Creating Triggers 439
Creating Triggers 439
:new and :old 440
Update Triggers 441
Delete Triggers 441
Controlling When the Trigger Fires 442
Inserting or Updating? 443
Special Circumstances 443
INSTEAD OF Triggers 444
Triggers for Referential Integrity 448
Triggers in Other Languages 448
Triggers and Mutating Tables 449
Removing Triggers 451
Deleting/Dropping Triggers 451
Disabling Triggers 451
Recompiling Triggers 452
Viewing Triggers in the Data Dictionary 452
Limitations of Triggers 453
Summary 453

Chapter 20: Regular Expressions and Expression Filter 455

Regular Expressions 456
Regular Expression Concepts 457
Relevance to Database Applications 461
Oracle Regular Expressions 462
Usage Scenarios 470

xxi
Contents
Architecture and Performance Considerations 475
Expression Filter 476
Expression Filter Concepts 478
Relevance to Database Applications 484
Summary 485

Chapter 21: Object Relational Interactions with Oracle 487

Object Relational 488
ODBMS and RDBMS and ORDBMS 488
Introducing Oracle Objects 489
Object Types 490
Object Type Methods 493
Inheritance Support 497
Schema Evolution 499
Mapping to UML Concepts 500
Using Oracle Object Types 501
Existing Java Class as a Persistent Object Type 501
Creating Instances of Object Types in the Database 504
Using Java to Interact with Database Objects 506
Object Views on Relational Data 511
Oracle JPublisher (JPub) 515
Configuration and Run Time 516
Publishing SQL and DML Statements 517
Publishing Java Stored Procedures 518
Publishing Object Types 519
Support for Web Services 520
Summary 520

Chapter 22: Oracle XML DB 521

Overview of the XML DB Repository 521
Protocol-Based Access to XML in the Oracle Repository 522
SQL-Based Access to XML Data in the Oracle Repository 529
Enabling a New Schema for Use with XDB Repositories 533
ACL-Based Security on Oracle XML Repositories 533
XMLType 536
Creating XMLType Columns and Tables 537
XML Views 538
XML Schema 540
SQL/XML and Query Rewrite 533
SQL to XML 554

xxii
 Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
108
MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
109
MS. 5,650 reads “instead of taking medicine.” See Jesuit Relations and
Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery
as practiced by the North American Indians.
110
MS. 5,650 reads “two feet or so.”
111
MS. 5,650 reads “cut short and shaven like religious.” Hans Stade also
notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of
Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136–138, and note, from which it
appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many
Tupi tribes).
112
Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original
from MS. 5,650.
113
In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “They seem to be painted,
and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise
and gives expression to greater joy than the others.”
114
Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints “Setebas.” Roncagli (Da
punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in “Bollettino della Società geografica italiana,”
1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called
“Wallichu.” Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: “They are not without some
religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the
beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the
four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois.”
115
See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes “Pataghoni” of MS. 5,650 as
“Palaghom.”
116
A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as
early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous
people. The name “Cingani” or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy,
comes from the Greek word τἀσιγχανοι, by which they were called by
Byzantine writers of the ix–xii centuries; the same name appearing also in
slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia,
and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India,
whence they emigrated in successive waves. In many countries extreme and
harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they
had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in
France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia,
Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitános
(Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the
reign of Cárlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive.
They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, chap, xxx), but
the name Gitáno had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where
their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain,
and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly.
Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been
given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own
appellation is “Rom” “the man.” See New International Encyclopedia (New
York, 1903).
117
MS. 5,650 reads: “capae;” but Stanley has mistranscribed “capac.”
118
“Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus
and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San
Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5½ instead of 4½
months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr
places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same
date says that the name “St. Julian” or “of the ducks” was given to that bay
which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as April 2, and says
that the place was called “river of Saõ Julião.” See Mosto, ut supra.
119
A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as
follows in MS. 5,650: “However the treason was discovered, and as a
consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered.
Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying
shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and
set ashore on that land of Pathagonia.” The Italian MS. is badly confused,
while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of
the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny:
“They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where
certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conſpirynge the death of theyr general,
were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treaſurer Luigo of
Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conſpirators, he left in the ſayd
land of Patogoni.” See the short account of the mutiny given by
Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume,
pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted
against Magalhães” saying that they intended to take him to Castile in
arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;” but Magalhães subdued the
mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by
Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded
and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhães’s cousin, is wrongly
reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed,
but the command of the “San Antonio” that had previously been given to
Antonio de Coca, after Magalhães had deprived Cartagena of it, had been
given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny.

The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp.
34–38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same
volume and from Herrera, is as follows:

“March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San
Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to
be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the
country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the
rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that
country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or
accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage
which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land
or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had
no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good
water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine
had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule
regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them
not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had
manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them
corresponding rewards in the king’s name. By such means did he quiet the
men.

“April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and
pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de
la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de
Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he
was a prisoner in Quesada’s keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la
Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes.

“During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about
thirty armed men of the ship ‘Concepcion’ went to the ‘San Antonio,’ where
Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered
to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had already done
with the ‘Concepcion’ and ‘Victoria.’ [He said] that they already knew how
Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him
to fulfil the king’s orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help
him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan
de Elorriaga, the master of the ‘San Antonio,’ spoke in favor of his captain,
Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: ‘I summon you, in
God’s name and that of the king, Don Cárlos, to go to your ship, for the
present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also
summon you to release our captain.’ Thereupon Quesada replied: ‘Must our
deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?’ and drawing his
dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men.
Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the
ship ‘Concepcion,’ while Quesada remained in the ‘San Antonio.’ Thus
were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, ‘San
Antonio,’ ‘Concepcion,’ and ‘Victoria.’

“Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held
three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require
him to fulfil his Majesty’s provisions. They said that they had done that in
order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done thitherto. If he
would agree to fulfil his Majesty’s orders, they would obey his commands,
and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would
thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him.

“Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear
them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come
lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship ‘San Antonio,’ where
they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king’s orders
commanded.

“Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the
face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept
the small boat of the ship ‘San Antonio’ which was used for those
negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa,
in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the ‘Victoria,’ with six men armed
secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the
latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and
smiling as if to say ‘You don’t catch me that way,’ Espinosa stabbed him in
the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head
so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat
under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the ‘Trinidad’ with
fifteen armed men, who entering the ‘Victoria’ flung the banner to the
breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the
‘Victoria’ approached the flagship, and they together immediately
approached the ‘Santiago.’

“On the following day, the ‘San Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ which were
held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for
them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The ‘San
Antonio’ raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada
determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner in his
ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them.
Mezquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Finally, they
arranged that when they set sail, Mezquita should station himself forward
and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they
would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably.
“Before setting sail in the ‘San Antonio,’ where they were endangered, as it
was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the
flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped
aboard the ‘San Antonio’ crying, ‘For whom are you?’ they responding,
‘For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,’ surrendered to Magallanes.
The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other
sobresalientes who had gone to the ‘San Antonio’ with Quesada. Then he
sent to the ‘Concepcion’ for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with
them.

“Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it
quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered
Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done
by Quesada’s own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to
save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him.
Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez
de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be
marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men who merited
death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not
excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment.”

Brito’s account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and
unsatisfactory: “In that port the captains began to ask him where he was
taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal
cedula naming him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also
have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and
kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to
the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in
execution. But when Magallanes discovered their ill-considered attempt, for
the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered
his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other
captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their
attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in
his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his
dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named
Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena
together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no
inhabitants.”

Correa (Stanley, pp. 247–250) gives a different and imperfect account of the
meeting.

Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162–
174. When the “San Antonio” deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have
rescued Cartagena and the priest. João Serrão (after the loss of the
“Santiago”) was given command of the “Concepcion,” Mesquita of the
“San Antonio,” and Duarte Barbosa of the “Victoria,” all Portuguese
(Guillemard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake
should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty
was executed. That the history of Magalhães’s expedition was generally
known is evident from the following: “The next day after, being the
twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good
harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet
standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where
Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious
company.” World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234.
120
MS. 5,650 reads: “twenty-five leagues.”
121
Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: “and very little of that.” The
account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and
inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175–179, and Navarrete, iv, pp.
38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of João Serrão. The
“Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete,
iv, p. 307) says: “After this [i.e., the mutiny], they wintered for three
months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship ‘Santiago’ to go ahead in
order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved.”
Correa’s account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the
hull of the vessel was lost.
122
Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a
variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel.
123
See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5*.
124
Eden (p. 252) says: “52. degree ... lackynge a thyrde parte.”
125
MS. 5,650 omits: “and the holy bodies,” and has in its place: “by His
grace.”
126
MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is
retained in view of these words; for the Spanish braza is a measure about
equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in
different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however,
translated brasse (“fathom”) in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8),
conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore
Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: “The
Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question
was what was formerly called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name
that I have been able to find for it is ‘robalo,’ and this name is applied to it
by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most
popular names, however, it is very misleading. ‘Robalo’ is the Spanish
name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or
rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real
resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern
hemisphere—the Nototheniids. The so-called Eliginus maclovinus
(properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely
distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of
Magalhães.”
127
Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 215)
says: “We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian] on the 24th of the said month
[of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas
farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the
26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the
18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and
water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an
excellent coast with good indentations.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 4)
places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about
50°. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up
the wreckage of the “Santiago” until September 18. The name Santa Cruz
was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on
September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4,
note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the
name to João Serrão who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on
which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross.
Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that
happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp.
187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an
annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not
visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhães gave
instructions to his captains here “saying that he would follow those coasts
until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a
latitude of 75°; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be
twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Maluco toward
the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the
island of San Lorenzo.”

A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed
“chapter.”
128
The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 53°
30´; Barros, 52° 56´; Elcano, 54°; and Albo, 52° 30´. Mosto, p. 60, note 9.
129
MS. 5.650 has the words in brackets.
130
Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: “they founde the ſtraight nowe cauled
the ſtraight of Magellanus, beinge in ſum place C.x. leagues in length: and
in breadth ſumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a
league in bredth.” Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant
de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply
“something like almost a half-league wide.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 7)
says that the channel “at some places has a width of three leagues, and two,
and one, and in some places half a league.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320)
gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues
or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or
cannon shot to one and one and one-half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth
as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter
Martyr, a sling-shot’s distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.)
131
Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the
“bow moorings;” Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautìque (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). The old
Spanish word is “proís,” which signifies both the thing to which the ship is
moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore.
132
This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: “The said strait was a circular
place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the
sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But
the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and
that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of
Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named
Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward—one
named the ‘Sainct Anthoine,’ and the other the ‘Conception’—in order that
they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was
called the cape de la Baya.”

Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Bœhem), Bœhm)

was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally
from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506.
He was a draper in Flanders, 1477–1479, after which he went to Lisbon
(1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen
geographer of Diego Cam’s expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he
received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal;
after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became
interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the
governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg
until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an
immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which
contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard), In 1493 he returned to
Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went
to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited
America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhães,
the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New
Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encyclopédie (Paris,
Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74.

See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189–198) for a discussion of knowledge

regarding the existence of a strait to the south of the American continent,
prior to Magalhães’s discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after
weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a
“more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break
“that would allow access to the eastern world.
133
Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp.
199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay.
134
Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange.
135
The “First Narrows” or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point.
136
Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip’s Bay, or Boucant Bay.
137
The “Second Narrows” and Broad Reach.
138
MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals.
139
MS. 5,650 reads: “When near us they suddenly discharged a number of
guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries.”
140
The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the
northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The
second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island
and Brunswick Peninsula.
141
Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with
ambitions only less than those of Magalhães, his kinsman (Guillemard, p.
203). His desertion occurred probably in the first part of November, and
was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of
appreciation from Magalhães. Conspiring with Gerónimo Guerra, the
notary, who was elected captain of the “San Antonio” they made off with
that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mezquita, returned to Spain,
anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the
return of the “Victoria,” but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an
expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been
fitted out by Cárlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast, as far as
Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande Encyclopédie;
Navarrete, iv, pp. 42–45, and 201–208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203–
205.

Brito’s story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the “San
Antonio” (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: “They left that place
[i.e., the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of
which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about
15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-
locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese
pilot named Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order
to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it
appeared land-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships ‘San
Antonio’ and the ‘Concepcion’ to go in advance in order to explore the
strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell
Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it
would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed
anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the
point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the ‘San Antonio’
of which Alvaro de Mezquito, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez,
a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened
in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known
whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes
proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit.” Correa’s
account of the desertion of the “San Antonio” is as usual with him,
inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250).
142
Literally “brother;” but to be understood probably as the expression
cugino germano, “cousin german.”
143
MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: “But that ship lost its time,
for the other.”
144
Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and
Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the
Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p.
215) says that after taking the course to the northwest they sailed about 15
leagues before anchoring.
145
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the
strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (see
Guillemard, map facing p. 198).
146
MS. 5,650 adds: “which were on the other side.”
147
João Serrão, the brother of Magalhães’s staunchest friend Francisco
Serrão, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling
him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized
Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One
document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito
(Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and
captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque.
Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502–1503) made him captain of
the ship “Pomposa” which was built in Mozambique where he was left to
attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil
for the first time, for Vasco da Gama’s fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good
Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape
Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida
(March 16, 1506, in which Magalhães also participated). He was chief
captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in the
Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he
was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the
fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhães as
captain and pilot of the “Santiago,” but after the wreck of that vessel near
port San Julian was given command of the “Concepcion,” in which he later
explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhães from attacking the natives
of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at
Magalhães’s death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous
banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley’s
Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London,
1869).
148
MS. 5,650 reads as follows: “Such was the method ordered by the
captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become
separated from the others might rejoin the fleet.” Then it adds: “Thereupon
the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more,
for they set two banners with their letters,” etc.
149
“The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11).
150
According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or “of Islands”) is located on
Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east
of the “River of Sardines;” the island where the cross was planted would be
one of the Charles Islands.
151
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San
Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some “four hours each
day” in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not
longer than five hours.
152
MS. 5,650 adds: “which is the collateral wind between the east and
south.”
153
MS. 5,650 adds: “and anchorages.”
154
Various kinds of these umbelliferous parsley plants are still to be found
in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3).
155
MS. 5,650 reads: “I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country
or a better strait than that.” See Albo’s description of the strait, in Vol. I,
pp. 264–265; that of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319–321; and that in World
encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236, 237 (this last account also
mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for
anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait
was called the “Strait of Victoria, because the ship ‘Victoria’ was the first
that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain
was named Fernando de Magalhaens.” Castanheda says that Magalhães
gave it the name of “bay of All Saints” because it was discovered on
November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhães’s request for
opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it “channel of All
Saints:” but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and
later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions
given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made
that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de
Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called “strait of the Mother of God.”
It was also called “strait of Martin Behaim.” The anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The “Roterio”
(Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length, and that in traversing
it, they “sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night.”
Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles;
Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to
navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See
Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2; and ante, note 130.
156
These fish are: a species of Coryphæna; the Thymnus albacora, and the
Thymnus plamys.
157
From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla
hirundo).
158
MS. 5,650 reads: “one foot or more.”
159
At this point in the original Italian MS., which ends a page, occurs the
heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is,
“Continuation of Patagonian words.”
160
Literally: “for the nature of women.”
161
MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian
words from the Italian MS.
Eyes ather
Eyelashes occhechl
Lips schiane
Hair ajchir
Throat ohumer
Shoulders peles
Penis scachet
Testicles scaneos
Rump schiachen
Arm mar
Pulse ohon
Legs choss
Feet teche
Heel there
Sole of the foot cartscheni
Fingernails colini
To scratch ghecare
Young man calemi
Water oli
Smoke jaiche
We chen
Yes zei
Petre lazure secheghi
Sun calexcheni
To eat mecchiere
To look conne
To walk rhei
Ship theu
To run haim
Ostrich eggs jan
The powder of the herb which they eat capae
Red cloth terechai
Black amel
Red theiche
To cook jrecoles
A goose chache
Their little devils Cheleult

In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent
of “no;” theu is “ship” in the above, and “snow” in the Italian; courire (the
equivalent of covrire or coprire, “to cover”) in the Italian, becomes courir
(“to run”) in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French.
Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa;
alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco);
a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo
ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al coçinare). Stanley offers this as proof
that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian,
but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of
his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the
Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from
MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation); and
hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor.
Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this
list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by
Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose
Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre
d’herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the
wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian
equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as “Food, the root used
as bread.” Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for
oresche (“nostrils”); canneghin for caimeghin (“palm of the hand”); ochy
for ochii (“bosom”); scancos for scaneos (“testicles”); hou for hoii
(“buttocks”); ohoy for ohon (“pulse”); cartschem for cartscheni (“sole of
the foot”); chol for thol (“heart”); om for oni (“wind”); aschame for
aschanie (“earthen pot”); oamaghei for oamaghce (“to fight”); amet for
amel (“black”); and ixecoles for jrocoles (“to cook”). Amoretti has also
made many errors (see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is
on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian
equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter
being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of “red cloth.”
Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: “breade, Capar: water, Oli:
redde clothe, Cherecai: red colour, Cheiche: blacke colour, Amel.”

Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the vocabulary of the
Tehuel-ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship “Roncagli,”
which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta.

English Roncagli Pigafetta

Nose or or
eye óthel other
hand tzén chene
ear sha sane
ostrich óyue hoi hoi

Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y

descubrìmientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the
language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time
of Pigafetta. See also lists of words in Brinton (ut supra), p. 364, from the
Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale
(Wilkes’s U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838–1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii,
pp. 651–656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta’s vocabulary. Hale says that
guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district.
162
MS. 5,650 reads: “capae.”
163
Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians
in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see also
Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126.

At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart,
representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of
Pigafetta’s charts are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and
the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio
21a) by the words: “Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie.” Immediately
following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole
Infortunate (“Unfortunate Isles;” see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS.
5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: “Here are shown the two
islands called ‘Unfortunate Islands.’” The charts in the Italian MS. are
brown or dull black on a blue ground.
164
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhães left the strait
November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese
(Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note 1), November 27.
165
MS. 5,650 reads: “And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder,
which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats
that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten.” Eden (p. 252) reads:
“And hauynge in this tyme conſumed all theyr byſket and other vyttales,
they fell into ſuche neceſſitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that
remayned therof beinge nowe full of woormes and ſtynkynge lyke pyſſe by
reaſon of the ſalte water,” Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice
was cooked with salt water.
166
A curious coincidence in view of Magalhães’s answer to Esteban Gomez
at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that
“although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would
still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor” (Navarrete,
iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council André de San Martin, pilot in
the “San Antonio,” advised that they continue explorations until the middle
of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther
southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts
be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv,
pp. 45–49).
167
MS. 5,650 reads: “enough of them.”
168
This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document
conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of
scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones.
169
The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west
and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line
(“Roteiro,” Stanley, p. 9), Magalhães changed the course in order to strike
land north of the Moluccas, as “he had information that there were no
provisions” there.
170
MS. 5,650 reads: “It is well named Pacific.”
171
MS. 5,650 adds: “which is a large fish called tiburoni.” The anonymous
Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31), says that the Unfortunate Islands were met
before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one
another. One was called St. Peter (in 18°) and the other the island of
Tiburones (in 14°). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say
that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but
Albo’s journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there.
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 18° or
19° and 13° or 14°. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was
discovered January 24 in 16° 15´, and was called San Pablo, because that
was the date of St. Paul’s conversion; and the island of Tiburones was
discovered February 4, in 10° 40´, at a distance of 9° (sic) from the former.
Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 5°. These two islands were
probably Puka-puka (the Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the
Tuamotu group, located in latitude 14° 45´ south, and longitude 138° 48´
west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11° 20´
south and longitude 151° 48´ west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the
former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note 163. See
Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6.
172
MS. 5,650 reads: “now at the stern, now at the windward side, or
otherwise.” Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: “According
to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we
ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily.” Many basing themselves on this
passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the
first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena a poppa bei Pigafetta und
die Logge, in “Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin,” 1869,
iv, pp. 107–115) believes that the “stern chain (catena poppa) is not the log
properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship’s
leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d’America e
Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1890). L’Vzielle
(Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part
ii, introduction, pp. 294–296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that
the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word
ho and whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjunction. If it be a
conjunction then the passage, means “estimating by sight, the rate of the
ship from the ‘bow catena,’ or at the stern” (‘catena’ being a beam
perpendicular to the ship’s axis at the point near the bow where it begins to
curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the
direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship)
his ship made fifty, sixty, or seventy leagues.” One might suppose, if ho be
regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern
(the passage reading “the catena that was at the stern”); or that the
disjunctive ho, “or” is used in place of e, “and,” and that Pigafetta, dividing
the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for
a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the
stern, thus deduced the ship’s rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note 1. L’Vzielli’s
opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas
as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument
used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it
was very deficient.
173
The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls “cape of
the virgins” was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about
52° south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and
Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note 1.
174
Regarding the reckonings Eden says: “In ſo much that it was neceſſarie
to helpe the needle with the lode ſtone (commonly cauled the adamant)
before they could ſaile therwith, bycauſe it moued not as it doothe when it is
in theſe owre partes.” Eden also gives a cut of the “ſtarres abowt the pole
Antartike.” The same author also (pp. 277–280) compiles from Amerigo
Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled “Of the Pole Antartike
and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and
disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Alſo certeyne
ſecreates touching the arte of ſaylynge.” The former says: “The pole
Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is ſeene abowte owre
pole. But hath foure ſtarres whiche compaſſe it abowt in forme of a
quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is ſeene on the lefte ſyde a bryght
Canopus of three ſtarres of notable greatneſſe, whiche beinge in the myddeſt
of heauen, repreſenteth this figure.” The latter says: “Here we ſawe a
marueylous order of ſtarres, ſo that in the parte of heauen contrary to owre
northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the ſouth pole was, we
tooke the day with the ſoonne, and obſerued the nyght with the aſtrolabie,
and ſaw manifeſtly twoo clowdes of reaſonable bygneſſe mouynge abowt
the place of the pole continually nowe ryſynge and nowe faulynge, ſo
keepynge theyr continuall courſe in circular mouynge, with a ſtarre euer in
the myddeſt which is turned abowt with them abowte. xi. degrees frome the
pole. Aboue theſe appeareth a marueylous croſſe in the myddeſt of fyue
notable ſtarres which compaſſe it abowt.... This croſſe is so fayre and
bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it....” These are
the Magallanic clouds (Nuebecula major and Nubecula minor) and the
constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds
resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the
naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the
moon’s surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked
eye, disappears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of
the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots
probably called them at first “clouds of the cape.” (Mosto, p. 66, note 2).
The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first
erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of
before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first
magnitude. The cross is only 6° in extent north and south and less than that
east and west.

The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and
occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on
folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: “The island of
the robbers and the style of their boats.”
175
MS. 5,650 reads: “During that time of two months and twelve days.”
176
Amoretti reads: “three degrees east of Capo Verde.” If the cape is meant,
the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p.
67, note 4.
177
Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia,
called “Septe citade” on Martin Behaim’s globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The
locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he
writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end
of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China
fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco
Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kuë or Dschi-pon, which the Japanese
have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See Travels of Marco Polo, book
iii, ch. ii; and Rein’s Japan, p. 4.
178
See Vol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336.
179
MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.” Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 322) names two
islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were
uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be
identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67,
note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his
conjecture is undoubtedly correct.
180
MS. 5,650 adds: “called skiff.”
181
MS. 5,650 adds: “of the said island.”
182
MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following
paragraph.
183
This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following
sentence; but that MS. adds: “We left the said island immediately afterward,
and continued our course.” This was on March 9, on which day the only
Englishman in the fleet, “Master Andrew” of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut
supra, p. 226).
184
Eden (p. 254) says: “two hundreth of theyr boates.”
185
MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is
unnumbered.

When Loaisa’s expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a
Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa’s ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30,
34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one
of those islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109–113. The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 9)
says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which
Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of the skiff,
Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed
seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken
aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones
(which lay in 10°–12° north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course
traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: “Thence [i.e.,
the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing
500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number
of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men
tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages
except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it
were a cause for rejoicing.”
186
MS. 5,650 adds: “or superior.”
187
MS. 5,650 reads: “cloth.”
188
At this point, MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: “There are found
in that place.”
189
MS. 5,650 reads: “Those women.”
190
MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje or stoje
meaning “mats,” and explains by adding: “which we call mats.”
191
They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las Velas, “the
sails” from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67,
note 7). See also Vol. XVI, pp. 200–202.
192
In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: “The pastime of the men
and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch
those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone.”
193
Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere, which were
small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by
the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti
conjectures that Pigafetta means the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine
whence people are ferried to Venice.
194
MS. 5,650 reads: “The said boats have no difference between stern and
bow.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the
Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: “They went both
ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, whenever they
wished.” The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is
the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands.
195
In the Italian MS., the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly (“Watering-place
of good signs”), Zzamal (Samar), Abarien, Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam,
Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio
29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: “Here is shown the
island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson,
and Abarien, and several others.”
196
“The tenth of March” in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the
Ladrones is given as “xxx. leagues.” Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that
the first land seen was called Yunagan, “which extended north and had
many bays;” and that going south from there they anchored at a small island
called Suluan. At the former “we saw some canoes, and went thither, but
they fled. That island lies in 9° 40´ north latitude.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley,
p. 10) says that the first land seen was in “barely eleven degrees,” and that
the fleet “went to touch at another further on, which appeared first.” Two
praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered
back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island
“which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the ‘Island of
Good Signs,’ because they found some gold in it.”
197
This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
198
MS. 5,650 reads: “more than one foot long.”
199
Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is
natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the
various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes
of preparation. Thus the Tagálog has words for “green rice,” “rice with
small heads,” “dirty and partly rotten rice,” “early rice,” “late rice,”
“cooked rice,” and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70,
71.
200
MS. 5,650 reads: “In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above
named, one must know that what is called ‘cochi’ is the fruit borne by the
palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained
from different things, so those people get the above named substances from
those palm-trees alone.” See Delgado’s Historia, pp. 634–659, for
description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp.
72, 73, 75.
201
MS. 5,650 reads: “along the tree.” Practically the method used today to
gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75.
202
In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: “Vnder
this rynde, there is a thicke ſhell whiche they burne and make pouder
thereof and vſe it as a remedie for certeyne diſeaſes.” He says lower, that the
cocoanut milk on congealing “lyeth within the ſhell lyke an egge.”
203
MS. 5,650 reads: “By so doing they last a century.”
204
Called “Suluan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island
southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows (Census of the
Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan
“were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan
found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but ... were
almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people
are in the main descended.” These natives had probably come, he says, “in
successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the
Sulu archipelago. ‘Sulúan’ itself means ‘Where there are Suluges,’ that is,
men of Sulu or Joló.”
205
MS. adds: “seeing that they were thus well dispositioned.”
206
MS. 5,650 adds: “into the sea.”
207
Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e., Aguada,
“watering-place”) “where we took on water and wood, that island being
very free of shoals” (see ante, note 196). This island is now called
Homonhón, Jomonjol, or Malhón. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles
from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It
is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called
“Buenas Señas” on Murillo Velarde’s map.
208
The “Roteiro” (Stanley p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called
“Vall Sem Periguo,” or “Valley without Peril.” The name “Filipinas” was
not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (see Vol. II, p. 48).
209
Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in
large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing
with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note 1).
210
This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.
211
MS. 5,650 reads: “In his ears he wore pendants of gold jewels, which
they call ‘schione.’”
212
MS. adds: “whom he had put ashore on that island that they might
recruit their strength.”
213
MS. 5,650 reads: “There is another island near the above island,
inhabited by people.” Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that picheti is from the
Spanish piquete, “a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument.” This
custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and
semi-barbarous peoples.
214
Eden (p. 254) reads: “caphranita that is gentyles.” See Vol. III, p. 93,
note 29.
215
This word is omitted in MS. 5,650.
216
Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of which
translate “fascines.” Mosto reads focine, which is amended by Amoretti to
foscine. This latter is probably the same word as fiocina, a “harpoon” or
“eel-spear,” and hence here a “dart.”
217
Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as
the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says
of rizali: “Rizzagio or rizzagno, ‘sweepnet’ a fine thickly woven net, which
when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom,
closes, and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio is also called that
contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel
hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath,
through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger
of their escape.”

Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices—in favorable

situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow
waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the
spear, are also used. See Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington,
1905), iv, p. 533.
218
MS. 5,650 reads: “Hiunanghar.” Stanley has mistranscribed
“Huinanghar.” It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo,
Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes)
suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarián. The
first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted
in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigafetta’s chart to be
north of Malhón, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely
from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate
Manicani rather than Cabalarián.

After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the
islands of Pozzon, Ticobon, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the
island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This
chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: “Below is shown the cape
of Gatighan and many other islands surrounding it.”
219
Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: “We departed thence [i.e., from
Malhón] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called
Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along
it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island,
which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly.
We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the
west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to
possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They
found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Masava lies in latitude 9 and
two-thirds degrees north.” The “Roteiro” (Stanley, p. 11) says: “They ran on
to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e.,
Malhón], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor
[i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well
received, and they placed a cross in it.” See also Vol. I, pp. 322, 323.
220
MS. 5,650 reads: “But they moved off immediately and would not enter
the ship through distrust of us.” The slave who acted as interpreter is the
Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete’s list.
221
Bara: the Spanish word barra.
222
MS. 5,650 reads: “to ask him to give him some food for his ships in
exchange for his money.”
223
MS. 5,650 reads: “The king hearing that came with seven or eight men.”
224
For dorade, i.e., the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: “which are very large fish
of the kind abovesaid.”
225
The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means “intimate friends.”
See Trumbull’s Blood Covenant (Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how
widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood.
226
MS. 5,650 reads: “After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms
armed in offensive armor.” Stanley has translated harnois blanc literally as
“white armor.”
227
This passage may be translated: “Thereby was the king rendered almost
speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed
men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that
was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship, who
were armed in that manner.” Eden so understood it, and reads: “whereat the
Kynge marualed greatly, and ſayde to th[e] interpretoure (who was a ſlaue
borne in Malacha) that one of thoſe armed men was able to encounter with a
hundreth of his men.” MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text.
228
Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: “and he made two of his men
engage in sword-play before the king.”
229
MS. 5,650 says only: “Then he showed the king the sea-chart, and the
navigation compass.” Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass
was one “Flauius of Malpha, a citie in the kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto
Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales
by whoſe daylye experience, the ſame is brought to further perfection, and
the vſe thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the
cauſe why the iren touched with the lode ſtone, turneth euer towarde the
north ſtarre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall.” He also says:
“As touchynge the needle of the compaſſe, I haue redde in the Portugales
nauigations that ſaylynge as farre ſouth as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt
of the needle ſtyll reſpected the northe as it dyd on this ſyde the
Equinoctiall, ſauynge that it ſumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle,
whereby the force ſeemed ſumwhat to be diminiſſhed, ſo that they were
fayne to helpe it with the lode ſtone.” (See ante, p. 93). The compass was
known in a rough form to the Chinese at early as 2634 B.C., and first
applied to navigation in the third or fourth century A.D., or perhaps earlier.
It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it
from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander
Neckam in the twelfth century in De Utensilibus. The variations from the
true north were observed as early as 1269.
230
Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this
request and Magalhães as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as
distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhães made the request.
231
MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.
232
MS. 5,650 adds: “that is, a boat.”
233
The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650:
“Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion
of drinking is as follows. First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then
take with the right hand the vessel from which they drink, while extending
the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and
extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike
me. But I did the same to him, and in such wise did we banquet and
afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others.” See Spencer’s
Ceremonial Institutions, especially chapter I.
234
Eden reads (p. 255): “When the kynge ſawe Antonie Pigafetta write the
names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearſe them ageyne, he marualed
yet more, makynge ſygnes that ſuche men deſcended from heauen.”
Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter’s
brother, the second king.
235
A tolerably good description of the native houses of the present day in
the Philippines. Cf. Morga’s description, Vol. XVI, pp. 117–119.
236
MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point.
237
This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the
house of the king. The passage there reads: “All the dishes with which he is
served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to
the custom of the country, were of gold.”
238
MS. 5,650 omits this sentence.
239
Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao.
240
This name is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5,650, Siaui;
Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu.
241
MS. 5,650 reads: “the captain sent the chaplain ashore to celebrate
mass.”
242
MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the Italian MS. says
distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore by means of
muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the kings and
Magalhães separated, both of which references are omitted by MS. 5,650.
Eden reads: “The Captaine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr beſt
apparel withowte weapons or harneſſe, and all the reſydue well armed.”
243
In Eden (p. 255): “damaſke water.”
244
MS. 5,650 reads: “but they offered nothing.”
245
MS. 5,650 says: “every one did his duties as a Christian and received
our Lord.”
246
MS. 5,650 adds: “for the people.”
247
The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: “they made
immediate reverence;” MS. 5,650 says “to which these kings made
reverence,” which is scarcely likely, as the latter would, until told by
Magalhães, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it was the Spaniards who
made the reverence.
248
MS. 5,650 reads: “whenever any ships came from Spain.”
249
Cf. Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 132.
250
MS. 5,650 reads: “men and ships to render them obedient to him.”
251
MS. 5,650 reads: “to the middle of the highest mountain,” evidently
confusing mezo di (“afternoon”) of the Italian MS. with mezo (mezzo;
“middle”); for the cross was set up on the summit of the mountain. The
passage in MS. 5,650 continues: “Then those two kings and the captain
rested, and while conversing, the latter had them asked [not “I had them
asked” as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as je] where the best port
was for getting food. They replied that there were three, namely, Ceylom,
Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was the largest and the best trading
place.” These are the islands of Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p.
20; and the Selani of Transylvanus, Vol. I, p. 322), Cebú, and Mindanao
(the Caraga district).
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