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 Sample Final Exam #6
(Summer 2008; thanks to Hélène Martin)

1. Array Mystery
Consider the following method:
public static void arrayMystery(String[] a) {
for (int i = 0; i < a.length; i++) {
a[i] = a[i] + a[a.length - 1 - i];
}
}
Indicate in the right-hand column what values would be stored in the array after the method arrayMystery executes
if the array in the left-hand column is passed as a parameter to it.
Original Contents of Array Final Contents of Array
String[] a1 = {"a", "b", "c"};
arrayMystery(a1); _____________________________

String[] a2 = {"a", "bb", "c", "dd"};

arrayMystery(a2); _____________________________

String[] a3 = {"z", "y", "142", "w", "xx"};

arrayMystery(a3); _____________________________

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2. Reference Semantics Mystery
The following program produces 4 lines of output. Write the output below, as it would appear on the console.
public class Pokemon {
int level;

public Pokemon(int level) {

this.level = level;
}
}

public class ReferenceMystery {

public static void main(String[] args) {
int hp = 10;
Pokemon squirtle = new Pokemon(5);

battle(squirtle, hp);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");

hp = hp + squirtle.level;

battle(squirtle, hp + 1);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
}

public static void battle(Pokemon poke, int hp) {

poke.level++;
hp -= 5;
System.out.println("Level " + poke.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
}
}

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3. Inheritance Mystery
Assume that the following classes have been defined:

public class Dog extends Cat { public class Cat {

public void m1() { public void m1() {
m2(); System.out.print("cat 1 ");
System.out.print("dog 1 "); }
}
} public void m2() {
System.out.print("cat 2 ");
public class Lion extends Dog { }
public void m2() {
System.out.print("lion 2 "); public String toString() {
super.m2(); return "cat";
} }
}
public String toString() {
return "lion";
}
}
Given the classes above, what output is produced by the following code?
Cat[] elements = {new Dog(), new Cat(), new Lion()};
for (int i = 0; i < elements.length; i++) {
elements[i].m1();
System.out.println();
elements[i].m2();
System.out.println();
System.out.println(elements[i]);
System.out.println();
}

3 of 9
4. File Processing
Write a static method evaluate that accepts as a parameter a Scanner containing a series of tokens representing a
numeric expression involving addition and subtraction and that returns the value of the expression. For example, if a
Scanner called data contains the following tokens:
4.2 + 3.4 - 4.1
The call of evaluate(data); should evaluate the result as (4.2+3.4-4.1) = (7.6-4.1) = 3.5 and should return this
value as its result. Every expression will begin with a real number and then will have a series of operator/number
pairs that follow. The operators will be either + (addition) or - (subtraction). As in the example above, there will be
spaces separating numbers and operators. You may assume the expression is legal.
Your program should evaluate operators sequentially from left to right. For example, for this expression:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0
your method should evaluate the operators as follows:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0 = (7.3 - 4.1) - 2.0 = 3.2 - 2.0 = 1.2
The Scanner might contain just a number, in which case your method should return that number as its result.

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5. File Processing
Write a static method blackjack that accepts as its parameter a Scanner for an input file containing a hand of
playing cards, and returns the point value of the hand in the card game Blackjack.
A card has a rank and a suit. There are 13 ranks: Ace, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, Jack, Queen, and King. There are 4
suits: Clubs, Diamonds, Hearts, and Spades. A Blackjack hand's point value is the sum of its cards' point values. A
card's point value comes from its rank; the suit is irrelevant. In this problem, cards are worth the following points:
Rank Point Value
2-10 The card's rank (for example, a 7 is worth 7 points)
Jack (J), Queen (Q), King (K) 10 points each
Ace (A) 11 points (for this problem; simplified compared to real Blackjack)
The input file contains a single hand of cards, each represented by a pair of "<rank> <suit>" tokens. For example:
5 Diamonds
Q Spades
2 Spades 3 Hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 20, since the cards' point values are 5 + 10 + 2 + 3 = 20.
The input can be in mixed casing, have odd spacing between tokens, and can be split across lines. For example:
2 Hearts
j SPADES a Diamonds
2 ClUbS
A
hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 36, since the cards' point values are 2 + 10 + 11 + 2 + 11 = 36.
You may assume that the Scanner contains at least 1 card (two tokens) of input, and that no line will contain any
tokens other than valid card data. The real game of Blackjack has many other rules that you should ignore for this
problem, such as the notion of going "bust" once you exceed a score of 21.

5 of 9
6. Array Programming
Write a static method named allPlural that accepts an array of strings as a parameter and returns true only if
every string in the array is a plural word, and false otherwise. For this problem a plural word is defined as any
string that ends with the letter S, case-insensitively. The empty string "" is not considered a plural word, but the
single-letter string "s" or "S" is. Your method should return true if passed an empty array (one with 0 elements).
The table below shows calls to your method and the expected values returned:
Array Call and Value Returned
String[] a1 = {"snails", "DOGS", "Cats"}; allPlural(a1) returns true
String[] a2 = {"builds", "Is", "S", "THRILLs", "CS"}; allPlural(a2) returns true
String[] a3 = {}; allPlural(a3) returns true
String[] a4 = {"She", "sells", "sea", "SHELLS"}; allPlural(a4) returns false
String[] a5 = {"HANDS", "feet", "toes", "OxEn"}; allPlural(a5) returns false
String[] a6 = {"shoes", "", "socks"}; allPlural(a6) returns false
For full credit, your method should not modify the array's elements.

6 of 9
7. Array Programming
Write a static method named reverseChunks that accepts two parameters, an array of integers a and an integer
"chunk" size s, and reverses every s elements of a. For example, if s is 2 and array a stores {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6},
a is rearranged to store {2, 1, 4, 3, 6, 5}. With an s of 3 and the same elements {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}, array
a is rearranged to store {3, 2, 1, 6, 5, 4}. The chunks on this page are underlined for convenience.
If a's length is not evenly divisible by s, the remaining elements are untouched. For example, if s is 4 and array a
stores {5, 4, 9, 2, 1, 7, 8, 6, 2, 10}, a is rearranged to store {2, 9, 4, 5, 6, 8, 7, 1, 2, 10}.
It is also possible that s is larger than a's entire length, in which case the array is not modified at all. You may assume
that s is 1 or greater (an s of 1 would not modify the array). If array a is empty, its contents should remain unchanged.
The following table shows some calls to your method and their expected results:
Array and Call Array Contents After Call
int[] a1 = {20, 10, 30, 60, 50, 40}; {10, 20, 60, 30, 40, 50}
reverseChunks(a1, 2);
int[] a2 = {2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16}; {6, 4, 2, 12, 10, 8, 14, 16}
reverseChunks(a2, 3);
int[] a3 = {7, 1, 3, 5, 9, 8, 2, 6, 4, 10, 0, 12}; {9, 5, 3, 1, 7, 10, 4, 6, 2, 8, 0, 12}
reverseChunks(a3, 5);
int[] a4 = {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}; {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}
reverseChunks(a4, 8);
int[] a5 = {}; {}
reverseChunks(a5, 2);

7 of 9
8. Critters
Write a class Minnow that extends Critter from HW8, along with its movement and eating behavior. All other
aspects of Minnow use the defaults. Add fields, constructors, etc. as necessary to your class.
Minnow objects initially move in a S/E/S/E/... pattern. However, when a Minnow encounters food (when its eat
method is called), it should do all of the following:
• Do not eat the food.
• Start the movement cycle over. In other words, the next move after eat is called should always be South.
• Lengthen and reverse the horizontal portion of the movement cycle pattern.
The Minnow should reverse its horizontal direction and increase its horizontal movement distance by 1 for
subsequent cycles. For example, if the Minnow had been moving S/E/S/E, it will now move S/W/W/S/W/W. If
it hits a second piece of food, it will move S/E/E/E/S/E/E/E, and a third, S/W/W/W/W/S/W/W/W/W, and so on.
?
The following is an example timeline of a particular Minnow object's movement. The ??
timeline below is also drawn in the diagram at right. Underlined occurrences mark squares ??
where the Minnow found food. ???
???
• S, E, S, E (hits food) ?
????
• S, W, W, S, W, W, S (hits food) ????
• S, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, S, E (hits food) ??
• S (hits food) ?
??????
• S, E, E, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, E, E, ...

8 of 9
9. Classes and Objects
Suppose that you are provided with a pre-written class Date as // Each Date object stores a single
described at right. (The headings are shown, but not the method // month/day such as September 19.
bodies, to save space.) Assume that the fields, constructor, and // This class ignores leap years.
methods shown are already implemented. You may refer to them
or use them in solving this problem if necessary. public class Date {
private int month;
Write an instance method named bound that will be placed inside private int day;
the Date class to become a part of each Date object's behavior.
The bound method constrains a Date to within a given range of // Constructs a date with
dates. It accepts two other Date objects d1 and d2 as parameters; // the given month and day.
public Date(int m, int d)
d1's date is guaranteed to represent a date that comes no later in
the year than d2's date. // Returns the date's day.
The bound method makes sure that this Date object is between public int getDay()
d1's and d2's dates, inclusive. If this Date object is not between
// Returns the date's month.
those dates inclusive, it is adjusted to the nearest date in the public int getMonth()
acceptable range. The method returns a result of true if this
Date was within the acceptable range, or false if it was shifted. // Returns the number of days
// in this date's month.
For example, given the following Date objects: public int daysInMonth()
Date date1 = new Date(7, 12);
Date date2 = new Date(10, 31); // Modifies this date's state
Date date3 = new Date(9, 19); // so that it has moved forward
Date bound1 = new Date(8, 4); // in time by 1 day, wrapping
Date bound2 = new Date(9, 26); // around into the next month
Date bound3 = new Date(12, 25); // or year if necessary.
// example: 9/19 -> 9/20
The following calls to your method should adjust the given Date // example: 9/30 -> 10/1
objects to represent the following dates and should return the // example: 12/31 -> 1/1
following results: public void nextDay()
call date becomes returns
date1.bound(bound1, bound2) 8/4 false
// your method would go here
date2.bound(bound1, bound2) 9/26 false
date3.bound(bound1, bound3) 9/19 true }
date2.bound(bound3, bound3) 12/25 false

9 of 9
Other documents randomly have
different content
 CHAPTER X.
JUDAH UNDER MANASSES AND JOSIAH.
Other cares and other efforts than the maintenance of a wide
dominion, the erection of splendid palaces, the restoration of
impressive works of art, the preparation of magnificent furniture,
occupied a small region which obeyed the lords of that military
power, and those palaces,—the kings of Asshur. The kingdom of
Israel, though not annihilated by the arms of Assyria, was
thoroughly broken by them. Twenty years after, Judah escaped the
same disaster, but not without the severest wounds. It was laid
waste at that time throughout its whole extent; the cities were taken
or garrisoned; 200,000 of the inhabitants were carried away. Only
the metropolis was maintained and saved. Afterwards, in the last
years of Hezekiah, and under the reign of his son Manasses (he
ascended the throne in 697B.C.), the land remained unmolested by
the Assyrians for more than 20 years, till Esarhaddon undertook to
subjugate Syria again to the dominion of Assyria, which his father
had given up after raising the siege of Jerusalem. Some years after
this Manasses joined the attempt of Tyre to resist the king of Asshur
with the help of Tirhaka (p. 154). We do not know what Judah had
to suffer for this attempt of the king: we only learn from the
Hebrews that Manasses was carried away captive, but at a later time
restored to his kingdom. In any case Judah beheld for the space of
20 years the armies of Assyria on their march to and from the Nile
(673-653 B.C.).[417]
In the first centuries after the settlement of the Hebrews in Canaan,
the rites of the Syrians had in isolated instances forced their way in
beside the worship of Jehovah. Under Saul, David, and Solomon the
worship of Jehovah was established and organised, and took firm
root. The earliest prophets, after the division of the kingdom,
opposed the introduction of the worship of Baal in Israel with the
fiercest zeal. In the time of Jeroboam II. and Uzziah, the renewed
advances of these rites had been successfully met by the great
prophets with the deepened and purified conception of the national
deity. And now these hostile tendencies once more met in the
severest conflict. The Hebrew Scriptures tell us that Manasses did
not follow the example of his pious father; that he turned back after
the way of his grandfather Ahaz; that he restored the worship of
Baal, dedicated a place for fire-offerings in the valley of Ben Hinnom,
and burnt his son to Moloch. On the roof of the royal palace and in
the court of the temple altars were set up, and priests established,
"who burnt incense to the sun, the moon, the zodiac, and all the
host of heaven;" courtesans and women who wove tents dwelt in
the buildings of the temple, and the king even set up the statue of
Astarte (Istar) in the temple itself. In vain did the priests set
themselves in opposition to this movement; in vain did the prophets
announce: "The line and the plummet of destruction will be drawn
over Jerusalem as over Samaria." Manasses caused those who
opposed his arrangements and innovations to be put to death; he is
said to have filled Jerusalem from one end to the other with
innocent blood. "Like a destroying lion," says Jeremiah, "the sword
devoured your prophets."[418] The death of Manasses and the
accession of his son Amon brought no improvement. "He did that
which was evil, and walked in the way of his father, and served the
idols which his father served."
The more energetically the prophets condemned the religion of the
Syrians, the more strongly they contended against all customs and
sacrifices, against sensuality, luxury, and debauchery, so much the
more closely did the elements thus attacked and almost overcome
combine together; the more stubbornly did the opposite party cling
to the rites of the neighbours, the more eagerly did they collect all
the Syrian deities in and round Jerusalem. The highest and the
lowest religious conceptions,—the worship of the one holy God in
heaven, and the rites of sensuality and mutilation—strove once more
with each other with all their force; in the one case with the deepest
certainty and conviction, in the other with the fierce impulse of the
passions, and the support of the crown. The last ten years of the
long reign of Manasses seem to have brought the severest
persecution upon the priests and prophets of Jehovah which they
ever experienced. And when Amon, after two years, was slain in the
king's house by a conspiracy of his servants (640 B.C.), and the
people of the land slew all who had conspired against Amon, and
raised his son Josiah, a boy of eight years old, to the throne, it was
natural to the circle of the priests and prophets to guard against the
recurrence of such oppression of their faith and lives as had taken
place under Manasses and Amon. This was only possible if the
religion which they professed, and for which they suffered, finally
obtained a decisive victory, and became the exclusive religion of
Judah. If the persecution ceased in the minority of the king, the
Syrian rites continued to exist; and if the young king, when he came
of age, should join that side, the times of Manasses would recur.
Neither the organisation of the priesthood of the temple, nor their
religious influence, was sufficient to retain the kings in the faith of
Jehovah, and prevent them from reformations and persecutions in
the interest of the Syrian rites. What the influence and authority of
the priests failed to accomplish, the mighty religious utterance of the
prophets in the fulness of their faith was also unable to avert.
The tendencies of the priests and prophets were already regarded as
in a process of assimilation. The views of the prophets were not
without influence on the habits and usages of the priests. The
prophetic word had already begun to penetrate the old narrow views
of the tribal god of Israel, holding a place beside other gods, the
rigid rule of external service, the traditions of the priesthood, with its
powerful mysticism, inwardness, and deeper idea of God; while, on
the other hand, the prophets could borrow from the priests clear and
established forms, and thereby felt themselves impelled to fix the
relation of inspired religion to the rites of worship. The persecutions
of Manasses had brought these two directions in which the religious
life of Judah had developed more closely together than at any
previous time. In this union men felt themselves stronger than
before. If the crown could be attached to the worship of Jehovah, if
the lasting support of royal authority could be secured for it, if the
worship of Jehovah could be elevated to the position of a legally
established state-religion,—if by this means it became possible to
apply the penalties of the law and religious influence with equal
force in favour of the national religion, the hope might be
entertained that the religion could be strictly enforced, that the
utterances of priests and prophets, naturally supporting each other,
and expressed in a popular form, would secure a lasting victory—
that the worship of Jehovah could be greatly strengthened, the
Syrian rites for ever excluded, the position of the priesthood
secured, and future dangers turned aside from it.
The chief aim was to fill the hearts of the king and the people with
more lively faith; to attach the king and nation more closely to the
worship of Jehovah, and, if possible, to pledge them definitely to
support it; to gain the power of the state and the force of the law for
the maintenance of this worship. The ancient writings of the priests
contained, as we saw, in addition to the account of the fortunes of
the people in ancient times, the ritual, the rubrics for the priests, the
rules of purification, the most ancient legal sentences and canons of
blood-vengeance and family law, together with all the usages of
justice. The contents of these writings formed a code for the priests
rather than the laity; this fact, and the connection in which these
regulations stood with the historical narrative, as well as the extent
of the whole, made these books ill-adapted for presenting to the
king and the nation a synopsis of the most essential duties, and for
impressing these duties upon them. The detailed rules for the priests
must be removed; a law-book for the laity was required. For this
purpose the regulations scattered through the old books were
collected and arranged into a compendium of the requirements
which every Israelite had to fulfil. The new conceptions of the
prophets must be assimilated to the old regulations, and these
brought into harmony with the deeper views of the prophets.
Something was also deducted from any excessive and very ideal
demands, in order to give a more certain currency to more moderate
rules. Only of such a law could the hope be entertained that it would
find adoption and win hearts, and be recognised by ruler and people
as the fixed canon, the principal law of the land, and that it could be
strictly enforced.
Josiah was of age when his kingdom was visited by a heavy
calamity. Savage tribes from the north suddenly over-flowed Syria
and Judah, laid waste the land far and wide, rolled on to Egypt, and
then flowed backwards to their homes. If Jerusalem resisted, and
perhaps the stronger cities also, the land was nevertheless cruelly
devastated (625 B.C.). Judah was again brought to the brink of
destruction, as in the days of Hezekiah, and again Jehovah had not
made "a full end;" again he had saved his people. The king caused
improvements to be made in the temple; for this purpose the
doorkeepers collected money among the sacrificers. When Josiah
sent his scribe Zaphan to the high priest Hilkiah to receive the
collected money; the high priest said, that "he had found the book
of the law in the house of Jehovah," and gave the scribe a roll. He
brought the book to the king, and read it before him. Josiah was
deeply moved by the contents, and the threats denounced in it
against those who transgressed the law of Jehovah. He directed the
high priest, Zaphan, and some others to "enquire of Jehovah about
the words of the book that had been discovered." They went to
Huldah, a prophetess, the wife of Shallum, the chamberlain. The
prophetess declared the words of the volume to be Jehovah's words.
Then the "king (it was in the year 622 B.C.) assembled the elders of
Judah and all the people in the house of Jehovah, and read in their
ears all the words of the book, which was found in the house of
Jehovah."[419]
According to this book—the second law—Moses, after the giving of
the law on Sinai, had once more, in the land of Moab, on the
borders of Canaan, shortly before his death, proclaimed the law of
Jehovah, and renewed the covenant of Jehovah with Israel. The
introduction to the book is a speech of Moses, which, after the
manner of the prophets, is directly addressed to the Israelites, and
gathers together the kindnesses which Jehovah had shown to his
people in Egypt, and after the exodus from that land. The lofty style
of this description, compared with the composition of the older law,
is evidence of the effect subsequently exercised by the prophetic
mode of conception and expression. But not the form only, the
contents also of the new law are determined in essential points by
the idea of God developed in the circles of the prophets (p. 26).
Jehovah, who has created earth and heaven,[420] whose is "the
heaven and the heaven of all heavens," "the God of gods and Lord
of lords,"[421] who alone is true being, while all besides is transitory
appearance, who guides nature and men according to his word and
will, "who does justice to the widow and the orphan, and regards
the person of no man,"[422] remains in the new law, as in the old, a
jealous God, "who dips his arrows in the blood of his enemies;" but
in this law he is also, as the prophets taught, a merciful God who
has no pleasure in the punishment of evil-doers, but in their
amendment; who, it is true, "visits the sins of the fathers upon the
children to the third and fourth generation, but also has mercy on
thousands who love him."[423] This God may not be worshipped
under an image; for, as the book of the law expresses itself in an
argument drawn from history: "Ye saw no manner of similitude on
the day when the Lord spoke to you from Horeb, out of the midst of
the fire."[424]
If the prophets raised their eyes beyond and above the relation of
this one Lord of heaven and earth to the people of Israel to the
conception of a divine government of the world; if Isaiah had spoken
of the plan according to which Jehovah had arranged the fortunes of
the nations and lands since the beginning of days; the law is
naturally confined to the relation of Jehovah to Israel. But this
relation is conceived chiefly in the feeling of the prophets. We saw
how the prophets had been led by the conception of the peculiar
fortunes experienced by the Israelites to reconstruct the relation of
the tribal god in such a manner that the one Almighty Lord of
heaven was regarded as having chosen Israel as his people: a
relation which is brought forward by the prophets in the most
various applications. Owing to this peculiar relation Jehovah gave
Canaan to the Israelites; for this reason he chose Sion for his
mountain, Jerusalem for his dwelling-place, and the temple for his
house; for this reason Jehovah was, to the prophets, the real king of
Israel. Like the old, the new book of the law regards the relation of
Jehovah to the Israelites as a covenant, a treaty between two
parties, each of whom can stand on his rights; Jehovah on his
worship; Israel on the services rendered in return by Jehovah, on
the land granted to him for the service of Jehovah, on the
enjoyment of his fields and vineyards, on peace and security against
enemies, on the increase of his race and prosperity. Jehovah is the
master, and Israel the servant; the servant must serve, but the
master cannot keep back the wages. Jehovah has announced his
commands to Israel; the Israelites have pledged themselves to fulfil
them, and so long as they perform their obligation, Jehovah will not
shorten the reward of their service. If on the ground of such a
covenant the prophets regard all the evil which overtakes Israel as a
consequence of the breach of it; if the "strife" between Jehovah and
Israel concerning the observation and non-observation of the
contract is a current idea with them, with which is connected the
announcement of a day of judgment, and of the severe punishment
which Jehovah will execute on those who transgress the covenant
(p. 28); the book of the law is here marked by something of the
priestly character, inasmuch as it concludes with the blessing which
will attend the maintenance of the covenant, and the curse which
will follow upon the breach of it: to which Moses adds; "he knows
that the Israelites will do evil after his death."[425] In the first case
"the fruit of the womb will be blessed in Israel," "the fruit of the
fields, the increase of the kine, and the lambs of the sheep, the
basket, and the kneading trough," and "Israel will lend to many
nations and borrow of none;"[426] in the second case Jehovah will
visit them "with the scab, with boils of Egypt on the knees and
thighs, from the top of the head to the sole of the foot; with fever,
pestilence, consumption, inflammation; with blindness, madness,
and astonishment of heart;" "the heaven above them will be of
brass, and the earth under them of iron; they will be to all the
kingdoms of the earth for oppression, and their carcases will be the
food of the birds of the air, and the beasts of the field; they will live
scattered among all nations from one end of the earth to the other;
they will become an astonishment, a by-word, and a derision to the
nations."[427]
If the prophets announced the day of judgment and the destruction
of the unfaithful, they seldom forgot to describe, in the most glowing
colours, Israel's restoration; they remained in the firm conviction
that Jehovah's mercy would be as great as his anger: that Jehovah,
through the remnant of the faithful and the regenerate Israel, would
turn all nations to his service; that again in the future "a shoot would
spring from the stock of Jesse;" that the race of David would reign
with a renewed divine power (p. 28, 133). These great ideas of the
restoration of the renewed and purified Israel, these hopes of the
Saviour and restorer from the house of David, are wanting in the
Book of the Law. It is simply pointed out, in regard to the kingdom
of Israel, "that if Israel returns, Jehovah will lead back the captives,
and gather Israel again, and circumcise his heart."[428]
If it is a subordinate point of view that the Israelites ought to serve
Jehovah in order that it may be well with them, this conception
nevertheless follows necessarily from the position of the tribal god to
the tribe recommended to his protection—and to any unfettered
mind the assumption is natural that reward should attend good
actions; that the good must prosper and the evil suffer on the earth.
The centre of this class of conceptions among the Israelites is not so
much to serve for the sake of the hire, as that the worship of
Jehovah would have this reward as its immediate consequence. But
if at the same time the recompense for service was brought more
strongly into prominence among the Jews than among any other
nation, if in no other people this legal state of the relation between
God and man is established so much in the form of a compact, the
prophets had already given an inward and moral meaning to the
simple relation of contract between Jehovah and Israel. They looked
on it as a marriage (p. 40), and consequently they did not merely
reprove the breach of the contract as an outrage on right, but
branded it as faithlessness. The Book of the Law also does not
remain at the point of the mere contract. The Book asks: "Whether
such a mighty thing was ever done or heard of on the earth, as that
a God had attempted to take a people to himself out of the midst of
the nations by signs, and wonders, and war, and a strong hand and
an outstretched arm, by great and wonderful deeds."[429] But we
are further told, "Jehovah has not inclined to you, and chosen you,
because ye were more than all nations—ye were the least of the
nations—but because Jehovah loved you."[430] "It is the grace of
Jehovah that he has inclined to the fathers of Israel, and to them
only, to lead them."[431] If the relation of the protecting lord to his
people thus passes into a relation of free choice and love, the Book
of the Law, on the other hand, requires from the Israelites
something more than an external worship of Jehovah by gifts and
sacrifices. "The command which I give thee is not hidden from thee,
nor is it far off, that thou shouldst say, Who will go up to heaven and
bring it down, or who will go over the sea and announce it to us?
The word is very nigh unto thee, in thy mouth, and in thy heart."
[432] "Circumcise the foreskin of your heart, and be no longer stiff-

necked."[433] "Ye will find Jehovah if ye seek him with all your heart,
and all your soul."[434] "What does Jehovah require of thee? That
thou shouldst love him with all thy strength, and walk in his ways."
[435] "Love Jehovah, thy God, with all thy heart, and all thy soul, and
keep his charge, and his statutes, and his judgments, and his
commandments alway."[436]
If the new law seeks to give a value to inwardness, to lifting up the
heart, and love to God; if it recognises the moral nature of Jehovah
in the heart of man, and in this point is fully in harmony with the
requirements of the prophets; yet at the same time, in accordance
with the view of the priests, the whole sacrificial service was
retained, with the regulations for purification. Even if the priests had
been able to adopt the point of view of the prophets—the
conception of purely inward elevation, and service with the heart—
how could this have been brought into force, and established among
the people, or with the kings, who found it no easy task to keep up
the ritual of the service of Jehovah beside the sensual Syrian rites?
The ritual for the priests, the regulations for their rights and duties,
were in existence; the new law was not intended to instruct the
priests, it was essentially a rule of life for the laity. Hence in this
respect the new law had only to work its way as a supplement, to
impress more definitely on the people unity of the worship, and its
concentration in the temple at Jerusalem. Thus it was decisively
commanded that the Passover also should be kept by all Israelites in
Jerusalem (II. 210). In order finally to put an end to the ancient
custom of worshipping Jehovah "in the high places," the rule was
enforced that all sacrifices should be offered in the temple at
Jerusalem: every other place of sacrifice was expressly forbidden,
and every sacrifice which was not presented by the priests of the
temple. On the other hand, in other departments, the new law
exhibits greater moderation. At the festival of the new bread it was
enough if every one offered freewill-offerings according to the
measure in which "Jehovah has blessed him;" but the Israelite was
not to appear before Jehovah with utterly empty hands.[437] The
new. law moderated the demands for giving the tithe to the Levites.
The tithe of the harvest was still to be offered according to ancient
custom as a thank-offering for Jehovah in the temple; but it was
permitted to redeem the tithe in kind and exchange it for money:
finally, the law declared itself content if the tithe were duly paid at
least in each third year.[438] The tithe of cattle was entirely dropped
in the Book of the Law; only the claim of the priests to the male
first-born of animals was retained: "With such oxen ye shall not
plough: such sheep shall not be shorn; they shall be eaten before
Jehovah year by year."[439] The new law provided a compensation
for the diminution of the tithe, by allowing the Levites, like the
priests, to have a share in the sacrifices, if they did service in the
temple, and by the rule that the Israelites should invite the Levites
to the sacrificial feasts at the thank-offerings and festivals.[440]
Other requirements of the old law—that a part of the spoils of war
should be given to the priests—that in enumerations and levies of
the people every one should pay a poll-tax to the temple, were not
repeated in the new law.
The most essential point was to put an end to the Canaanitish rites
in Israel, and prevent their entrance for the future. The new law
therefore had to retain in all its sharpness the opposition to the
Canaanites: in the conquered cities at least all that was male was to
be "cursed" with the edge of the sword.[441] And not less must the
strict regulations of the ancient law be kept up about the
exclusiveness of Israel towards all other nations, the prohibition of
marriages with them (a rule only relaxed in the case of women
captured in war),[442] and against receiving strangers as citizens and
partners of the community. Even the closely-related tribes of the
Ammonites and Moabites were not to be received, though families of
these tribes in the tenth generation were living in Israel. The only
exception allowed by the Book of the Law was in favour of the
Edomites, the most closely-related tribe (I. 415). "From the Edomite
thou shalt not turn away; he is thy brother?" Edomites were to be
received in the third generation. The new law goes further than the
old in threatening the worship of every other god than Jehovah with
the punishment of death, in demanding that every one who served
another god should be brought out to death. Least of all were the
next of kin to spare the apostate: they were rather to take the
foremost place in the persecution. He who served other gods was
brought before the gate, on the evidence of two or three witnesses,
and stoned, the witnesses throwing the first stone at him: but the
Book of the Law says expressly that the evidence of one witness was
not enough.[443] In the same way false prophets, who incited to the
worship of other gods, even if they did signs and wonders, were put
to death.[444] "If thy brother," the Book continues, "or thy son, or
thy daughter, or the wife of thy bosom, or thy friend, which is as thy
own soul, entice thee to serve other gods, thou shalt not spare him;
thy hand shall be the first upon him to stone him to death."[445] If a
city practises idolatry, the inhabitants and every live thing in the city,
even the cattle, are to be "cursed" and put to the edge of the sword;
all furniture and property is to be brought into the market-place and
burnt as a burnt-offering for Jehovah. Then the houses are to be
destroyed with fire and never rebuilt.[446]
The Book of the Law sought to avoid the greatest danger of all, by
the provision that the people should not choose any stranger to be
king. How could a stranger be king in Israel when no strangers were
to be admitted into the people? The king of the people which
Jehovah chose must belong to the chosen race. But the new law also
adds, that the people are "to make him king whom Jehovah shall
choose," a regulation which, in so far as it recognises and sanctions
the old right of election, must be intended to guard against the
influence of the priests on the possession of the throne, and their
decision. For the king himself the Book lays down the rule: not to
multiply horses and wives to himself, that his heart turn not away, as
had been the case with Solomon and Ahab, and not to greatly
multiply to himself silver and gold. He is also to make a copy of the
law when he sits upon the throne of his kingdom, that it may be
with him, and "he may read therein all the days of his life, that he
may learn to fear Jehovah, and observe all the words of the law, and
that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren."[447]
The old law gave the rules of blood-right, and family-right, and in
addition canons on the rights of the person, and the protection of
property. In the new law the main object was to secure the carrying
out and application of these rules of justice in the practice of the
tribunal. For this object a definite influence of the priests on the
tribunal was required. In principle the Book declares, that "every
sentence shall be given after the decision of the priests and Levites,"
[448] for practice it is contented to prescribe, that judges and
overseers were to be placed at all the gates; and then adds: "If
there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment between blood
and blood, and between plea and plea, and stroke and stroke in the
gates, then thou shalt arise and get thee to the place which Jehovah
shall choose (the temple), and come to the priests and Levites and
the judge, who shall be there, and do according to the sentence
which they pronounce for thee." The man who will not listen to the
priest who stands there to minister before Jehovah is to be put to
death.[449]
In the judicial process the new law lays emphasis on the rule that
only the testimony of two or three witnesses is to be sufficient,[450]
and that the testimony is to be strictly proved. The judges are to
inquire, and "if the witness is a false witness, and has spoken falsely
against his brother, ye shall do to him as he thought to do to his
brother."[451] Like the old law, the new warns the judge to "have no
respect of persons," and adds that he is to take no gift, that he is
never to give crooked judgments; least of all, in the case of widows
and orphans. "Cursed is he that perverteth the judgment of the
fatherless and widow."[452]
In the canons of law, as in the regulations about the tithes, the new
code makes changes only with a view to the carrying out of the law
in practice. It goes decidedly beyond the old in the regulations,
instituted even in the old law, for the diminution of the severity of
the law of debt, and in regard for the oppressed and poor (II. 221).
The arrangements about the years of Sabbath and of Jubilee are
dropped as impracticable in the new law, and are reduced to the
much simpler rule, that in every seventh year, i. e. in the year of
Sabbath, an "acquitment is to be made," i. e. every unpaid loan,
made before this year, is to be cancelled, with the income upon it.
Feeling the evil consequences which might spring from this
regulation, the Book of the Law at the same time gives warning that
no one is to be misled into refusing loans to the poor from the fear
that he could not count on repayment after the year of acquitment.
[453] The older law requires, as has been already remarked, that in
lending to the poor no interest should be taken;[454] the new law
went further: interest is not to be taken from any Israelite, but only
from strangers (i. e. Phenician merchants).[455] But here also it is
added, that no one for this reason "is to harden his heart, and close
his hand before his poor brother; thou shalt lend to him on a pledge
(i. e. on sufficient security), what is requisite for his need, and
Jehovah will bless thee in all the work of thy hands."[456] Thus in
Israel money was, in fact, only lent on pledge. The old law forbids to
take the cloak of the poor in pledge;[457] the new law forbids the
creditor, who demands his loan, to enter the house in order to
choose a pledge for himself, and lays down the rule that the man
who lends money is to wait outside till the debtor brings a pledge.
The mill and the mill-stone (as indispensable to every household),
and the garment of the widow, are not to be demanded.[458]
The new law repeatedly gives command that the debtor, who from
inability to pay has become the slave of his creditor (II. 221), is not
to be called upon to perform the duties of a slave, but is rather to be
kept in the house as a hired servant and a serf. It requires that all
slaves should participate, not only in the rest of the Sabbath, but in
the enjoyment of the festivals of harvest and vintage. It repeats the
command to liberate Hebrew slaves in the seventh year, and adds:
"And when thou sendest him away free, thou shalt not let him go
empty; thou shalt furnish him liberally out of thy flock, and out of
thy floor, and out of thy winepress. Remember that thou wast a
bondman in the land of Egypt, and that Jehovah thy God redeemed
thee." Runaway slaves, who had escaped into another community,
were not to be delivered up again to their master, according to the
new code.[459]
The old law gave command: "The hire of the day labourer shall not
remain with thee till the morning" (II. 225). The new law requires
that it shall be paid before sunset: "for he is poor, and setteth his
heart upon it."[460] The poor, the widow and the orphan in the land,
are not to be oppressed; they must be supported before the court,
and the hand opened towards them. At the harvest there is to be no
gleaning. The scattered ears are not to be gathered any more than
the fallen berries in the vineyard. "Hast thou forgotten a sheaf in the
field, thou shalt not return to take it; this sheaf shall be, like the
gleanings, for the stranger, the widow and the orphan."[461] Strictly
as the new law maintained the exclusiveness of Israel towards the
neighbours (p. 221), it is equally emphatic in taking the part of the
individual unprotected stranger who dwells in Israel. "Cursed is he
who perverts the judgment of the stranger."[462] The law forbids the
mocking of afflicted persons owing to infirmities of body; the dumb
man is not to be reviled, nor a stumblingblock to be placed in the
way of the blind; the man is accursed who causes a blind man to go
out of his way.[463] A man shall not see the ox or sheep of his
brother go astray without leading it back, or keeping it, if the owner
is unknown to him; and the same shall be done with all lost
property.[464] Only the young ones are to be taken from the nest of
the bird, and not the mother with them.[465] Fruit trees are to be
spared even in the land of an enemy.[466] The mouth of the
thrashing-ox is not to be tied, and even animals must rest on the
Sabbath.[467]
When king Josiah had read this book before the assembly of the
elders and the people in the house of Jehovah (p. 213), he vowed
that he "would turn after Jehovah, and keep his ordinances and
commands, and fulfil with all his heart and soul the words of the
covenant written in the book." "And all the people entered into the
covenant." The king went vigorously to work to destroy the altars,
statues, and symbols of foreign rites which remained in Jerusalem,
in the neighbourhood, and the whole country, from the time of
Manasses and a yet earlier date. The image of Astarte (p. 209) was
removed from the temple, and burnt on the brook Kidron; the altars
on the roof of the king's palace, which Ahaz had made, as well as
those which Manasses had set up in the court of the temple, were
torn down; the place for offering burnt-offerings to Moloch in the
valley of Ben Hinnom; the altars of Milcom and Camus, which since
Solomon's time had existed on the high places near Jerusalem (II.
195), were purified, "that no one should any more make his son or
his daughter to pass through the fire." All the vessels of the worship
of Baal and the star-gods were removed, and the houses of the male
worshippers thrown down. When the king proceeded to put an end
to the ancient worship of Jehovah on the heights, he found greater
resistance than in the removal of these foreign rites and their
priests. He commanded all the priests of the cities of Judah to come
to Jerusalem, and purified the high places "from Geba to
Beersheba," even the places at Bethel which Jeroboam II. had set
up, against which Amos and Hosea had declaimed.[468] The priests
who did not obey, and continued to sacrifice at the old places of
sacrifice, and on the high places, he caused to be slain as sacrifices
at the altars which they refused to desert. Then the Passover was
celebrated according to the regulations of the law, "as never before
under the kings of Israel and Judah," and tradition proudly declares
of Josiah "that before him there arose no king like unto him, nor
after him."[469]

FOOTNOTES:
[417] Above, p. 157, 162 ff.
[418] 2 Kings xxi. 3-16; xxiii. 4-14, 26; xxiv. 3. Jer. ii. 30; vii. 31;
viii. 2, 19; xv. 4; xix. 4, 5.
[419] 2 Kings xxii. 3-20; Deut. xxxi. 9-13. The less weight will be
given to the somewhat circumstantial account of the discovery
given in Chronicles as compared with the Books of Kings because
the details are only a development of what Hilkiah says to
Zaphan.
[420] Deut. iv. 32.
[421] Deut. x. 14, 17.
[422] Deut. x. 18.
[423] Deut. v. 9.
[424] Deut. iv. 15.
[425] Deut. xxxi. 27.
[426] Deut. xxviii. 12.
[427] Deut. xxviii. 15; cf. iv. 27.
[428] Deut. xxx. 1-10.
[429] Deut. iv. 32-34.
[430] Deut. vii. 7, 8.
[431] Deut. x. 14, 15; iv. 37.
[432] Deut. xxx. 11-14.
[433] Deut. x. 16.
[434] Deut. iv. 29.
[435] Deut. xix. 9; x. 12.
[436] Deut. xiii. 3; xi. 1; cf. vi. 4-6.
[437] Deut. xii.; xvi. 16.
[438] Deut. xv. 19, 20; iv. 22-29; xxvi. 12-15.
[439] Deut. xii. 6, 11, 17; xiv. 27-29.
[440] Deut. xviii. 6-8.
[441] Deut. xx. 10-17.
[442] Deut. vii. 1-4.
[443] Deut. xvii. 2-7.
[444] Deut. xiii. 1-5.
[445] Deut. xiii. 6-11.
[446] Deut. xiii. 12-17. Cf. Exod. xxii. 18, 20.
[447] Deut. xvii. 14-20.
[448] Deut. xxi. 5.
[449] Deut. xvi. 8-12; xix. 17; xxv. 13.
[450] Deut. xvii. 4, 6; xix. 15.
[451] Deut. xix. 19.
[452] Deut. xvi. 19; xxvii. 19.
[453] Deut. xv.
[454] Vol. II. p. 220.
[455] Deut. xv. 6; xxiii. 20; xxviii. 12.
[456] Deut. xv. 7-11.
[457] Vol. II. p. 220.
[458] Deut. xxiv. 6, 10-13, 17.
[459] Deut. xii. 12; xvi. 11, 14; xv. 12-18.
[460] Deut. xxiv. 15.
[461] Deut. xxiv. 19-22.
[462] Deut. xxvii. 19.
[463] Deut. xxvii. 18. Cf. Levit. xix. 14.
[464] Deut. xxii. 1-4.
[465] Deut. xxi. 6.
[466] Deut. xx. 19, 20.
[467] Deut. xxv. 4.
[468] Above, p. 31.
[469] 2 Kings xxiii. 4-25. 2 Chron. xxxiv.; xxxv. 1-9. Jesus, Son of
Sirach, xlix. 1, 2.
 CHAPTER XI.
THE NATIONS OF THE NORTH.
Far from the centres of power and civilisation in Hither Asia, beyond
the Caucasus and the Black Sea, dwelt wandering tribes who, in the
accounts of the Greeks, were generally denoted by the common
name of Scyths. It was known at an early time, among the Greeks,
that these tribes which dwelt to the north of the Thracians lived on
their herds, especially on the milk of their mares. Even the Homeric
poems make mention of the "'horse-milkers,' of the 'Thracians,' who
live poorly on milk, the most just of men." The name "Scythians" is
first found in Hesiod, who calls them "horse-milking eaters of milk,
who live on waggons." Æschylus says that the hordes of wandering
Scythians live in desolate plains, on the shore of Oceanus, at the
farthest, pathless end of the earth, on the lake Mæotis (sea of Azof),
and to the east of it; "they dwell in woven tents, which move on
wheels, they eat the cheese of mares, and are armed with far-
shooting bows."[470]
The nations of the North come out more plainly in the history of
Herodotus, who was far better informed about the North than many
later authorities. "The Caspian Sea," he tells us, "is an isolated sea,
fifteen days' journey in length, and eight days' journey in breadth, if
the oars alone are used." Toward the east of this sea are large
plains, in which dwell the Sacæ, and beyond them, on the Jaxartes,
the Massagetæ; "beyond the Massagetæ are the Issedones." Beyond
the Issedones dwell the Arimaspi.[471] On the other side, to the west
of the Caspian Sea, is the Caucasus, the largest mountain range on
the earth in the height and multitude of its mountains. This range is
inhabited by many nations. Northwards of the Caucasus, and to the
west as far as the northern point of the Mæotis, and to the Tanais
(Don), "a great river," which comes down from the north out of a
large lake in the land of the Thyssagetæ, and ends in a still larger
lake—the lake of Mæotis—dwelt the Sauromatæ (the Sarmatians).
Their land was one great plain, in which grew neither fruit trees nor
forest trees, and it stretched upwards along the Tanais for fifteen
days' journey. To the north of the land of the Sarmatians dwelt the
Budini, the Thyssagetæ, and the Iyrcae. Among the Sarmatians the
women, like the men, lived on horseback; they wore the same
clothing as the men, and knew how to use the bow and javelin, and
went with or without the men to hunt or make war,[472] and no
Sarmatian maiden married till she had slain an enemy; for the
Sarmatians were descendants of the Amazons, who fled from the
Thermodon over the Pontus, and there took as husbands young men
belonging to these Scythians who called themselves Scoloti: with
these they afterwards marched to the east of the Tanais. Hence,
according to Herodotus, we must fix the abode of the Sarmatians in
the steppes eastward of the lower course of the Don, above the
lower Volga, perhaps as far as the Yaik.
The Scythians, who called themselves Scoloti, as Herodotus further
tells us, had previously dwelt in the east, and afterwards marched to
the west, under the pressure of the Massagetæ. But Aristeas related
that the Massagetæ had not driven out the Scythians, but the
Arimaspians had driven the Issedones out of their land, and then the
Issedones had expelled the Scythians. The Scoloti dwelt to the west
of the land of the Sarmatians, on the western bank of the Tanais.
Their territory extended along the shore of the Mæotis and Pontus,
as far as the mouths of the Ister (Danube). This, the largest of all
rivers "which we know," was said to flow down from the Celts, the
nation in the extreme west, through the whole of Europe, till it
finally reached the land of the Scythians, where it ran into the
Pontus by five mouths.[473] The peninsula on the west side of the
Mæotis, i. e. the Crimea, also belonged, so far as it was level, to the
Scyths; but the Tauri dwelt on the mountains in the south-west. The
reach from the mouth of the Don as far as the mouths of the
Danube is the length of the land of the Scythians; the breadth
Herodotus puts at twenty days' journey, i. e. 500 miles, if you go
from the Pontus into the main-land to the north.
According to this the territory of the Scoloti extended from the sea
upwards in the east about as far as the bend of the Don to the
south, and on the Dnieper as far as the rapids in this river; i. e. it
comprised the land of the Cossacks on the west of the Don, and the
steppe, and further to the west the plains of Moldavia, as far as the
Carpathian range.[474] Like the land of the Sarmatians, the land of
the Scoloti was one vast plain, without trees, with the exception of a
strip of forest which extended from the sea on the left bank of the
Borysthenes (Dnieper) from three to four days' journey up the river,
but rich in grass, as it was watered by large rivers.[475] To the west
of the Tanais the first river was the Borysthenes, the largest of the
Scythian rivers, flowing down through the land; and the soil by the
river was so good, that when sown it produced the best corn, and
where it was not sown there stood tall grass. Further to the west the
Hypanis (Bug) flowed out of a lake, round which pastured white
horses, through Scythia to the Pontus; this river had a course of only
nine days' journey (225 miles), while the Borysthenes was navigable
for fourteen days' journey from the mouth.[476] Still further to the
west was the Tyras (Dniester), which also flowed out of a lake; by
these lakes are doubtless meant the marshes in the upper course of
the Bug and Dniester.
To the north, beyond the Scoloti, twenty days' journey, according to
Herodotus, from the land of the Tauri, on the west bank of the
Tanais, dwelt the Melanchlæni—so called from the black garments
which they wore; they had Scythian manners, but were not a tribe
of the Scythians. To the west of these lived migratory tribes, without
law or justice, of far ruder manners than the Scoloti; they were the
only tribes which ate human flesh, and were in consequence called
Androphagi. And further yet to the west beside the Androphagi dwelt
the Neuri, northwards of the lake from which the Tyras (Dniester)
springs, a nation of Scythian manners. Like the Scoloti, the Neuri
were the eastern neighbours of the Agathyrsi, through whose land
the Maris (the Theiss with the Marosh) flowed down into the
Danube.[477] But who dwelt beyond the Neuri, the Androphagi, and
the Melanchlæni, and further to the east beyond the Argipæans,
who dwelt to the north of the Iyrcae, at the foot of lofty mountains
(up to these the land was level), and wore Scythian clothing, and
lived on the fruits of trees, and of the Issedones, in the north—of
this, Herodotus assures us, no one knew anything more than "the
accounts given by the Issedones, the Argipæans, and the
Scythians." The Issedones related that beyond them dwelt the
Arimaspi, one-eyed men, who took the gold from the griffins which
were again further to the north. Aristeas of Proconnesus (550 B.C.),
who professed to have been among the Issedones, had celebrated
the Arimaspi in verse. He said that "beyond the nation of the
Issedones, rejoicing in long hair, towards the north, dwelt the
Arimaspi, rich in horses, sheep, and oxen, the mightiest men of all,
but each in his full face had but one eye surrounded with thick hair."
[478] Æschylus calls the Arismaspi, "one-eyed riders of horses by the
gold-flowing stream;" beside them are the griffins, "the sharp-
mouthed, mute hounds of Zeus." "Oceanus," the god of the water
surrounding the earth, Æschylus represents as passing through the
air of the north, on a griffin, "the four-legged bird."[479]
According to Herodotus, the Sarmatians and the Scoloti spoke the
same language, but the Sarmatians spoke it badly. Beyond this
remark and the statements about the masculine life of the Sarmatian
women, he gives us no further information about this people. But he
speaks at greater length about the Scoloti. The nature of the
steppes which they possessed did not allow them to lead a more
settled life than the Sarmatians. It is true that in the spring the
herbage grows luxuriantly on these steppes, but it is soon parched
by the glow of summer, and after a scanty second growth in the
autumn it succumbs to the snow storms of the long winter. Thus the
Scoloti were induced to lead a wandering pastoral life. Yet they had
passed beyond the stage of a purely nomadic life, at least after the
year 700 B.C. If, according to the legend of the Scoloti, a golden
plough fell down from heaven for their forefathers, the story proves
not only the knowledge of agriculture, but the high value placed
upon it. The account of Herodotus, as well as later statements of the
Greeks, show us that the Scoloti cultivated the land in the
depressions at the mouths of their rivers sheltered by strips of forest
from the north wind, on the lower course and at the mouths of the
Borysthenes (Dnieper), the Hypanis (Bug), and the Tyras (Dniester).
Here they sowed corn, millet, and hemp. At that time the plains of
the Crimea also were reckoned as part of the corn land of Scythia;
they must therefore have been protected by forests against the
storms of the north.[480] The property of the Scoloti, with the
exception of the tillers of the soil in these districts, consisted in herds
of horses and cattle, and flocks of sheep, from the wool of which
they prepared felt coverings; their food was cooked flesh.[481] Of
wood there was such a scarcity that they could only use brush-wood
for cooking; and if this was not to be had, they took the bones of
animals for fuel. The men were mostly on horseback; the women
and children lived in waggons yoked with oxen;[482] the waggon,
provided with a cover of felt, was at the same time tent and house.
[483] The clothing of the Scoloti consisted of skins; beside the upper
garment of leather they had wide breeches of the same material.
These garments, so astonishing to the Greeks, they wore, as
Herodotus says, "on account of the cold," and in addition a girdle
round the body, which they drew tight when they had had nothing to
eat for a long time. The horse was the most important animal for the
Scoloti; they lived in part on horse-flesh; they were fond of mare's
milk, and the preparation of acidulated mare's milk (koumyss) was
known to them.[484]
The nation was made up of a number of tribes. According to
Herodotus, the land was divided into cantons, each of which had its
own chief, and a place where he pronounced justice; in each canton,
besides the residence of the chief, was a place sacred to the god of
war, from which it follows that at the time presupposed in the
description of Herodotus the tribes of the Scoloti no longer marched
at will through the whole district. This original state was not merely
abandoned owing to the settlements in the agricultural districts;
even the habit of wandering up and down, the search for pasture
and for water, and hunting, were limited among the migratory tribes
to a particular district, within which the tribe changed its
encampment according to the change of the seasons, and the
productiveness of the hunting and pasturage. Moreover, the nomadic
habit was also so far abandoned that the head of the tribe had a
definite place of abode in the canton, and there was a sacred place
in each canton. The rulers of the cantons in Herodotus were
undoubtedly the princes of the tribes, the chiefs of the oldest family,
or of the family which once ruled the tribe. Even among the tribes
themselves there was an order of precedence, which the legend of
the Scoloti does not carry back to difference of age but to the favour
of heaven. The tribe which held the foremost place among the
Scoloti was, according to Herodotus, the tribe called the "Royal
Scythians." This tribe furnished the chief of the whole nation, or
rather the chief of this tribe was also the ruler of all the other tribes
—the king of all the princes of the tribes. Here also, in this
subordination of the chieftains and tribes under one liege lord—in
this one ruler of the whole nation—we see plainly that the Scoloti
had left far behind the stage of purely nomadic life. We can establish
it as a fact that this monarchy was in existence among the Scoloti in
the first half of the seventh century B.C., and apparently it existed far
earlier. The "Royal Scythians," i. e. the tribe to which the royal house
belonged, dwelt, according to the statement of Herodotus, on the
Borysthenes, in the district of Gerrhus, fourteen days' journey from
the mouth of this river. Hence the pastures of the royal horde must
be sought on the rapids of the Dnieper.
Before all gods, the Scoloti worshipped the sky-god, Papæus, and
Hestia, i. e. the genius of the hearth, whom they called Tabiti, "the
queen of the Scoloti," as Herodotus says; and beside these two, the
god of light, Œtosyrus, and the earth-goddess, the spouse of the
sky-god, who was called Apia.[485] The Scoloti had no images or
altars. Only the war-god, to whom they offered more sacrifices than
to all the rest of the gods, had a sanctuary at the place of assembly
for each canton. This was a great heap of bundles of brushwood,
three stades in length and breadth, and flat on the top (each year
150 waggon-loads of brushwood were added), in which an iron
sword—the symbol of the god—stood erect. To these swords
sacrifices were offered yearly, chiefly of horses, though other
animals were used. When the Scythians sacrificed their prisoners to
the war-god (p. 239), they poured wine on their heads, and slew
them at the base of the heap of brushwood, so that the blood ran
into a skin, and the blood was then poured upon the erect sword.
After this the right arm was hewn from the corpse of the victim and
thrown into the air; it was allowed to remain where it fell.[486]
The Scoloti derived the origin of their nation from the gods—from
Papæus, the god of the sky. This god begot Targitæus with the
daughter of the river Borysthenes. Targitæus had three sons,
Lipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais. In their days a golden cup, a
golden battle-axe, a golden yoke, and a golden plough fell down
from heaven. When Lipoxais attempted to take the gold it burned;
and in the same manner it escaped Arpoxais. But the youngest
brother was able to take it. So he became king, and from him arose
the royal tribe; from the two others sprang the other tribes.[487]
These gifts of heaven were carefully guarded by the kings, and each
year the Scoloti assembled to offer sacrifices to them. The supreme
power was hereditary in the family of Colaxais, who was nearest to
the sky-god. The son succeeded to the father; but the people, if
discontented with the king, chose another member of the same
family.[488] The kings led the army in war, divided the booty, and
were the supreme judges in peace.[489] If a king pronounced
sentence of death, not only was the guilty man put to death, but all
his family with him.[490] But if a Scolote was condemned to death on
the accusation of another Scolote, the king handed over the
condemned person to the complainant, who put him to death. The
kings had several wives, and chose whom they would out of the free
Scoloti to be their servants. They had cooks, butlers, overseers of
their horses, messengers, and a body-guard.[491] If the king was
sick, the Scoloti believed that some one among the people had
sworn falsely by the spirit of the hearth of the king, which was their
most sacred oath, and that this was the cause of the king's sickness.
[492] The king then caused the three most famous soothsayers to
come to him, of whom there were many among the Scoloti. They
divined by separating bundles of withes, or by unrolling and rolling
up strips of linden bark. Then the three soothsayers named to the
king the man who had taken the false oath. If six other soothsayers
were of the same opinion, the Scolote mentioned by the first was
beheaded. If the six were of a different opinion, fresh soothsayers
were examined; and if, in the end, the majority declared against the
opinion of the three first, these were bound and placed on a waggon
filled with brushwood and yoked with oxen; the brushwood was set
on fire, and the oxen driven out into the open country.
If the king died, his body was embalmed, and carried round through
all the hordes. At all the places to which the body came, the Scoloti
shaved off their hair in sign of mourning, and cut out a piece from
the ear. They also wounded themselves in the brow and the nose,
and pushed an arrow through the left hand. Then, in the land of
Gerrhus, the district of the royal tribe on the Borysthenes, a great
square sepulchre was excavated, and the dead king placed in the
bottom of it, on a bed of brushwood. Lances were thrust into the
ground close at hand, and wicker-work placed upon them. One of
the wives of the king, his master of the horse, his butler, cook, body-
servant, and herald were strangled, and their corpses placed in the
grave beside the corpse of the king. The horses of the king also
were killed, and thrown with other equipments into the grave. Then
the grave was filled up, and a tumulus raised above it to as great a
height as possible. But after a year's interval fifty young servants
were selected from the retinue of the dead, and fifty horses of the
king. These were killed in order to serve as guardians round the
tomb of the king. When the soft parts had been removed from the
bodies of the horses, and replaced by chaff, the carcases were set
upright by means of poles driven into the earth. In the same way
the dead youths were fixed upon the horses by poles thrust through
the spine.[493]
With the Scoloti war was the most honourable occupation; those
who pursued a handicraft were not held in such respect as the rest;
[494] the wealthier men had numerous slaves to look after their
flocks, and do the work in their tents. The Scoloti usually fought as
bowmen on horseback. Their bows were of peculiar form and
curvature;[495] the copper points of their arrows are said to have
been poisoned;[496] beside the bow they carried a battle-axe, sabre,
dagger, and lance, with a whip.[497] Their corslets and shields are
said to have been made of elk's skin. "No man escapes them,"
Herodotus says; "and no man can overtake them and bring them to
hand-conflict, if they do not wish to be overtaken, and their rivers
help them." When a Scolote slays an enemy for the first time, he
drinks of his blood;[498] he who has slain no enemy receives no wine
at the banquet which the chief of the canton gives once in each year,
but must sit neglected in a corner; he who has slain many enemies,
drinks out of two goblets at once.[499] The Scoloti take the scalps
from their slain enemies and hang them on the bridles of the horses,
and he who has most of these scalps passes for the bravest. Some
take the skins from the dead, and make of them covers for their
quivers. Any one who would have a share in the booty must bring to
the king the heads of the enemies he has slain.[500] They sacrifice
every hundredth man among the prisoners, and keep the rest as
slaves. If a Scolote has a quarrel with another, and receives him
from the king to put to death, he preserves his skull, even though he
may be a near relation. The poorer people cover these skulls with
ox-hide; the wealthier have them gilded, and use them as drinking-
vessels: if a stranger comes among them, they exhibit these skulls,
and boast of them.[501]
According to this description the Scoloti were a people, who, by the
pursuit of agriculture at the mouths of their rivers, by some
handicraft, by dividing the land into cantons, by fixing sacred places
in the cantons, and by a monarchy governing all the tribes, had
advanced beyond the nomadic stage. Hardened by life in the
steppes, accustomed to bear hardships, and content with little, the
Scoloti are excellent riders, and soldiers of great endurance. The
picture which Herodotus has given of their manners displays a
certain carelessness, kindliness, and sociability, but these qualities
are accompanied by traits of horrid barbarism, cruelty, and blood-
thirstiness. They can endure hunger and thirst; they take pleasure in
banquets and drinking. The head of the tribe assembles his tribe
each year for a feast, at which the brave men drink out of two
goblets at once. The nearest relatives place the body of the dead on
a waggon, and carry it round among their friends, each of whom
provides a banquet, at which food is placed for the dead as well as
for the living. When forty days have been spent in this manner, the
dead person is buried.[502] When the Hellenes introduced wine
among the Scyths—the introduction perhaps took place after the
beginning of the seventh century—men and women drank
immoderately of it beside their mare's milk, and became violently
intoxicated.[503] They also lived in great uncleanliness. The want of
water in their steppes made cleanliness difficult, but that was no
reason for never washing themselves at all, which Herodotus tells us
was the habit of the Scoloti. Only the wealthier sort among the
Scoloti had more than one wife; the women were without rights, and
belonged to their husbands in just the same way as any head of
their cattle: this right of property in the wife even descended to the
sons, who had an hereditary claim and right to their mothers. The
execution of the family along with the guilty person; the blinding of
slaves, which certainly cannot have been so widely spread as
Herodotus maintains; the use of scalps for ornaments; and the
custom of drinking out of the skulls of slain enemies, are barbarous
practices. The self-mutilation at the death of a king, the strangling of
the servants of a dead ruler, and of one of his wives, that they may
accompany him into the grave, the setting up of horses and men
slain for the purpose as a body-guard round the graves of the kings,
are indeed a proof of veneration and honour towards the chief of the
nation, but the form which this veneration takes is savage and cruel.
According to the statement of Herodotus, it was after the middle of
the seventh century B.C. that the Scoloti first came from the East and
reached the northern shore of the Black Sea. This is contradicted by
the acquaintance which the Homeric poems show with the milkers of
horses beyond the Thracians; by the narrative of Herodotus himself,
according to which the Amazons, conquered in old days by Heracles
on the Thermodon, fled to the shore of the Mæotis, and found the
Scoloti there, and became the mothers of the Sarmatians by the
young men of that tribe;[504] and lastly, by the legend of the Scoloti
themselves, according to which they were derived from the daughter
of the river Borysthenes. According to this they regarded themselves
in any case as a tribe settled from all antiquity on the Borysthenes,
and with this the statement of Herodotus agrees when he tells us,
that the Scoloti maintained that 1000 years had elapsed since the
time of their progenitor, the son of the sky-god, and the daughter of
the Borysthenes, down to the time of King Darius.[505] Herodotus
represents the Scoloti as driven to the west by the Massagetæ, who
dwelt in the east, a tribe which we shall have to seek on the
Jaxartes. In this way the Scoloti come into the land of the
Cimmerians, who inhabit the north shore of the Black Sea, and the
Cimmerians fly before them to Asia Minor. It was shown above that
the Cimmerians appeared at the mouths of the Halys about the year
750 B.C., and that soon after the year 700 B.C. they traversed Phrygia,
and in the first decade of the seventh century came into collision
with the Assyrians and the Lydians (I. 546 ff.). If we cannot contest
the fact with Herodotus, that the Scoloti formerly came from the
east into the steppes above the Black Sea, his narrative of their
actual irruption into the land of the Cimmerians is self-contradictory.
When the Scoloti came from the east, the Cimmerians debated on
the Tyras, i. e. on the Dniester, whether they should resist or give
way; they determined to give way, and fled from this land—not
westward to the Danube, but eastward along the shore of the Black
Sea to Asia. If they wished, when assembled on the Dniester, to
retire before the enemy coming from the east, they must go to the
west: Herodotus represents them as going from the Dniester to the
east directly in the teeth of the advancing enemy in order to reach
Asia Minor round the north and east shores of the Black Sea. From
this contradiction we may gather that the Scoloti dwelt for a long
time in the steppe to the north of the land of the Cimmerians—i. e.
to the north of the shore of the Pontus; that they pressed toward
the sea, from a desire to possess themselves of the fruitful region to
the south of the forest-tract at the mouths of the Dniester, Bug and
Dnieper; and finally overcame the Cimmerians, the ancient
population of the coast, and compelled them to seek other dwelling-
places. Only the mountainous district of the Crimea was maintained
by the Tauri (p. 230), a tribe of the Cimmerians,—and hence the
whole peninsula retains the name Crimea after this nation—while the
Scoloti acquired the better land on the coast, about the middle of
the eighth century, and became an agricultural people, soon after
this time, at the mouths of the rivers and on the plains of the
Crimea. The exiled Cimmerians won new abodes on the south shore
of the Black Sea, at the mouth of the Halys, and from this point, in
repeated predatory campaigns extending through a century, they
laid waste Asia Minor as far as the west coast—(what the legends of
the Greeks and Herodotus tell us of the manners of the Tauri
represent to us the Cimmerians as crafty barbarians)—until they
finally succumbed to the arms of the Lydians, and amalgamated with
the native tribes of the region into the nation of the Cappadocians
(I. 549).
Of what origin, of what tribe were the Sarmatians, the Scoloti, and
the people living above them to the north, the Neuri, the
Androphagi, and Melanchlæni? According to Aristeas, it was the
"one-eyed Arimaspians," who had given the impulse to the
movement of the northern tribes to the west. Herodotus maintains
that the name Arimaspians means "the one-eyed" in the language of
the Scoloti.[506] The explanation is false. The word certainly belongs
to the western branch of the Aryan language, i. e. to the family of
language prevailing on the table-land of Iran and the regions
bordering on it; it means those who have obedient horses
(airyamaçpa). If this was the name by which the Arimaspi called
themselves, they were a nation of the Aryan race; if it was the name
by which the Sarmatians and Scoloti named the nation to the east of
them, the Sarmatians and Scoloti must have spoken an Aryan
language. Herodotus further maintains that the Scoloti called the
Amazons Oiorpata, and that this name meant "slayers of men."[507]
This explanation also is false. In Old Arian (Old Bactrian) Oiorpata
would appear as Vayapati; Vayapati does not mean the slayers, but
it does mean the lords, of men.[508] It was the masculine
employment of the Sarmatian women—their riding, their
participation in hunting and warfare, which gained for the women of
the Sarmatians the name of "lords of men" among their neighbours,
the Scoloti, with whom women were in a very subordinate position.
It was indeed this position and these habits of the Sarmatian women
which caused the Greeks to unite the Sarmatians and the Amazons,
and make the latter the mothers of the Sarmatian race. Thus, for the
Greeks, the Amazons who disappeared on the Thermodon could
arise to a new life on the steppes of the Don (I. 557 ff.).
The names of the progenitors of the Scoloti, of the three sons of
Targitæus; Lipoxais, Arpoxais, and Colaxais (p. 236), appear to
contain in the second part of the words the old Arian word kshaya,
i. e. prince. The two older brothers strive in vain to win the shining
gifts which fell from heaven—the golden goblet, the golden battle-
axe, the golden yoke, and the golden plough: it is only the youngest
who can take them. In the Avesta the splendour of majesty recedes
three times before Yima; the first time Mithra seizes it, then
Thrætaona, then Kereçaçpa: the kings of the Avesta sacrifice in
order that "the mighty royal majesty may unite with them." The
Turanian Frangharçian grasps three times in vain "after the
splendour of the majesty of the Arian lands."[509] According to the
statement of Herodotus the royal tribe of the Scoloti, i. e. the tribe
from which Colaxais is sprung, to which the royal house belonged,
was called "Paralatai." In old Aryan this name might mean "the
advanced" (paradhata) or "the leaders" (pararata). Nor do the
names of the gods of the Scoloti contradict the derivation from an
Aryan stock. Tabiti, the name of the goddess of the hearth, means in
Aryan "the burning," "the illuminating," just as the name of the deity
Œtosyrus (perhaps vita-çura, i. e. "strong with the bow") reappears
in the Persian name Artasyrus.[510] But if the language of the Scoloti
was Aryan, and they were therefore of an Aryan stock, the
Sarmatians must have been of the same stock, for the Sarmatians
and the Scoloti spoke, as Herodotus told us (p. 232), the same
language. And if Herodotus adds that the Sarmatians spoke the
language of the Scoloti badly, and their ancestresses, the Amazons,
learnt it badly from their husbands, this means no more than that
they spoke a different dialect of the same language. Diodorus calls
the Sarmatians a branch of the Medes planted on the Tanais; to Pliny
the Sarmatians are descendants of the Medes. These statements
show a close relationship between the Sarmatians and an Aryan
nation.[511] The names and words also, exclusive of those examined,
which have been handed down to us as Scolotian and Sarmatian,
can mostly be traced back to Aryan roots. The names of the rivers
Tanais and Borysthenes (vouruçtana) would mean, in old Aryan, the
"outstretched," and "having a broad strand." The names
Spargapeithes, Ariapeithes, Ariarathes, in use among the Scoloti,
recur in a similar form in Persia. What Herodotus tells us of the rites
of the Scoloti, the worship of the hearth-fire as the "queen of the
Scythians," corresponds to the worship of the hearth among the
Aryans in Iran, as well as on the Indus. At the same time the
different name, the female form of the latter, the names of the other
deities in Herodotus, the barbarous worship of the war-god (p. 236),
show that the Scoloti must have separated themselves from the
community of the Aryans before the eastern branch were in
possession of the Punjab, and the middle branch in possession of
Iran, and there arrived at the religious conceptions expressed in the
hymns of the Rigveda, and in the creed of Iran, as it existed before
Zarathrustra. As it was the Scoloti who gave names from their
language to the rivers which flowed through their steppes, they
must have pastured their flocks on them from an early period. Not
less than these names, and the legend of the Scoloti about the
antiquity of their nation and its origin from the Borysthenes, does
the comparison of the Iranian languages support the conclusion that
the Sarmatians and the Scoloti must have broken off from the tribes
of Iran at a very early period,[512] and the Scoloti, who are situated
further to the west on this side of the Don, earlier than the
Sarmatians. If, therefore, we must recognise in the Scolotians and
Sarmatians people of Aryan stock and character, their neighbours in
the north, the Neuri, the Androphagi, and the Melanchlæni, must
count as the fathers of the Sclaves.[513]

FOOTNOTES:
[470] "Iliad," 13, 5, 6. Strabo, p. 300, 302. Æsch. "Prom." 11. 1,
2, 416.
[471] Herod. 1, 201; 4, 13, 27. On the confusion of the Araxes
and Jaxartes in Herodotus, see vol. v.
[472] Herod. 4, 21, 57, 123. Cf. Strabo, p. 496-498.
[473] Herod. 4, 47-50.
[474] Neumann, "Die Hellenen im Scythenlande," s. 202, 215.
[475] Herod. 4, 47. Neumann, loc. cit. s. 80.
[476] Herod. 4, 53.
[477] Herod. 4, 18, 100, 106, 107, 125.
[478] Tzetzes, "Chil." 7, 144, 163.
[479] "Prom." 285, 802. Yet Æschylus appears to place the
Arimaspi in the North-west, and not in the North-east.
[480] Strabo, p. 311.
[481] Herod. 4, 2, 61, 63.
[482] Herod. 4, 114, 122.
[483] Herod. 4, 75. Hippocr. "De Aere," p. 92, ed. Coray. Strabo,
p. 307.
[484] Neumann, loc. cit. s. 278 ff.
[485] Herod. 4, 127. Herodotus represents Idanthyrsus as saying,
"As my lords I acknowledge only Zeus (the sky-god), my
forefather, and Hestia, the queen of the Scythians."
[486] Herod. 4, 59.
[487] Herod. 4, 5. The series of Scythian kings which can be
collected from Herodotus is: Protothyas, about 650 B.C.; Madyras,
about 630 B.C.; Saulius, about 550 B.C.; Idanthyrsus, about 500
B.C. Herod. I, 103; 4, 76. Beside this succession of kings we may
place the pedigree of Anacharsis, who came to Hellas about 580
B.C., and must, therefore, have been born about 610 B.C. His
father, Gnurus, was, therefore, born at the latest in 630 B.C.; his
grandfather, Lycus, in 650 B.C.; and his great-grandfather,
Spargapeithes, in 670 B.C.
[488] Herod. 4, 78, 80.
[489] Herod. 4, 69, 120.
[490] Herod. 4, 69.
[491] Herod. 4, 71, 78.
[492] Herod. 4, 68.
[493] Herod. 4, 71, 72.
[494] Herod. 2, 167.
[495] Cf. Curtius, 10, 1.
[496] Ælian. "Nat. Anim." 2, 16; 9, 15.
[497] Herod. 4, 3, 70.
[498] Herod. 4, 64.
[499] Herod. 4, 66.
[500] Herod. 4, 64.