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Sample Final Exam #6
(Summer 2008; thanks to Hélène Martin)
1. Array Mystery
Consider the following method:
public static void arrayMystery(String[] a) {
for (int i = 0; i < a.length; i++) {
a[i] = a[i] + a[a.length - 1 - i];
}
}
Indicate in the right-hand column what values would be stored in the array after the method arrayMystery executes
if the array in the left-hand column is passed as a parameter to it.
Original Contents of Array Final Contents of Array
String[] a1 = {"a", "b", "c"};
arrayMystery(a1); _____________________________
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2. Reference Semantics Mystery
The following program produces 4 lines of output. Write the output below, as it would appear on the console.
public class Pokemon {
int level;
battle(squirtle, hp);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
hp = hp + squirtle.level;
battle(squirtle, hp + 1);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
}
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3. Inheritance Mystery
Assume that the following classes have been defined:
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4. File Processing
Write a static method evaluate that accepts as a parameter a Scanner containing a series of tokens representing a
numeric expression involving addition and subtraction and that returns the value of the expression. For example, if a
Scanner called data contains the following tokens:
4.2 + 3.4 - 4.1
The call of evaluate(data); should evaluate the result as (4.2+3.4-4.1) = (7.6-4.1) = 3.5 and should return this
value as its result. Every expression will begin with a real number and then will have a series of operator/number
pairs that follow. The operators will be either + (addition) or - (subtraction). As in the example above, there will be
spaces separating numbers and operators. You may assume the expression is legal.
Your program should evaluate operators sequentially from left to right. For example, for this expression:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0
your method should evaluate the operators as follows:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0 = (7.3 - 4.1) - 2.0 = 3.2 - 2.0 = 1.2
The Scanner might contain just a number, in which case your method should return that number as its result.
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5. File Processing
Write a static method blackjack that accepts as its parameter a Scanner for an input file containing a hand of
playing cards, and returns the point value of the hand in the card game Blackjack.
A card has a rank and a suit. There are 13 ranks: Ace, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, Jack, Queen, and King. There are 4
suits: Clubs, Diamonds, Hearts, and Spades. A Blackjack hand's point value is the sum of its cards' point values. A
card's point value comes from its rank; the suit is irrelevant. In this problem, cards are worth the following points:
Rank Point Value
2-10 The card's rank (for example, a 7 is worth 7 points)
Jack (J), Queen (Q), King (K) 10 points each
Ace (A) 11 points (for this problem; simplified compared to real Blackjack)
The input file contains a single hand of cards, each represented by a pair of "<rank> <suit>" tokens. For example:
5 Diamonds
Q Spades
2 Spades 3 Hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 20, since the cards' point values are 5 + 10 + 2 + 3 = 20.
The input can be in mixed casing, have odd spacing between tokens, and can be split across lines. For example:
2 Hearts
j SPADES a Diamonds
2 ClUbS
A
hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 36, since the cards' point values are 2 + 10 + 11 + 2 + 11 = 36.
You may assume that the Scanner contains at least 1 card (two tokens) of input, and that no line will contain any
tokens other than valid card data. The real game of Blackjack has many other rules that you should ignore for this
problem, such as the notion of going "bust" once you exceed a score of 21.
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6. Array Programming
Write a static method named allPlural that accepts an array of strings as a parameter and returns true only if
every string in the array is a plural word, and false otherwise. For this problem a plural word is defined as any
string that ends with the letter S, case-insensitively. The empty string "" is not considered a plural word, but the
single-letter string "s" or "S" is. Your method should return true if passed an empty array (one with 0 elements).
The table below shows calls to your method and the expected values returned:
Array Call and Value Returned
String[] a1 = {"snails", "DOGS", "Cats"}; allPlural(a1) returns true
String[] a2 = {"builds", "Is", "S", "THRILLs", "CS"}; allPlural(a2) returns true
String[] a3 = {}; allPlural(a3) returns true
String[] a4 = {"She", "sells", "sea", "SHELLS"}; allPlural(a4) returns false
String[] a5 = {"HANDS", "feet", "toes", "OxEn"}; allPlural(a5) returns false
String[] a6 = {"shoes", "", "socks"}; allPlural(a6) returns false
For full credit, your method should not modify the array's elements.
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7. Array Programming
Write a static method named reverseChunks that accepts two parameters, an array of integers a and an integer
"chunk" size s, and reverses every s elements of a. For example, if s is 2 and array a stores {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6},
a is rearranged to store {2, 1, 4, 3, 6, 5}. With an s of 3 and the same elements {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}, array
a is rearranged to store {3, 2, 1, 6, 5, 4}. The chunks on this page are underlined for convenience.
If a's length is not evenly divisible by s, the remaining elements are untouched. For example, if s is 4 and array a
stores {5, 4, 9, 2, 1, 7, 8, 6, 2, 10}, a is rearranged to store {2, 9, 4, 5, 6, 8, 7, 1, 2, 10}.
It is also possible that s is larger than a's entire length, in which case the array is not modified at all. You may assume
that s is 1 or greater (an s of 1 would not modify the array). If array a is empty, its contents should remain unchanged.
The following table shows some calls to your method and their expected results:
Array and Call Array Contents After Call
int[] a1 = {20, 10, 30, 60, 50, 40}; {10, 20, 60, 30, 40, 50}
reverseChunks(a1, 2);
int[] a2 = {2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16}; {6, 4, 2, 12, 10, 8, 14, 16}
reverseChunks(a2, 3);
int[] a3 = {7, 1, 3, 5, 9, 8, 2, 6, 4, 10, 0, 12}; {9, 5, 3, 1, 7, 10, 4, 6, 2, 8, 0, 12}
reverseChunks(a3, 5);
int[] a4 = {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}; {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}
reverseChunks(a4, 8);
int[] a5 = {}; {}
reverseChunks(a5, 2);
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8. Critters
Write a class Minnow that extends Critter from HW8, along with its movement and eating behavior. All other
aspects of Minnow use the defaults. Add fields, constructors, etc. as necessary to your class.
Minnow objects initially move in a S/E/S/E/... pattern. However, when a Minnow encounters food (when its eat
method is called), it should do all of the following:
• Do not eat the food.
• Start the movement cycle over. In other words, the next move after eat is called should always be South.
• Lengthen and reverse the horizontal portion of the movement cycle pattern.
The Minnow should reverse its horizontal direction and increase its horizontal movement distance by 1 for
subsequent cycles. For example, if the Minnow had been moving S/E/S/E, it will now move S/W/W/S/W/W. If
it hits a second piece of food, it will move S/E/E/E/S/E/E/E, and a third, S/W/W/W/W/S/W/W/W/W, and so on.
?
The following is an example timeline of a particular Minnow object's movement. The ??
timeline below is also drawn in the diagram at right. Underlined occurrences mark squares ??
where the Minnow found food. ???
???
• S, E, S, E (hits food) ?
????
• S, W, W, S, W, W, S (hits food) ????
• S, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, S, E (hits food) ??
• S (hits food) ?
??????
• S, E, E, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, E, E, ...
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9. Classes and Objects
Suppose that you are provided with a pre-written class Date as // Each Date object stores a single
described at right. (The headings are shown, but not the method // month/day such as September 19.
bodies, to save space.) Assume that the fields, constructor, and // This class ignores leap years.
methods shown are already implemented. You may refer to them
or use them in solving this problem if necessary. public class Date {
private int month;
Write an instance method named bound that will be placed inside private int day;
the Date class to become a part of each Date object's behavior.
The bound method constrains a Date to within a given range of // Constructs a date with
dates. It accepts two other Date objects d1 and d2 as parameters; // the given month and day.
public Date(int m, int d)
d1's date is guaranteed to represent a date that comes no later in
the year than d2's date. // Returns the date's day.
The bound method makes sure that this Date object is between public int getDay()
d1's and d2's dates, inclusive. If this Date object is not between
// Returns the date's month.
those dates inclusive, it is adjusted to the nearest date in the public int getMonth()
acceptable range. The method returns a result of true if this
Date was within the acceptable range, or false if it was shifted. // Returns the number of days
// in this date's month.
For example, given the following Date objects: public int daysInMonth()
Date date1 = new Date(7, 12);
Date date2 = new Date(10, 31); // Modifies this date's state
Date date3 = new Date(9, 19); // so that it has moved forward
Date bound1 = new Date(8, 4); // in time by 1 day, wrapping
Date bound2 = new Date(9, 26); // around into the next month
Date bound3 = new Date(12, 25); // or year if necessary.
// example: 9/19 -> 9/20
The following calls to your method should adjust the given Date // example: 9/30 -> 10/1
objects to represent the following dates and should return the // example: 12/31 -> 1/1
following results: public void nextDay()
call date becomes returns
date1.bound(bound1, bound2) 8/4 false
// your method would go here
date2.bound(bound1, bound2) 9/26 false
date3.bound(bound1, bound3) 9/19 true }
date2.bound(bound3, bound3) 12/25 false
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Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
"He comes with the same extraordinary spirit of meekness,
sweetness, and universal benevolence as before. In opposition to
the spirit of separation and bigotry, he is still for holding communion
with all Protestant churches. In opposition to enthusiasm, he
preaches a close adherence to the Scriptures, the necessity of trying
all impressions by them, and of rejecting whatever is not agreeable
to them, as delusions. In opposition to Antinomianism, he preaches
up all kinds of relative and religious duties, though to be performed
in the strength of Christ; and, in short, the doctrines of the church of
England, and the first fathers of this country. As before, he first
applies himself to the understandings of his hearers, and then to the
affections; and the more he preaches, the more he convinces people
of their mistakes about him, and increases their satisfaction."
The administration of the Lord's supper by a priest of the church
of England in the Congregational church in Brattle-street, Boston,
gave great offence. Some said, the consent of the church was
neither given nor asked, and Dr. Colman was blamed for introducing
Whitefield by his own authority; to which Dr. Colman replied, that, as
it was customary for pastors to invite the assistance of other
ministers on such occasions, he thought it unnecessary to call for a
vote of the church; that he plainly intimated his intention in his
prayer after sermon, and then, on coming to the table, said, "The
Rev. Mr. Whitefield being providentially with us, I have asked him to
administer the ordinance;" and that by the countenances of the
people it seemed to be universally agreeable to them, which he
supposed to be all the consent which the case required.
Since Mr. Whitefield's former visit to New England, a considerable
change had taken place in not a few of the ministers and churches.
In 1740, he had inveighed strongly against many of the ministers,
some of them even by name, as, in his opinion, unconverted; and
after his departure, some preachers, who professed themselves to
be his followers, had created great confusion by carrying these
charges much farther than he would have approved. His second visit
was therefore anticipated by many with anxiety, lest it might cause a
new outbreak of enthusiasm and disorder. The General Association
of Connecticut, in June, 1745, advised that he be not invited to
preach in any of the churches. When he visited New Haven, he
found himself shut out of the pulpit of the First church by its minister
Mr. Noyes. A great crowd, however, assembled to hear him, from the
neighboring towns, as well as from New Haven, and he preached
from a platform erected in the street, before Mr. Pierpont's house on
the Green, to a congregation which neither of the meeting-houses
could have contained.
From Professor Kingsley's "Sketch of the History of Yale College,"
we learn that "President Clap issued a declaration, signed by himself
and three tutors, that is, Samuel Whittlesey, afterwards minister of
the First church in New Haven, Thomas Darling, for many years chief
justice of the Court of Common Pleas for the county of New Haven,
and John Whiting, in which some of the proceedings of Mr.
Whitefield were condemned. In consequence of the religious fervor
which had been excited, a much greater diversity of theological
opinions prevailed in Connecticut than at any previous period.
Violent controversies arose, churches were divided, and the
government, by interfering to prevent these evils, increased rather
than checked them. The college became an object of jealousy; and
the declaration of the rector and tutors, respecting the preaching of
Whitefield, offended some, without effectually conciliating others."
The opposition to Mr. Whitefield of which we have spoken, was by
no means all that he met with. Even before the Association in
Connecticut had taken action, several similar bodies in
Massachusetts had acted in a similar manner. The corporation of
Harvard college published a testimony against him, while that of Yale
represented that he intended to root out all the standing ministers in
our land, and to introduce foreigners in their stead. The good man,
notwithstanding all this opposition, and much more, went on
laboring for the salvation of souls, and God still honored him with
success.
While the impartiality to which we hold ourselves bound
demanded the statement just made, and while we are compelled to
admit the existence of evils attendant on these revivals, we also
record some of the facts connected with a convention of ministers,
who assembled in Boston in pursuance of a previous notice in the
Boston Gazette of May 30, 1743. We copy the original invitation.
"It is desired and proposed by a number of ministers, both in town
and country, that such of their brethren as are persuaded that there
has been of late a happy revival of religion through an extraordinary
divine influence, in many parts of this land, and are concerned for
the honor and progress of this remarkable work of God, may have
an interview at Boston, the day after the approaching
commencement, to consider whether they are not called to give an
open, conjunct testimony to an event so surprising and gracious; as
well as against those errors in doctrine, and disorders in practice,
which through the permitted agency of Satan have attended it, and
in any measure blemished its glory and hindered its advancement;
and also to consult as to the most likely method to be taken to
guard people against such delusions and mistakes as in such a
season they are in danger of falling into, and that this blessed work
may continue and flourish among us." Those who could not be
present were invited to send written attestations.
In accordance with this proposal, the convention met in Boston on
Thursday, July 7. The Rev. Dr. Sewall of Boston officiated as
Moderator, and the Rev. Messrs. Prince of Boston, and Hobby of
Reading, as Scribes. Ninety persons thus assembled, and letters
were read from twenty-eight who were absent. A committee was
appointed, consisting of the Rev. Dr. Sewall, the Rev. Messrs.
Wigglesworth, Prince, Adams, Cooper, Nathanael Rogers, Leonard,
and Hobby, to prepare a report. On the next morning this committee
presented a document, which, after full discussion, was signed by all
present; and the meeting was dissolved.
Our limits will not allow us to give the whole of the report to which
we have referred, but a few sentences will show its general
character:
"We, whose names are undersigned, think it our indispensable
duty—without judging or censuring such of our brethren as cannot
at present see things in the same light with us—in this open and
conjunct manner to declare, to the glory of sovereign grace, our full
persuasion, either from what we have seen ourselves, or received
upon credible testimony, that there has been a happy and
remarkable revival of religion in many parts of this land, through an
uncommon divine influence, after a long time of decay and
deadness, and a sensible and very awful withdrawal of the Holy
Spirit from his sanctuary among us.... The present work seems to be
remarkable and extraordinary, on account of the numbers wrought
upon. We never before saw so many brought under soul concern,
and with great distress making the inquiry, 'What must we do to be
saved?' And these persons were of all ages and character. With
regard to the suddenness and quick progress of it, many persons
and places were surprised with the gracious visit together, or near
about the same time, and the heavenly influence diffused itself far
and wide, like the light of the morning. Also [the work seems to be
remarkable] in respect to the degree of operations, both in a way of
terror, and in a way of consolation, attended in many with unusual
bodily effects. Not that all who are accounted the subjects of the
present work have had these extraordinary degrees of previous
distress and subsequent joy. But many, and we suppose the greater
number, have been wrought on in a more gentle and silent way, and
without any other appearances than are common and usual at other
times, when persons have been awakened to a solemn concern
about salvation, and have been thought to have passed out of a
state of nature into a state of grace. As to those whose inward
concern has occasioned extraordinary outward distresses, the most
of them, when we came to converse with them, were able to give
what appeared to us a rational account of what so affected their
minds.... The instances were very few in which we had reason to
think these affections were produced by visionary or sensible
representations, or by any other images than such as the Scripture
itself presents to us. Of those who were judged hopefully converted,
and made a public profession of religion, there have been fewer
instances of scandal and apostasy than might be expected.... There
appears to be more experimental godliness and lively Christianity
than most of us can remember we have ever seen before.... And
now we desire to bow the knee in thanksgiving to the God and
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that our eyes have seen and our
ears heard such things. And while these are our sentiments, we
must necessarily be grieved at any accounts sent abroad
representing this work as all enthusiasm, delusion, and disorder.
Indeed, it is not to be denied, that in some places many irregularities
and extravagances have been permitted to accompany it, which we
would deeply bewail and lament before God, and look upon
ourselves obliged, for the honor of the Holy Spirit, and of his
operations on the souls of men, to bear a public and faithful
testimony against; though at the same time it is to be
acknowledged, with much thankfulness, that in other places where
the work has greatly flourished, there have been few if any of those
disorders and excesses. But who can wonder if, at such a time as
this, Satan should intermingle himself to hinder and blemish a work
so directly contrary to the interests of his own kingdom?... Finally,
we exhort the children of God to continue instant in prayer, that He,
with whom is the residue of the Spirit, would grant us fresh, more
plentiful, and extensive effusions, that so this wilderness, in all the
parts of it, may become a fruitful field; that the present appearances
may be an earnest of the glorious things promised in the latter days,
when she shall shine with the glory of the Lord arisen upon her, so
as to dazzle the eyes of beholders, confound and put to shame all
her enemies, rejoice the hearts of her solicitous and now saddened
friends, and have a strong influence and resplendency throughout
the earth. Amen. Even so, come, Lord Jesus; come quickly."
This paper was signed by eighteen ministers in the county of
Suffolk, among whom were Colman, Sewall, Prince, Webb, Cooper,
Foxcroft, Checkly, Gee, Eliot, and Moorhead of Boston; twelve in the
county of Essex, nine in Middlesex, six in Worcester, ten in Plymouth,
one in Barnstable, three in Bristol, three in York, five in New
Hampshire, and one in Rhode Island. There were one hundred and
fourteen in all who gave attestations, either by signing their names
to the above document, or by sending written attestations. Ninety-
six of the one hundred and fourteen took their first degree of
Bachelor of Arts more than ten years previously; consequently
before the revival commenced. Twenty-six took their first degrees
above thirty years before. Attestations were received but from
twelve ministers in Connecticut, as the proposal did not reach them
in time.
We may add to this statement, as showing in some degree the
extent of this revival, that while in 1729 the number of members in
the Congregational and Presbyterian churches of this country may
be estimated at thirty-three thousand, the number of communicants
in 1745 could not be less than seventy-five thousand. "The special
revivals of religion," says an able writer in the "American Quarterly
Register," vol. 4, 1832, "were probably the means of adding from
twenty thousand to thirty thousand members to the churches." The
same writer adds, "The genuine fruits of holiness appeared,
according to the acknowledgment of all parties, in multitudes of
those who professed religion. They were Christians, who endured
unto the end. This is the unanimous testimony of those men who
were the best able to judge. Great numbers who were convinced of
sin by Mr. Whitefield's preaching, gave ample evidence, living and
dying, of sincere and fervent love to the commands of God. There is
reason to believe that a preparation had been made for the descent
of the Holy Spirit, many years before the revival commenced. The
fasts and public reformations, the prayers and tears of good men,
from 1700 to 1730, were not in vain."
One fact connected with the testimony against Whitefield,
published by the faculty of Harvard college, we quote, as showing
that then, as well as now, a difference of opinion existed as to
written and extempore sermons. They thought his extempore
manner of preaching "by no means proper," because extempore
preachers are of necessity less instructive, the greater part of the
sermon being commonly "the same kind of harangue which they
have often used before, so that this is a most lazy manner" of
preaching; and because it exposes the preacher to utter rash
expressions, and even dangerous errors, as Whitefield, they thought,
had done in several instances, probably from that cause. Assuredly
he preferred extempore preaching to any other; yet he never
pretended to preach without previous study. His sermons usually
cost him as much previous labor as if they had been written; so that,
in his case at least, it was not "a lazy way" of preaching. The errors
which they said he had uttered, were a few hasty expressions, which
he had retracted as soon as he had been reminded of them.
Itinerancy, which had also been objected against Whitefield as one
of his crimes, he strenuously defended as scriptural and right;
understanding an evangelist to be, what they said an itinerant was,
"One that hath no particular charge of his own, but goes about from
country to country, or from town to town in any country, and stands
ready to preach to any congregation that shall call him to it." For the
divine command, "Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel to
every creature," he argued, "authorizes the ministers of Christ, even
to the end of the world, to preach the gospel in every town and
country, though not 'of their own head,' yet whenever and wherever
Providence should open a door, even though it should be in a place
'where officers are already settled, and the gospel is fully and
faithfully preached.' This, I humbly apprehend, is every gospel
minister's indisputable privilege." He further asked, "Was not the
Reformation begun and carried on by itinerant preaching?" He then
quoted from "Baxter's Reformed Pastor," a plan which had been
adopted in some parts of England, for circular lectures by settled
ministers selected for the purpose, and with the consent of the
pastors.
In reference to Harvard college, Whitefield lived long enough to
take a Christian's revenge. In 1764, he solicited from his friends
donations of books for their library, which had recently been
destroyed by fire, and four years afterwards, while his old opponent
President Holyoke was yet in office, the following minute was
entered on their records: "At a meeting of the President and Fellows
of Harvard college, August 22, 1768, the Rev. G. Whitefield having,
in addition to his former kindness to Harvard college, lately
presented to the library a new edition of his Journals, and having
procured large benefactions from several benevolent and respectable
gentlemen; voted, that the thanks of the corporation be given to the
Rev. Mr. Whitefield, for these instances of candor and generosity."
It will be readily supposed, that notwithstanding all the opposition
which Whitefield met, there were yet many thousands always ready
to attend on his ministry. It was now the close of 1744, but the cold
of winter did not prevent vast crowds assembling at early services
long before daylight. Speaking of the opposition he met, "so that,"
says he, "for a while my situation was rendered uncomfortable," he
adds, "But amidst all this smoke a blessed fire broke out. The
awakened souls were as eager as ever to hear the word. Having
heard that I expounded early in Scotland, they begged that I would
do the same in Boston. I complied, and opened a lecture at six in
the morning. I seldom preached to less than two thousand. It was
delightful to see so many of both sexes neatly dressed flocking to
hear the word, and returning home to family prayer and breakfast
before the opposers were out of their beds."
The late Rev. Dr. Archibald Alexander tells us, that when he was at
Boston, in 1800, he found in the Old South church a lingering relic of
Whitefield's times, in a convert of his day, a lady between eighty and
ninety years of age, who belonged to a prayer-meeting founded
then, which had been kept up weekly until within a few years. Of
this, she was the only surviving member.
The "Evening Post," which seems to have been on the side of
those who opposed Whitefield, in its issue of March 11, 1745, says,
"Prince, Webb, Foxcroft, and Gee, are the directors of Mr.
Whitefield's public conduct, as he himself has lately declared at
Newbury." He had other powerful friends among the clergy, and still
more among the laity, who invited him by vote into some pulpits
where the pastors were "shy" of him.
On the 7th of February, we find him at Ipswich, where he spent
several days. Mr. Pickering, of the Second church, declined admitting
him into his pulpit, and assigned his reasons in a letter, which was
published. It contains the usual objections set forth in the various
"testimonies," and is remarkable only for one convenient metaphor.
The Bishop of London had published on "Lukewarmness and
Enthusiasm." Whitefield had said in reply, "All ought to be thankful
to that pilot who will teach them to steer a safe and middle course;"
and Pickering wittily asks, "But what if the pilot should take the vane
for the compass?"
Early in March we find him making an excursion into the east, as
we hear of him both at Berwick and Portland, in the then territory of
Maine. In the latter place, he not only made a powerful impression
on the people, but on their minister. In the outset a strong feeling
existed against his preaching in the pulpit of the First church. Mr.
Smith, the pastor, says in his "Journal," "The parish are like to be in
a flame on account of Mr. Whitefield's coming; the leading men
violently opposing." Under the date of May 19, after Whitefield's
departure, we find in the "Journal" a remarkable passage: "For
several Sabbaths, and the lecture, I have been all in a blaze; never
in such a flame, and what I would attend to is, that it was not only
involuntary, but actually determined against. I went to meeting
resolving to be calm and moderate, lest people should think it was
wildness and affectation to ape Mr. Whitefield; but God, I see, makes
use of me as he pleases, and I am only a machine in his hand."
About the middle of March, we find our evangelist at Exeter, where
he afterwards preached his last sermon. Here some of the more
zealous members of the church had withdrawn, and formed a new
church. Their conduct had been sanctioned by one council, and
censured by another, two years before this time. Whitefield preached
to them twice, though Mr. Odlin, the pastor of the church from which
they had withdrawn, "solemnly warned and charged him against
preaching in his parish." So says the "Evening Post," of March 25,
which further calls the people to whom he preached, "Separatists."
In this spring of 1745, the first expedition for the capture from the
French of the island of Cape Breton, near Nova Scotia, was set on
foot. Colonel Pepperell, a warm personal friend of Whitefield, and
the only native of New England who was created a Baronet of Great
Britain, was then at Boston, constantly attending Whitefield's
lectures. On the day before he accepted a commission to be general
in that expedition, he asked his opinion of the matter, and was told,
with the preacher's usual frankness, that he did not indeed think
that the scheme proposed for taking Louisburgh would be very
promising; and that the eyes of all would be upon him. If he did not
succeed, the widows and orphans of the slain soldiers would be like
lions robbed of their whelps; but if it pleased God to give him
success, envy would endeavor to eclipse his glory: he had need,
therefore, if he went, to go with a single eye; and then there was no
doubt, if Providence really called him, he would find his strength
equal to the difficulties with which he would have to contend.
About the same time, Mr. Sherburne, another of Whitefield's
friends, being appointed one of the commissioners, told him he must
favor the expedition, otherwise the pious people would be
discouraged from enlisting; not only did he say this, but he insisted
that the evangelist should give him a motto for his flag, for the
encouragement of his soldiers. Whitefield refused to do this, as it
would not be consistent with his character as a minister of the
gospel of peace. But as Sherburne would take no denial, he gave
him, Nil desperandum, Christo Duce—[Nothing to be despaired of,
Christ being leader.] In these circumstances a large number of men
enlisted.
The soldiers and their officers now went farther, and before their
embarkation requested him to give them a sermon. He preached to
them from the text, "And every one that was in distress, and every
one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented,
gathered themselves unto him; and he became a captain over
them." 1 Samuel 22:2. From this somewhat singular text, he
discoursed on the manner in which distressed sinners came to Jesus
Christ, the Son of David; and in his application, exhorted the soldiers
to behave like the soldiers of David, and the officers to act like
David's worthies; saying, that if they did so, there would be good
news from Cape Breton. After this he preached to the general
himself, who invited him to become one of his chaplains. Whitefield
declined this, saying, that though he should esteem this an honor,
yet, as he generally preached three times a day, to large
congregations, he could do more service by stirring up the people to
pray, thus strengthening the hearts and hands of the army. In this
practice he persevered during the whole siege of Louisburgh. "I
believe," said he, "if ever people went with a disinterested view, the
New Englanders did then. Though many of them were raw and
undisciplined, yet numbers were substantial persons, who left their
farms and willingly ventured all for their country's good. An amazing
series of providences appeared, and though some discouraging
accounts were sent during the latter end of the siege, yet in about
six weeks news came of the surrender of Louisburgh. Numbers
flocked from all quarters to hear a thanksgiving sermon upon the
occasion. And I trust the blessing bestowed upon the country
through the thanksgivings of many, redounded to the glory of God."
Some time before this, the people of Boston had proposed to build
for Whitefield "the largest place of worship ever seen in America," in
which he should regularly preach; but, as usual, he feared this plan
would abridge his liberty of itinerating: he thanked them for their
offer, but decidedly declined to accept it. As his bodily strength
increased, he began to move southward, and went through Rhode
Island and Connecticut, preaching to thousands generally twice a
day. He says, "Though there was much smoke, yet every day I had
more and more convincing proof that a blessed gospel fire had been
kindled in the hearts both of ministers and people."
About this time occurred a fact which delightfully shows how the
enemies of this admirable man were often converted into friends. A
colored trumpeter belonging to the English army resolved to
interrupt him while delivering a sermon in the open air. For this
purpose he went to the field, carrying his trumpet with him,
intending to blow it with all his might about the middle of the
sermon. He took his station in front of the minister, and at no great
distance from him. The crowd became very great, and those who
were towards the extremity pressed forward, that they might hear
more distinctly, and caused such a pressure where the poor
trumpeter stood, that he found it impossible at the time when he
intended to blow his trumpet, to raise the arm which held it, by
which means he was kept within the sound of the gospel as
effectually as if he had been chained to the spot. In a short time his
attention was powerfully arrested, and he became so deeply affected
by the statements of the preacher, that he was seized with all the
agonies of despair, and was carried to a house in the neighborhood.
After the service, he was visited by Mr. Whitefield, who gave him
suitable counsels, and from that time the trumpeter became a
greatly altered man. So true is it in reference to the omnipotent and
gracious Being,
"Hearts base as hell he can control,
And spread new powers throughout the whole."
While preaching at Boston, he was delighted to observe that the
sheriff, who had heretofore been the leader of the persecution
against him, now began to hear him preach; and his pleasure was
vastly increased, when he saw the crowds come around him to
inquire as to their highest interests.
Among these crowds was a somewhat remarkable gentleman of
that city. He was a man of ready wit and racy humor, who delighted
in preaching over a bottle to his ungodly companions. He went to
hear Whitefield, that he might be furnished with matter for a "tavern
harangue." When he had heard enough of the sermon for his
purpose, he endeavored to quit the church for the inn, but "found
his endeavors to get out fruitless, he was so pent up." While thus
fixed, and waiting for "fresh matter of ridicule," the truth took
possession of his heart. That night he went to Mr. Prince full of
terror, and sought an introduction to ask pardon of the preacher.
Whitefield says of him, "By the paleness, pensiveness, and horror of
his countenance, I guessed he was the man of whom I had been
apprized. 'Sir, can you forgive me?' he cried in a low, but plaintive
voice. I smiled, and said, 'Yes, sir, very readily.' 'Indeed,' he said,
'you cannot when I tell you all.' I then asked him to sit down; and
judging that he had sufficiently felt the lash of the law, I preached
the gospel to him." This, with other remarkable conversions, gave
increasing energy and influence to his preaching in Boston. "My
bodily strength," he says, "is recovered, and my soul more than ever
in love with a crucified Jesus."
Another illustration may also be here given of the meekness and
gentleness which usually characterized our evangelist in his
intercourse with his brethren. In his later visits to New England, it
was Whitefield's usual practice to spend a few days with Dr. Hopkins.
On one of these occasions, after preaching for the doctor on the
Sabbath, the next day he proposed a ride into the country for
exercise. During the ride, Whitefield spoke with regret of the views
of their "good brother Edwards on the subject of the witness of the
Holy Spirit." "Ah," asked Dr. Hopkins, "and what is the error?" Here
Whitefield made a long pause; and Hopkins continued the
conversation: "Do you believe, Mr. Whitefield, that the witness of the
Spirit is a direct communication from God?" "I cannot say that I do,"
was the reply. "Well, do you believe that Christians have any other
witness of the Spirit than that afforded by the testimony of their own
holy affections?" "I cannot say that I do," Mr. Whitefield again
replied. "Do you believe it to be any thing more or less," continued
Hopkins, "than the Spirit producing in the heart the gracious
exercises of repentance, faith, etc.?" "No, that is precisely my view
of it," said Whitefield. "And that is precisely the view of good father
Edwards," pleasantly returned Dr. Hopkins. Whitefield frankly
acknowledged his error, and rejoiced that there was no
disagreement on the subject.
CHAPTER X.
FROM HIS LEAVING NEW ENGLAND TILL
HIS ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND—LABORS IN
THE MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES—THE
BERMUDAS.
1745-1748.
Leaving New England, Whitefield proceeded first to New York,
where he preached as he had formerly done, and found that the
seed sown in past days had produced much fruit. Proceeding still
southward, on his way towards Philadelphia, arriving in New Jersey,
he says, "I had the pleasure of preaching by an interpreter to some
converted Indians, and of seeing nearly fifty young ones in one
school, near Freehold, learning the Assembly's Catechism." A blessed
awakening had before this time been begun and carried on among
the Delaware Indians, by the ministry of David Brainerd; no such
work had been heard of since the days of the apostolic Eliot in New
England.
Arriving in Philadelphia, Whitefield was rejoiced to find that his
friend Gilbert Tennent was still blessed with success in his labors.
Many, he says, were under "soul-sickness," and Tennent's health
suffered much with walking from place to place to see them. The
gentlemen connected with the new house in which Tennent
preached, were, as well as Tennent himself, desirous of securing at
least a portion of Whitefield's labors, and offered him eight hundred
pounds a year, if he would become their pastor, and labor with them
six months in the year, travelling the other six months wherever he
thought proper. He thanked them, but declined.
Not unfrequently have we been told by frigid critics of the inferior
character of Whitefield's printed sermons. But have they not looked
too much for the beauties of style, and overlooked the simple energy
of their scriptural truths? Even these printed sermons have, under
God, accomplished wonders. In the year 1743, a young gentleman
from Scotland, then residing at Hanover, in Virginia, had obtained a
volume of Whitefield's sermons preached in Glasgow, and taken in
shorthand, which, after a gentleman of Hanover, named Hunt, the
father of a distinguished Presbyterian minister of that name, had
studied with great personal benefit, he invited his neighbors to visit
his house to hear read. By their plainness and fervor, attended with
the power of God, not a few became convinced of their lost
condition as sinners, and anxiously inquired the way of salvation.
The feelings of many were powerfully excited, and they could not
forbear bitter and violent weeping. The intelligence spread, curiosity
prompted the desire of many others to attend such remarkable
services; and one and another begged for admission, till the houses
were crowded. Numbers were pricked to the heart; the word of God
became quick and powerful; and, "What shall we do?" was the
general cry. What to do or say the principal leaders knew not. They
themselves had been led by a still small voice, they hardly knew
how, to an acquaintance with the truth; but now the Lord was
speaking as on mount Sinai, with a voice of thunder; and sinners,
like that mountain itself, trembled. It was not long before Christians
had the happiness to see a goodly number healed by the same word
that had wounded them, and brought to rejoice in Christ, and his
great salvation. "My dwelling-place," said Mr. Morris, one of their
number, "was at length too small to contain the people, whereupon
we determined to build a meeting-house merely for reading. And
having never been used to social prayer, none of us durst attempt
it." This reading-house, as it was called, was followed by others of
like character, and the number of attendants and the power of divine
influence were much increased. Mr. Morris, as the report spread, was
invited to several places at a distance to read these sermons. The
phrase, "Morris' reading-house," has come down by tradition to the
present age, as well as important details of the opposition of the
magistracy and other classes, who sought, but in vain, to stop the
progress of the work.
Such was the origin of the Presbyterian church at Hanover, where,
in after-days, William Robinson and President Davies accomplished
such mighty triumphs, and where the sacred cause still flourishes.
Whitefield does not seem to have been made acquainted with
these facts till he now arrived in the colony, and saw the happy
effects which had been produced by the labors of the Rev. Messrs.
Robinson, Tennent, Blair, and others. Of the visit of Whitefield
among them, one of them writes, "Mr. Whitefield came and
preached four or five days in these parts, which was the happy
means of giving us further encouragement, and engaging others to
the Lord, especially among the church people, who received his
doctrine more readily than they would from ministers of the
Presbyterian denomination." We may add here, that in 1747 there
were four houses of worship in and around Hanover, which had
sprung from the "mustard-seed" of the sermons taken in shorthand
from Whitefield's lips at Glasgow.
Among the converts in the south who met Whitefield, was Isaac
Oliver, who was both deaf and dumb, and had been so from his
birth. Notwithstanding these great disadvantages, he could both feel
and evince his strong feelings by the most significant and expressive
signs. He could, for instance, so represent the crucifixion of the Lord
Jesus Christ, as to be understood by every one; and among his own
friends he could converse about the love of Christ in the language of
signs, till he was transported in rapture and dissolved in tears. He
was much beloved for his eminent piety.
Whitefield had not, during any portion of this time, forgotten
Bethesda. The public had warmly sustained it, and he now went
forward to see to its affairs, and to add to the orphan-house a Latin
school, intending, indeed, before a long time to found a college.
The following account of the orphan-house in 1746, was written
by Mr. Whitefield in the form of a letter to a friend, and published as
a small pamphlet. We transcribe it from "White's Historical
Collections of Georgia," published in 1854:
"Provide things honest in the sight of all men."—Rom. 12:17.
"Bethesda, in Georgia, March 21, 1745-6.
"Some have thought that the erecting such a building was only the
produce of my own brain; but they are much mistaken; for it was
first proposed to me by my dear friend the Rev. Mr. Charles Wesley,
who, with his excellency General Oglethorpe, had concerted a
scheme for carrying on such a design before I had any thoughts of
going abroad myself. It was natural to think that, as the government
intended this province for the refuge and support of many of our
poor countrymen, numbers of such adventurers must necessarily be
taken off, by being exposed to the hardships which unavoidably
attend a new settlement. I thought it, therefore, a noble design in
the general to erect a house for fatherless children; and believing
that such a provision for orphans would be some inducement with
many to come over, I fell in with the design, when mentioned to me
by my friend, and was resolved, in the strength of God, to prosecute
it with all my might. This was mentioned to the honorable trustees.
They took it kindly at my hands, and wrote to the bishop of Bath
and Wells for leave for me to preach a charity sermon on this
occasion in the Abbey church. This was granted, and I accordingly
began immediately to compose a suitable discourse. But knowing
that my first stay in Georgia would necessarily be short, on account
of my returning again to take priest's orders, I thought it most
prudent first to go and see for myself, and defer prosecuting the
scheme till I came home.... When I came to Georgia, I found many
poor orphans, who, though taken notice of by the honorable
trustees, yet, through the neglect of persons under them, were in
miserable circumstances. For want of a house to bring them up in,
the poor little ones were tabled out here and there; others were at
hard services, and likely to have no education at all.
"Upon seeing this, and finding that his Majesty and Parliament had
the interest of the colony much at heart, I thought I could not better
show my regard to God and my country than by getting a house and
land for these children, where they might learn to labor, read, and
write, and at the same time be brought up in the nurture and
admonition of the Lord. Accordingly, at my return to England, in the
year 1738, to take priest's orders, I applied to the honorable society
for a grant of five hundred acres of land, and laid myself under an
obligation to build a house upon it, and to receive from time to time
as many orphans as the land and stock would maintain. As I had
always acted like a clergyman of the church of England, having
preached in a good part of the London churches, and but a few
months before collected near a thousand pounds sterling for the
children belonging to the charity schools in London and Westminster,
it was natural to think that I might now have the use at least of
some of these churches to preach in for the orphans hereafter more
immediately to be committed to my care. But by the time I had
taken priest's orders, the spirit of the clergy began to be much
imbittered. Churches were gradually denied me, and I must let this
good design drop, and thousands, and I might add ten thousands,
go without hearing the word of God, or preach in the fields. Indeed,
two churches, one in London, namely, Spitalfields, and one in Bristol,
namely, St. Philip's and Jacob, were lent me on this occasion, but
those were all. I collected for the orphan-house in Moorfields two
hundred and fifty pounds one Sabbath-day morning, twenty-two
pounds of which were in copper. In the afternoon I collected again
at Kennington Common, and continued to do so at most of the
places where I preached. Besides this, two or three of the bishops,
and several persons of distinction contributed, until at length, having
gotten about a thousand and ten pounds, I gave over collecting, and
went with what I had to Georgia. At that time multitudes offered to
accompany me; but I chose to take over only a surgeon and a few
more of both sexes, that I thought would be useful in carrying on
my design. My dear fellow-traveller William Seward, Esq., also joined
with them. Our first voyage was to Philadelphia, where I was willing
to go for the sake of laying in provision. I laid out in London a good
part of the thousand pounds for goods, and got as much by them in
Philadelphia as nearly defrayed the families' expenses of coming
over. Here God blessed my ministry daily....
"January following, 1739, I met my family at Georgia, and being
unwilling to lose any time, I hired a large house, and took in all the
orphans I could find in the colony. A great many also of the town's
children came to school gratis, and many poor people that could not
maintain their children, upon application, had leave given them to
send their little ones for a month or two, or more as they could
spare them, till at length my family consisted of between sixty and
seventy. Most of the orphans were in poor case, and three or four
almost eaten up with lice. I likewise erected an infirmary, in which
many sick people were cured and taken care of gratis. I have now by
me a list of upwards of a hundred and thirty patients, which were
under the surgeon's hands, exclusive of my own private family.
About March I began the great house, having only about one
hundred and fifty pounds in cash. I called it Bethesda, because I
hoped it would be a house of mercy to many souls. Many boys have
been put out to trades, and many girls put out to service. I had the
pleasure, the other day, to see three boys work at the house in
which they were bred, one of them out of his time, a journeyman,
and the others serving under their masters. One that I brought from
New England is handsomely settled in Carolina; and another from
Philadelphia is married, and lives very comfortably in Savannah. We
have lately begun to use the plough, and next year I hope to have
many acres of good oats and barley. We have nearly twenty sheep
and lambs, fifty head of cattle, and seven horses. We hope to kill a
thousand weight of pork this season. Our garden is very beautiful,
furnishes us with all sorts of greens, etc., etc. We have plenty of
milk, eggs, poultry, and make a good deal of butter weekly. A good
quantity of wool and cotton have been given me, and we hope to
have sufficient spun and wove for the next winter's clothing. The
family now consists of twenty-six persons. Two of the orphan boys
are blind, one is little better than an idiot. I have two women to take
care of the household work, and two men and three boys employed
about the plantation and cattle. A set of Dutch servants has been
lately sent over. The magistrates were pleased to give me two; and I
took in a poor widow, aged near seventy, whom nobody else cared
to have. A valuable young man from New England is my
schoolmaster, and in my absence performs duty in the family. On
Sabbaths, the grown people attend on public worship at Savannah,
or at White Bluff, a village near Bethesda, where a Dutch minister
officiates. The house is a noble, commodious building, and every
thing sweetly adapted for bringing up youth. Georgia is very healthy;
not above one, and that a little child, has died out of our family since
it removed to Bethesda."
A tabular statement follows this account, giving full particulars of
the eighty-six children who to that period had been admitted into the
establishment.
Old newspapers, as daguerreotyping the facts, and even the
feelings of any particular period, are sometimes invaluable. In New
York, as everywhere else, Whitefield had his enemies, and many
charges were brought against him. But that there were those who
took a strongly favorable view of his character and conduct, is very
clear from an extract we give from "The New York Post-Boy," of
April, 1746: "Mr. Whitefield's excellent parts, fine elocution, and
masterly address; his admirable talent of opening the Scriptures, and
enforcing the most weighty subjects upon the conscience; his polite
and serious behavior, his unaffected and superior piety, his
prudence, humility, and catholic spirit, are things which must silence
and disarm prejudice itself. By these qualifications of the orator, the
divine, and the Christian, he has not only fixed himself deeper in the
affections of his former friends, but greatly increased the number
wherever he has preached; and made his way into the hearts of
several who, till this visit, had said all the severe things against him
that enmity itself seemed capable of."
From this period, this paper especially noticed the various
movements of this apostolic man; his arrivals in the city, his
engagements in it, his departures from it, and the places of his
destination, were all given with the minutiæ with which even the
movements of monarchs are recorded.
It was not without its use that the organs of the public thus
expressed their high sense of his character. In 1745, suspicions were
whispered abroad as to the entire integrity of this excellent man in
the appropriation of the funds collected for Bethesda. But happily for
all parties, the magistrates of Savannah published in the Philadelphia
Gazette an affidavit, that they had carefully examined Mr.
Whitefield's receipts and disbursements, and found that what he had
collected in behalf of the orphans, had been honestly applied, and
that besides, he had given considerably to them of his own property.
Having done what he could at Bethesda, feeling his health failing
him, needing resources for his orphans, and urged on by his love of
preaching, Whitefield was soon again in the field, far away from his
home. In the autumn of 1746, we find many passages in his journals
and letters like these, while in Maryland: "I trust the time for
favoring this and the neighboring southern provinces is come.
Everywhere, almost, the door is opened for preaching, great
numbers flock to hear, and the power of an ascended Saviour
attends the word. For it is surprising how the Lord causes prejudices
to subside, and makes my former most bitter enemies to be at peace
with me.... Lately I have been in seven counties in Maryland, and
preached with abundant success." At Charleston, South Carolina, he
writes, January 1747, "The Lord Jesus is pleased to give me great
access to multitudes of souls." A few weeks later, he writes from the
same place, that Bethesda was never in a better condition; that he
had opened a Latin school there during the winter, and that he
hoped yet to see ministers furnished from Georgia.
In April, we again find him in Maryland, as he writes on the
twenty-fifth of that month from Bohemia, in that province, and
speaks of the success of Mr. Samuel, afterwards President Davies, in
Virginia, but adds that a proclamation had been issued in that state
against itinerants, so that he himself was shut out of it. In the
middle of May he exults, "Maryland is yielding converts to the
blessed Jesus. The gospel seems to be moving southward. The
harvest is promising. The time of the singing birds is come;" and five
days afterwards he says, "I have been now a three hundred miles'
circuit in Maryland, and through one or two counties in Pennsylvania.
Everywhere the people have a hearing ear, and I trust some have an
obedient heart."
On the first of June we find him in Philadelphia, from whence he
writes, "At present I have full work here. The congregations
yesterday were large, and for this month past I have been preaching
to thousands in different places." During the whole of this month his
health was in a very critical state. Here we have a few sentences
from his pen, as given on different days: "I am sick and well, as I
used to be in England; but the Redeemer fills me with comfort. I am
determined, in his strength, to die fighting.... I have almost a
continual burning fever. With great regret I have omitted preaching
one night to oblige my friends, and purpose to do so once more,
that they may not charge me with murdering myself. But I hope yet
to die in the pulpit, or soon after I come out of it.... Since my last, I
have been several times on the verge of eternity. At present I am so
weak that I cannot preach. It is hard work to be silent, but I must
be tried every way."
Sickness did not interrupt Whitefield's labors, if he could move or
preach at all. "I am determined," he says to Gilbert Tennent, "to die
fighting, though it be on my stumps." He was soon after at New
York, Newport, Portsmouth, and Boston. At New York he writes, "I
am as willing to hunt for souls as ever. I am not weary of my work."
On the next day he writes, "I have preached to a very large auditory,
and do not find myself much worse for it." He did so again with
success. He then says, "I shall go to Boston like an arrow out of a
bow, if Jesus strengthen me. I am resolved to preach and work for
Him until I can preach and work no more. I have been upon the
water three or four days, and now eat like a sailor." He went on to
Boston, where he heard of the sudden but joyful death of his
venerable and excellent friend Dr. Colman. He adds, "My reception at
Boston and elsewhere was like unto the first. Arrows of conviction
fled and stuck fast. Congregations were larger than ever, and
opposers' mouths were stopped."
After again making short visits to Philadelphia and Bohemia,
Whitefield, according to previous arrangements, went to spend the
winter in North Carolina. Before he left Bohemia, however, he wrote
to his friends at New York, who were intensely anxious about his
health, but he could only say it was yet fluctuating. Even so was it
when he arrived in North Carolina, yet he writes, "I am here, hunting
in the woods, these ungospelized wilds, for sinners. It is pleasant
work, though my body is weak and crazy. But after a short
fermentation in the grave, it will be fashioned like unto Christ's
glorious body. The thought of this rejoices my soul, and makes me
long to leap my seventy years. I sometimes think all will go to
heaven before me. Pray for me as a dying man; but Oh, pray that I
may not go off as a snuff. I would fain die blazing—not with human
glory, but with the love of Jesus."
Such was his weakness, that his journey to Bathtown, in North
Carolina, was long and slow. Even a short ride was fatiguing and
painful. Still, he preached with considerable power; cheered on from
stage to stage by the hope that the conversion of "North Carolina
sinners would be glad news in heaven." His letters indicated lively
hopes of an extensive revival, but his expectations were not fully
realized. His health was still exceedingly feeble, and his physicians
ordered him to try a change of climate. He accordingly embarked for
the Bermudas, where he landed, March 15, 1748.
The Bermudas are a group of four small islands lying about nine
hundred miles east of Georgia. The largest of the islands is called St.
George's, with a capital of the same name; the climate is remarkably
fine, and well adapted for the temporary residence and recovery of
invalids. Here Whitefield met with an exceedingly kind reception, and
remained on the island with great benefit to his health, more than a
month. We scarcely need to say that he was not idle during his
residence here, but traversed the island from one end to the other,
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