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 Sample Final Exam #6
(Summer 2008; thanks to Hélène Martin)

1. Array Mystery
Consider the following method:
public static void arrayMystery(String[] a) {
for (int i = 0; i < a.length; i++) {
a[i] = a[i] + a[a.length - 1 - i];
}
}
Indicate in the right-hand column what values would be stored in the array after the method arrayMystery executes
if the array in the left-hand column is passed as a parameter to it.
Original Contents of Array Final Contents of Array
String[] a1 = {"a", "b", "c"};
arrayMystery(a1); _____________________________

String[] a2 = {"a", "bb", "c", "dd"};

arrayMystery(a2); _____________________________

String[] a3 = {"z", "y", "142", "w", "xx"};

arrayMystery(a3); _____________________________

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2. Reference Semantics Mystery
The following program produces 4 lines of output. Write the output below, as it would appear on the console.
public class Pokemon {
int level;

public Pokemon(int level) {

this.level = level;
}
}

public class ReferenceMystery {

public static void main(String[] args) {
int hp = 10;
Pokemon squirtle = new Pokemon(5);

battle(squirtle, hp);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");

hp = hp + squirtle.level;

battle(squirtle, hp + 1);
System.out.println("Level " + squirtle.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
}

public static void battle(Pokemon poke, int hp) {

poke.level++;
hp -= 5;
System.out.println("Level " + poke.level + ", " + hp + " hp");
}
}

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3. Inheritance Mystery
Assume that the following classes have been defined:

public class Dog extends Cat { public class Cat {

public void m1() { public void m1() {
m2(); System.out.print("cat 1 ");
System.out.print("dog 1 "); }
}
} public void m2() {
System.out.print("cat 2 ");
public class Lion extends Dog { }
public void m2() {
System.out.print("lion 2 "); public String toString() {
super.m2(); return "cat";
} }
}
public String toString() {
return "lion";
}
}
Given the classes above, what output is produced by the following code?
Cat[] elements = {new Dog(), new Cat(), new Lion()};
for (int i = 0; i < elements.length; i++) {
elements[i].m1();
System.out.println();
elements[i].m2();
System.out.println();
System.out.println(elements[i]);
System.out.println();
}

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4. File Processing
Write a static method evaluate that accepts as a parameter a Scanner containing a series of tokens representing a
numeric expression involving addition and subtraction and that returns the value of the expression. For example, if a
Scanner called data contains the following tokens:
4.2 + 3.4 - 4.1
The call of evaluate(data); should evaluate the result as (4.2+3.4-4.1) = (7.6-4.1) = 3.5 and should return this
value as its result. Every expression will begin with a real number and then will have a series of operator/number
pairs that follow. The operators will be either + (addition) or - (subtraction). As in the example above, there will be
spaces separating numbers and operators. You may assume the expression is legal.
Your program should evaluate operators sequentially from left to right. For example, for this expression:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0
your method should evaluate the operators as follows:
7.3 - 4.1 - 2.0 = (7.3 - 4.1) - 2.0 = 3.2 - 2.0 = 1.2
The Scanner might contain just a number, in which case your method should return that number as its result.

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5. File Processing
Write a static method blackjack that accepts as its parameter a Scanner for an input file containing a hand of
playing cards, and returns the point value of the hand in the card game Blackjack.
A card has a rank and a suit. There are 13 ranks: Ace, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, Jack, Queen, and King. There are 4
suits: Clubs, Diamonds, Hearts, and Spades. A Blackjack hand's point value is the sum of its cards' point values. A
card's point value comes from its rank; the suit is irrelevant. In this problem, cards are worth the following points:
Rank Point Value
2-10 The card's rank (for example, a 7 is worth 7 points)
Jack (J), Queen (Q), King (K) 10 points each
Ace (A) 11 points (for this problem; simplified compared to real Blackjack)
The input file contains a single hand of cards, each represented by a pair of "<rank> <suit>" tokens. For example:
5 Diamonds
Q Spades
2 Spades 3 Hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 20, since the cards' point values are 5 + 10 + 2 + 3 = 20.
The input can be in mixed casing, have odd spacing between tokens, and can be split across lines. For example:
2 Hearts
j SPADES a Diamonds
2 ClUbS
A
hearts
Given the above input, your method should return 36, since the cards' point values are 2 + 10 + 11 + 2 + 11 = 36.
You may assume that the Scanner contains at least 1 card (two tokens) of input, and that no line will contain any
tokens other than valid card data. The real game of Blackjack has many other rules that you should ignore for this
problem, such as the notion of going "bust" once you exceed a score of 21.

5 of 9
6. Array Programming
Write a static method named allPlural that accepts an array of strings as a parameter and returns true only if
every string in the array is a plural word, and false otherwise. For this problem a plural word is defined as any
string that ends with the letter S, case-insensitively. The empty string "" is not considered a plural word, but the
single-letter string "s" or "S" is. Your method should return true if passed an empty array (one with 0 elements).
The table below shows calls to your method and the expected values returned:
Array Call and Value Returned
String[] a1 = {"snails", "DOGS", "Cats"}; allPlural(a1) returns true
String[] a2 = {"builds", "Is", "S", "THRILLs", "CS"}; allPlural(a2) returns true
String[] a3 = {}; allPlural(a3) returns true
String[] a4 = {"She", "sells", "sea", "SHELLS"}; allPlural(a4) returns false
String[] a5 = {"HANDS", "feet", "toes", "OxEn"}; allPlural(a5) returns false
String[] a6 = {"shoes", "", "socks"}; allPlural(a6) returns false
For full credit, your method should not modify the array's elements.

6 of 9
7. Array Programming
Write a static method named reverseChunks that accepts two parameters, an array of integers a and an integer
"chunk" size s, and reverses every s elements of a. For example, if s is 2 and array a stores {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6},
a is rearranged to store {2, 1, 4, 3, 6, 5}. With an s of 3 and the same elements {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}, array
a is rearranged to store {3, 2, 1, 6, 5, 4}. The chunks on this page are underlined for convenience.
If a's length is not evenly divisible by s, the remaining elements are untouched. For example, if s is 4 and array a
stores {5, 4, 9, 2, 1, 7, 8, 6, 2, 10}, a is rearranged to store {2, 9, 4, 5, 6, 8, 7, 1, 2, 10}.
It is also possible that s is larger than a's entire length, in which case the array is not modified at all. You may assume
that s is 1 or greater (an s of 1 would not modify the array). If array a is empty, its contents should remain unchanged.
The following table shows some calls to your method and their expected results:
Array and Call Array Contents After Call
int[] a1 = {20, 10, 30, 60, 50, 40}; {10, 20, 60, 30, 40, 50}
reverseChunks(a1, 2);
int[] a2 = {2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16}; {6, 4, 2, 12, 10, 8, 14, 16}
reverseChunks(a2, 3);
int[] a3 = {7, 1, 3, 5, 9, 8, 2, 6, 4, 10, 0, 12}; {9, 5, 3, 1, 7, 10, 4, 6, 2, 8, 0, 12}
reverseChunks(a3, 5);
int[] a4 = {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}; {1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6}
reverseChunks(a4, 8);
int[] a5 = {}; {}
reverseChunks(a5, 2);

7 of 9
8. Critters
Write a class Minnow that extends Critter from HW8, along with its movement and eating behavior. All other
aspects of Minnow use the defaults. Add fields, constructors, etc. as necessary to your class.
Minnow objects initially move in a S/E/S/E/... pattern. However, when a Minnow encounters food (when its eat
method is called), it should do all of the following:
• Do not eat the food.
• Start the movement cycle over. In other words, the next move after eat is called should always be South.
• Lengthen and reverse the horizontal portion of the movement cycle pattern.
The Minnow should reverse its horizontal direction and increase its horizontal movement distance by 1 for
subsequent cycles. For example, if the Minnow had been moving S/E/S/E, it will now move S/W/W/S/W/W. If
it hits a second piece of food, it will move S/E/E/E/S/E/E/E, and a third, S/W/W/W/W/S/W/W/W/W, and so on.
?
The following is an example timeline of a particular Minnow object's movement. The ??
timeline below is also drawn in the diagram at right. Underlined occurrences mark squares ??
where the Minnow found food. ???
???
• S, E, S, E (hits food) ?
????
• S, W, W, S, W, W, S (hits food) ????
• S, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, S, E (hits food) ??
• S (hits food) ?
??????
• S, E, E, E, E, E, S, E, E, E, E, E, ...

8 of 9
9. Classes and Objects
Suppose that you are provided with a pre-written class Date as // Each Date object stores a single
described at right. (The headings are shown, but not the method // month/day such as September 19.
bodies, to save space.) Assume that the fields, constructor, and // This class ignores leap years.
methods shown are already implemented. You may refer to them
or use them in solving this problem if necessary. public class Date {
private int month;
Write an instance method named bound that will be placed inside private int day;
the Date class to become a part of each Date object's behavior.
The bound method constrains a Date to within a given range of // Constructs a date with
dates. It accepts two other Date objects d1 and d2 as parameters; // the given month and day.
public Date(int m, int d)
d1's date is guaranteed to represent a date that comes no later in
the year than d2's date. // Returns the date's day.
The bound method makes sure that this Date object is between public int getDay()
d1's and d2's dates, inclusive. If this Date object is not between
// Returns the date's month.
those dates inclusive, it is adjusted to the nearest date in the public int getMonth()
acceptable range. The method returns a result of true if this
Date was within the acceptable range, or false if it was shifted. // Returns the number of days
// in this date's month.
For example, given the following Date objects: public int daysInMonth()
Date date1 = new Date(7, 12);
Date date2 = new Date(10, 31); // Modifies this date's state
Date date3 = new Date(9, 19); // so that it has moved forward
Date bound1 = new Date(8, 4); // in time by 1 day, wrapping
Date bound2 = new Date(9, 26); // around into the next month
Date bound3 = new Date(12, 25); // or year if necessary.
// example: 9/19 -> 9/20
The following calls to your method should adjust the given Date // example: 9/30 -> 10/1
objects to represent the following dates and should return the // example: 12/31 -> 1/1
following results: public void nextDay()
call date becomes returns
date1.bound(bound1, bound2) 8/4 false
// your method would go here
date2.bound(bound1, bound2) 9/26 false
date3.bound(bound1, bound3) 9/19 true }
date2.bound(bound3, bound3) 12/25 false

9 of 9
Other documents randomly have
different content
which has been quoted by every one of the historians of the voyage from D'Anville to
Lauridsen. I transcribe it from Brooke's translation of 1736, pp. 437-8.

"The provisions consisted of Carrots for want of Corn (=grain or wheat), the fat of
Fish uncured served instead of Butter and salt fish supplied the place of all other
meats."

Campbell in Harris' Voyages, p. 1020, still further enlarges this statement and
Lauridsen puts it

"Fish oil was his butter and dried fish his beef and pork. Salt he was obliged to get
from the sea," and "he distilled spirits from 'sweet straw.'"

This gives a totally false idea of the supplies provided for the expedition. Bering
received from Yakutsk over forty-two tons of flour, and large numbers, fifty at a time,
of the small Siberian cattle were driven on the hoof to Okhotsk where their flesh was
partly dried and partly salted. On his return he delivered surplus supplies to the
proper officers in Kamchatka and at Okhotsk ever 30,000 lbs. of meal, flour and salt
meat. There were at that time no carrots to be had in Kamchatka as Bering himself
testifies. Salted salmon then as now, formed a staple article of diet in Kamchatka and
was without doubt included in his stores. The delicate fat obtained by boiling the
bellies of the salmon, is annually prepared in Kamchatka and is regarded to this day
as a great delicacy (cf. Voyage of the Marchesa, 2d edition, p. 135.) A store of it
might without any hardship be furnished to the commander for use as butter. Salt he
obtained as it is usually obtained by evaporating sea-water, and the absence of strong
drink of European origin was supplied by a distillation of the stalks of the bear's foot
or "sweet herb" of the Cossacks (Heracleum dulce Kittlitz), long used for that purpose
by the Russians in Siberia and from which, even in modern times, according to
Seemann, the Kamchadales secured additions to their scanty supply of syrup or sugar.

The supplies then of the expedition, were not inferior to those in common use at sea
at that period, and as far as health is concerned were certainly less likely to result in
an invasion of scurvy than the use of salt beef and pork alone would have been.

It must be remembered that the fare on naval vessels all over the world in those
days, was rude and coarse to a degree now long unknown and that it was not until
 the voyages of Cook, nearly half a century later, that the antiscorbutic and varied
regimen, now usually enforced by law in maritime nations, was even thought of.

The force crowded together on the little Gabriel is enumerated by Lauridsen

presumably from the account of Bergh.

It consisted beside the commander, of Lieutenants Martin Spanberg and Alexie

Chirikoff; Second Lieutenant Peter Chaplin, Doctor Nieman, a quartermaster, eight
sailors, a worker in leather, a rope maker, five carpenters, a boatswain, two cossacks
with a drummer and nine marines, six servants, stewards, etc., and two Kariak
interpreters, a cabin boy and a pilot, in all forty-four persons.

It is not clear from Lauridsen's account whether in the above list are or are not
included the two mates, Richard Engel and George Morison, or the cartographer
Potiloff, who started with Bering from St. Petersburg. Luzhin was left behind, being ill.

July 13/24. The variation of the compass was determined to be 13°

10' easterly (L.). In the afternoon (being the 14th nautical
reckoning) the vessel left the Kamchatka river. (B. C. H.) They
steered to the northeast along the coast, which was kept in sight to
the north and west, in from nine to twelve fathoms water. As the
point of departure Cape Kamchatka was determined to be in north
latitude 56° 3' (M. L.)

Notes.—The variation of the compass in 1885 was 2° 30' easterly (Schott). As will be
seen by the Table of Positions, the latitude above given for the cape is not the same
as that adopted by Bering on his chart. The depth mentioned shows that the Gabriel
must have kept within a few miles, probably not exceeding ten, from the shore and
the very slow progress made, as indicated by the log, not much exceeding two miles
an hour gives rise to the suspicion that, in the early part of the voyage, in order to
keep their survey continuous, they probably lay to during the hours of darkness. Off
Karaginski Island the variation of the compass was determined to be the same as at
the mouth of the Kamchatka river.

From this date to the 27th, the accessible authorities give no data, and the expedition
probably pursued its way uneventfully.
July 27/Aug. 7. This day a prominent Cape was passed at a distance
of some three miles. [It was named St. Thaddeus, after the saint on
whose holy day it was again seen on the return voyage.] Many
grampus, porpoises, seals and sealions were seen (L.).

Notes.—This Cape St. Thaddeus is not the cape of the same name on modern charts,
but the cape now known as Cape Navarin. This is evident from Bering's chart.
Bering's position for the cape is in error about fifteen miles in latitude and three
degrees in longitude on his chart, while in the list of positions, the error is only about
five miles of latitude and half a degree in longitude.

From near Cape Thaddeus Bering stood across Anadyr Gulf, out of sight of the low
land, missing Anadyr Bay, and thereby falling into the error of placing on his chart the
mouth of the Anadyr River south of the cape. The error was subsequently corrected
by G. F. Müller.

Lauridsen observes (American edition, p. 30), that "having sailed past the Anadyr
River without quite being able to find their bearings, in regions of which they had not
a single astronomical determination," etc. This is absurd. They had a compass and
there is no reason why they should not find their bearings, and it is certain they were
there to make observations and not to verify those already made. No apology is
needed for Bering's determination to press more rapidly northward. It was in
accordance with common sense, considering the lateness of the season and the
uncertainty of what they had to accomplish before the season closed.

Aug. 1/12. Festival of the Holy Cross. The expedition saw land to the
northward and soon after entered a great bay which they named
Holy Cross Bay. This they explored to the river at its head which they
named Bolshoia (Great) River, and on the western point of entrance
the latitude was, Aug. 2/13, observed to be 65° 35' north, while the
longitude by dead reckoning was estimated at 182° 15' east of
Greenwich, and the magnetic variation ¾ of a point easterly.

Notes.—Lauridsen says (p. 31, American edition) that in Holy Cross Bay the Gabriel
spent two days under sail in search of fresh water and a place to anchor. This is
extremely singular, as there is an anchorage immediately at the entrance to the bay,
on the starboard hand, and runs of fresh water are abundant. The application of an
obvious correction10 to the list of positions given by Campbell makes the position at
the western elbow or spit, at the mouth of Holy Cross Bay, that which is given above.
This position is over a degree too far west and over six miles too far south. But
Lauridsen (quoting Campbell without observing the blunder?) not stating the source
of his information, gives a position (N. Lat. 62° 50') which is two hundred and twelve
miles too far south and the English translation improves upon this by making it 60°
50', or three hundred and thirty-two miles south of the truth, or two hundred and
sixty-five miles south of the entrance to the bay as platted on Bering's own chart.

[10 In Harris' Voy., 2d ed., ii, p. 1021, Bering's table of positions is printed:

Long. E.
N. Lat.
Tobolsk.
Nischuvi Kamschatska Oostrog 56° 11', 98° 30'
The Mouth of the river of the Apostle
56° 03', 96° 10'
Thadeus and the Cape
The Elbow of the river Swetoi Krest 62° 20', 111° 32'
Eastern Point 65° 35', 115° 15'

This should read, errors and misplacements corrected:

Long. E.
N. Lat.
Tobolsk.
Nizhni Kamschatsk Ostrog 56° 11', 95° 30'
The mouth of the River (Kamchatka) 56° 03', 96° 10'
The Cape of the Apostle Thaddens 62° 20', 111° 32'
The western cape (or spit) of Svietoi
65° 35', 115° 15'
Krest Bay

The words in parentheses are added by the writer for clearness. It is somewhat
surprising that in using this table nobody seems to have recognized these errors.]

Bering's table in his report and Bering's chart as printed by D'Anville differ from each
other fifteen miles in latitude and two degrees and twenty-five minutes or nearly
 seventy-five miles in longitude. The chart is the more correct, but it differs more than
thirty miles in latitude and nearly a degree in longitude from the modern observations
of Lütké and Rodgers for the same locality. After leaving Holy Cross Bay, the voyage
was continued to the southeast along the "high and rocky coast" of which Lauridsen
(probably paraphrasing Bergh) says that "every indentation was very carefully
explored." This is obviously a flight of fancy, since a good part of this coast is low and
sandy, while there is no indication of two excellent harbors which it affords, on any of
the charts of Bering or his successors in that century.

Aug. 6/17, 1728. This day, the festival of the Transfiguration, found
the Gabriel entering a small bay, which on that account was named
Transfiguration (Preobrazhenia) Bay. Here they anchored (L.).
Lieutenant Chaplin was sent ashore for water and found native huts
but no people.

Notes.—This bay has never been surveyed, and on the best modern charts is merely
indicated, while on many others it is omitted altogether or the name transferred to
the anchorage north of Cape Bering or to Plover Bay. Bering's position for the spit at
the entrance of Transfiguration Bay is two degrees and a quarter too far east and
sixteen miles too far north by the table, but his chart gives the position much more
closely, with a difference from Rodgers' chart of not exceeding five miles.

Aug. 7/18. They proceeded along the coast in a south-southeasterly

direction.

Note.—The total eclipse of the moon of this date could hardly have been observed by
Bering, since the moon must have been close to the horizon and first contact of the
shadow occurred only about five minutes before the moon set. As Bering does not
mention it, it is not likely that he noted the eclipse.

Aug. 8/19. At seven in the morning a skin-boat (umiak or bidarrá)

was observed to be launched from the shore, eight men getting into
it and rowing toward the vessel (B.). They approached within hail,
and were understood, through the aid of the Kariak interpreters on
board the Gabriel, to enquire whence the vessel came and what was
the object of the expedition in entering these waters. After much
persuasion one of the natives left the skin-boat and swam,
sustaining himself on two inflated seal-skins tied by a pole, to the
Gabriel and came on board and the others, seeing that no harm
befel him, came nearer the vessel shortly afterward (M. B. C.). The
interpreters had some difficulty in understanding all the natives said,
but it was gathered from their conversation that these people called
themselves Chukchi (or by an analogous name); that they were
acquainted with the Russians, by report or otherwise, that there
were numerous settlements of their people along this shore; that the
Anadyr River lay far to the west (L.); that to the south and east lay
an island which would soon be visible to the people on the Gabriel if
they continued on the course they were then steering; that in the
vicinity of this island the shore of the mainland changes its direction
and extends beyond to the north and then to the westward (B. M. C.
H.). The man who had boarded the vessel was given some presents
and sent back to the native boat, in the hope that he would
persuade his comrades to come on board the Gabriel, but,
suspecting some evil design, the natives pulled away toward the
shore and disappeared. According to Bergh, Chaplin's journal
expresses regret that more important information could not be
obtained owing to the difficulty in interpreting what was said by the
Chukchi. At noon the latitude was estimated to be 64° 30'. In the
afternoon the cape mentioned by the Chukchis was seen.

Notes.—The account given in Bering's report, and variously rendered by Müller,

Brooks, D'Anville and Campbell, differs in several details from that given in Chaplin's
journal and described by Bergh and Lauridsen. The various English versions of both
fail in clearly rendering the important point gained by this interview with the natives,
which was, that, at a short distance, the main coast changes its direction and turns to
the north and west. These Chukchis pointed the way to the strait for the party on the
Gabriel, and their account proved to be accurate in every particular.

The people of this part of the coast call themselves Tsau-chú, which is their tribal
name. The similar name of another branch living near the Anadyr River has been
corrupted into the word Chuk-chi, by the Russians, from which we derive our general
name for these people. Lauridsen says "Breden var 64° 41'" which in the American
 edition stands, "the longitude (sic) was 64° 41'." But the original and all the variants
of Bering's own report make the latitude 64° 30' which is correct. If it had been 64°
41' they would have been north of their own position for Transfiguration Bay, from
which their course had been S.S.E., therefore the 41' is certainly erroneous.

On Bering's chart he refers to the point of the coast where the shore changes its
direction under the name Chukotskago Noss, which means the promontory of the
Chukchi, though this is not the same as the Chukchi Cape of the Anadyr Cossacks,
who so denominated the eastern extreme of Asia, which they knew from report and
by the voyage of Deshneff. There can be no reasonable doubt that Bering named his
cape after the people who had described it to him, although the imperfections of the
record leave this to be inferred. Bering's map gives the latitude of the south extreme
of the cape as about 64° 02', and it is erroneously represented as extending south of
the latitude of the northwest end of St. Lawrence Island. Its real latitude is about
fifteen miles further north. Cook made it 64° 13'. Chaplin's journal (according to
Lauridsen) makes it 64° 18', which would agree with the latest surveys very nearly,
though the coincidence must be regarded as a happy accident in view of their
imperfect tables, instruments and methods. Bering's report places its eastern extreme
in 64° 25' and (wrongly) in the same longitude as the west end of St. Lawrence
Island.

Aug. 10/21. St. Lawrence's day. The island referred to by the

Chukchi was seen and the vessel stood toward it, about two o'clock
in the afternoon. Twice, an officer with a four-oared boat was sent to
reconnoiter the coast more closely, but he saw only what appeared
to be huts without inhabitants (C). The island (of which only the
northwest hilly portion was seen, owing to the hazy weather) was
named after the patron saint of the day and the course of the vessel
was changed to the northward.

Aug. 11/22. At noon the latitude was estimated at 64° 20', and at
sunset an attempt was made by the determination of the magnetic
variation to get the longitude (L.).

Notes.—An illustration of the want of care with which Lauridsen has weighed his
comments, it may be pointed out that he claims (p. 32, Am. Ed.) that on reaching
 latitude 64° 20' the Gabriel was in Bering Strait, while two pages later, on her return
southward, he declares her to have got out of the strait on reaching latitude 64° 27'!
As a matter of fact, at the present day, the whalers and traders of this region consider
that Cape Chaplin (more commonly known as Indian Point) forms the southwest point
of entrance to the strait; and this point is situated in latitude 64° 25' and E. longitude
187° 40', as determined by the writer in 1880. This is perhaps the point referred to
by Bering as the eastern point of his Chukotskoi Cape.

The magnetic method of determining the longitude would give correct results only
accidentally, as previously explained. The result announced by Lauridsen for the
present occasion is 25° 31' east from Lower Kamchatka Ostrog or 187° 51' east from
Greenwich, which would be within a few miles of the latest determinations. But it is
obvious from Bering's map that he could not have made his position less than 28° 45'
east from Lower Kamchatka, and the position above given is perhaps an interpolation
from modern sources, which has been misunderstood or mistranslated. As Lauridsen
has paraphrased, not quoted, it is impossible in the absence of Bergh's original to
determine who is responsible for the incongruity. An interpolation seems the more
likely since Bering himself gives the longitude as 189° 55' E. Gr.11

[11 A glance at Bergh shows that this statement of Lauridsen is simply a blunder.
Bergh only says they obtained the magnetic variation (25° 31' easterly) by an
amplitude observation! Longitude is not mentioned, nor Kamchatka.]

Aug. 12/23. From noon of the 11th to noon of this day, the Gabriel
sailed sixty-nine miles, but the difference of latitude was only 21
miles. The wind was light to fresh and the weather overcast (L.).

Notes.—If the above statement be taken literally with the assumption that they were
at noon of the 11th in latitude 64° 20' and E. longitude 188° from Greenwich, it
would give their position for noon of the 12th as 64° 49' and longitude 190° 45' E.
Gr., which does not at all accord with the subsequently narrated course, etc. If we
proceed on the hypothesis that it means that the log recorded 69 miles and that only
29 miles were made good (which might easily happen if the polar current were
running strong on the west side of the strait) and that their course was parallel with
the Siberian shore in a general way they would have been, at noon of August 12th, in
 latitude 64° 49' and longitude 188° E. Gr. or thereabouts, which agrees very fairly
with the known circumstances.

Aug. 13/24. A fresh breeze and cloudy weather. The Gabriel sailed
the whole day with no land in sight and the difference in latitude
was only 78 miles at noon, reckoned from noon of the 12th. The
wind diminished toward night.

Notes.—On the same hypothesis as to the meaning of "difference in latitude" as the

words are used by Lauridsen, the Gabriel at noon of the 13th would have been ten or
twelve miles south from East Cape and in about latitude 65° 55'. If the words are to
be taken literally, as a navigator would use them, the Gabriel would have been about
fifteen miles to the northward and eastward of East Cape, which agrees much less
with the subsequently detailed circumstances. With the nautical day beginning at
noon on the 13th according to Lauridsen the weather began to be calm and cloudy
which would check their progress.

Aug. 14/25. This is the festival of Saint Demetrius of Africa. A

current was experienced during this day which was estimated to
have helped the vessel northward eight miles and three quarters.
This current ran from south-southeast to north-northwest. From
noon of the 13th to noon of this day the vessel sailed 29 miles in
addition to the current drift. At noon the latitude was estimated to
be 66° 41' and high land was visible astern. At three o'clock in the
afternoon high mountains were observed to the southward, which,
says Chaplin, "were probably on the continent."

Notes.—Under any hypothesis either the run of the vessel was underestimated or the
latitude was overestimated. Adding the estimated run to the position attained under
our hypothesis for the 12th and 13th it will put the Gabriel at noon, August 14th, in
about north latitude 66° 24' and longitude E. Gr. 191° 30'. Chaplin's reckoning as
given by Lauridsen would have put the Gabriel more than fifty miles off shore when
the land spoken of would have been out of sight. Our hypothesis puts her about
twenty-eight miles N.E. true from East Cape when the high land of either shore,
under favorable circumstances, might have been seen even if the sky were overcast.
Clouds do not interfere with seeing, unless attended by fog or haze. During this day
 the Gabriel had sailed between East Cape and the islands now known as the
Diomedes; the shore being near by. Why then should it be noted in the log that "high
land was seen astern" at noon? The high land of Siberia they had seen and sailed
along for days in full sight of it. It seems to us that this excludes the idea that the log
refers to the Siberian highland and that what was seen was the loom of land not
before seen, as of the Diomedes or even of America. It may not have been clear to
the commander and yet have been marked enough for the subordinate officer to have
put it in his log, with the dead reckoning and daily notes.12 On several old charts
mention is made of land seen by Spanberg which is supposed to have been America,
after Gwosdeff had confirmed the existence of the American mainland in that
direction and Synd had landed upon it. This suggestion is not unimportant in
connection with the subsequent conduct of Bering and will be referred to again in its
proper connection. The further fact that all early printed versions of Bering's list of
positions, refer to the modern Diomedes only as the island of St. Demetrius and that
this day was the festival of that obscure saint, lends further confirmation to the above
suggestions.

[12 Lauridsen gets over the discrepancy by putting the word "still" before "seen" (Am.
Ed., p. 41), but there is nothing in the original sources to confirm this view of the
matter.]

Aug. 15/26. The Gabriel appears to have continued to sail in a

northeasterly direction until three o'clock in the afternoon, having
been aided by the current to the extent of 8¾ miles and sailed 65
miles; many whales were seen and the depth averaged between 23
and 36 fathoms. Since the 13th the water had appeared whitish or
discolored. The wind was moderate and the weather cloudy.
Between noon and three o'clock the vessel made seven miles against
a head wind. The position of the Gabriel at that time was estimated
to be in north latitude 67° 18' and 30° 17' east longitude from the
town of Lower Kamchatka (C. corrected).

Note.—The nautical day Aug. 15 extending from noon of the 14th to noon of the 15th
is altogether omitted from the American translation of Lauridsen's book. The position
for the turning point estimated by Chaplin is manifestly by dead reckoning, as the sky
was cloudy. It was not adopted in the list of positions published by Campbell in Harris'
 Voyages nor on Bering's map. In the former the longitude he adopts is 27° 37' east of
Lower Kamchatka fort, and this agrees exactly with the point on the coast in Du
Halde's engraving of Bering's map where the mountains cease to be put down near
the shore, the point on the north coast of Siberia where Lauridsen, and Chaplin as
quoted by him, say Bering did not go, and the point which has been generally
regarded as Bering's farthest!

If we apply the distance and direction from Chaplin's journal to the course of the
Gabriel platted from his preceding data, literally, it will put the turning point of the
voyage in N. latitude 67° 32' and E. longitude 193° 37' or thereabouts, which is about
thirty-five miles off the American coast southwest from Cape Seppings. But if we do
this the position is far from agreeing with Chaplin's. By applying the hypothetical
correction which we have heretofore used, the position would be in latitude 67° 24'
and E. longitude 193° 15' from Greenwich or 31° east from Lower Kamchatka fort,
agreeing more nearly with Chaplin. On the other hand the position off Cape Seppings
agrees better with Chaplin's figures for the remainder of the day.

At this point the commander of the expedition determined to turn

homeward. The Gabriel was put on a course S. by E. by compass (S.
by W. ½ W. true, the variation allowed being 2½ points easterly)
before a brisk seven knot breeze, making better time than is
recorded for any part of her outward voyage.

Notes.—Lauridsen says13 that, in terminating the outward voyage, Bering "announced

that as he had now accomplished his task it was his duty, according to his orders, to
return." Müller and other authorities quote, more or less modified in the translation,
the reasons given in Bering's report. But, as there is no reason to suppose these were
uttered to the ship's company officially at the time, a consideration of them may be
deferred until the total results of the voyage are discussed. The course set, according
to Chaplin's journal, would, if made good, have carried the Gabriel east of the
Diomedes and close to Cape Prince of Wales. The northwesterly current referred to by
Chaplin and recognized by most navigators who have since visited those seas, would
have carried the vessel more to the westward, as was actually the result, and it was
probably allowed for.
 [13 Bergh (p. 54) quotes Chaplin's journal, which says: "At three o'clock Captain
Bering announced: that it was necessary for him, in spite of his instructions, to turn
back, and put the vessel about with orders to steer S. by E. by compass." The italics
are Bergh's, who adds that, in the journal of Lieut. Chirikoff, the same statement is
made in the same words. I transliterate the italicized phrases according to the
schedule for Russian letters published in Nature, Feb. 27, 1890. "Chto nadlezhit emu
protiv ukazu vo ispolnenie vozvratit'sya." This plain statement, which proves that (at
the moment) Bering recognized that he was not fulfilling his orders, is suppressed by
Lauridsen and of course by Bering himself when he came to prepare his official
report. Lauridsen however is not satisfied with suppressing the truth, which would
have weighed so heavily against his hero and his argument, but, with the truth in his
possession, he has inserted in his book a statement which is diametrically opposed to
it as above cited.]

August 16/27. Saint Diomede's day. The Gabriel had kept on her
course with a free wind making more than seven knots (miles) an
hour. At nine in the morning they found themselves off a high
promontory on the west, where there were Chukchi habitations. On
the east and seaward they saw an island, which it was proposed to
call after the saint of the day. At noon the vessel had made since the
previous noon 115 miles and had reached latitude 66° 02'.
Continuing on their way, with a fresh breeze and cloudy weather,
they sailed along the Asiatic coast near enough to observe many
natives and at two places they saw dwellings. At three P.M. very high
land and mountains were passed (probably the highlands near St.
Lawrence Bay).

Notes.—From 3 P.M. Aug. 15th to 9 A.M. Aug. 16th is 18 hours, which at seven knots
an hour (allowing the alleged excess to be the equivalent of the drift caused by the
current) would amount to 126 miles. Deduct from this the seven miles sailed between
noon and 3 P.M. Aug. 15th in the opposite direction and we have remaining 119 miles
made on the homeward voyage at a time when the Gabriel was between the
Diomedes and East Cape, or at least in plain sight of both. But three hours later, at
noon, according to Lauridsen, they had made only 115 miles in all, although the
breeze was fresh and fair. From Chaplin's position for the turning point to latitude 66°
02' off East Cape is 96 miles. From our hypothetically corrected position for the
 turning point, off Cape Seppings, the distance would be to the same place 126 miles,
or thereabouts. It is evident that there is a miscalculation, or an error in the record
here, which, without further data, it is not possible to correct.

It is certain that Bering with whom the right of naming any new island would have
rested, did not then name the island above mentioned after St Diomede. On all copies
of the earlier version of his chart it appears if at all under the name of the Island of
St. Demetrius. From this we may suspect that he identified it with the high land seen
Aug. 14th, St. Demetrius' day, while others on board, suspecting they were not the
same proposed the name of Diomede for the present island; regarding the high land
as something distinct. If the hardy and self-willed Spanberg was the one who
reported the land Aug. 14th, and if he saw the high land about Cape Prince of Wales,
as several old charts allege, he would have been the last to admit that the relatively
small and adjacent island now seen, should be identified with his discovery.

Aug. 17/28. The breeze having been strong and fair an observation
at noon indicated that the latitude was 64° 27' and that the Gabriel
had sailed 164 miles since noon of the 16th. In the afternoon the
weather was clear and the wind became light. (The Gabriel must
have come out of the strait this afternoon).

Notes.—A distance of 164 miles from the position of the previous noon would have
put the Gabriel in latitude 63° 38'. The distance on the general course sailed by the
Gabriel from 66° 02' to 64° 27' is about 107 miles. It is possible that in copying or
printing 104 miles has become transmuted to 164 miles. There is an obvious error
here of some kind.

Aug. 18/29. (Lauridsen does not refer to any record for this day, but
it is probable that the wind continued light and the weather fair and
that the Gabriel was slowly working her way westward and
southward in the vicinity of Cape Chukotski.)

Aug. 19/30. In the afternoon being in the vicinity of the place where
they had met the Chukchi boat on the outward voyage, four baidars
were seen with their crews pulling for the vessel, which accordingly
lay by for them to come up with her. There were ten natives to each
baidar, or forty in all. They brought reindeer meat, fish, and fresh
water in large bladders for sale for which they were suitably
rewarded, while the crew of the Gabriel obtained from them skins of
the red and the polar foxes and four walrus teeth, which the natives
bartered for needles, flint-and-steel for striking fire, and iron. These
Chukchi told them that they went over land to trade at the Kolyma
River, carrying their goods with reindeer, and that they never went
by sea. They had long known the Russians and one of them had
even been to the Anadyrsk fort to trade. From this man they had
hopes of gaining valuable information but he could tell them nothing
more than they had learned from the first Chukchis who had been
questioned.

Aug. 20/31 to Aug. 29/Sept. 9. (For this period the documents

accessible to me give no information, but the Gabriel was doubtless
pursuing her homeward way uneventfully along the coast of
Kamchatka.)

Aug. 30/Sept. 10. A heavy storm arose with fog and the Gabriel
finding herself dangerously close to the shore anchored near the
land to ride it out. A note in Harris indicates that they may have
been near Karaginski Island.

Aug. 31/Sept. 11. At one P.M. the storm had abated, but in weighing
anchor the cable had been so chafed by the rocky bottom that it
parted and they lost the anchor, and were obliged to put to sea
without recovering it.

Sept. 1/12, 1728. At five o'clock in the afternoon they approached

and at seven the next morning entered the mouth of the Kamchatka
river, thus ending the voyage.

Note.—The Gabriel was secured in a slough of the river and the party went up the
river to the fort of Lower Kamchatka where Bering passed the winter.

It is certain that the residents of Kamchatka and others more or less familiar with the
reports of Cossack explorations in Chukchi-land were not altogether satisfied with the
summary manner in which exploration had been given up by Bering, and his apparent
assumption that there was no adjacent land to the eastward except small islands.
More or less such discussion and criticism could hardly have failed to reach his ears,
and his reflections may have led him to think that, after all, he had been too hasty.
Trees not indigenous to Kamchatka had been seen floating near the shores, no heavy
breakers ever proceeded from the eastward and it was even alleged that land or the
loom of land might be seen to the east from the coast mountains in very clear
weather. On account of these and other reasons14 which were urged by residents of
the country, Bering determined to make a new trial. Instead of proceeding directly to
Okhotsk across Kamchatka he fitted out the Gabriel for another voyage. Beside the
fact that Luzhin, one of his cartographers, had explored the Kurile Islands lying next
to Kamchatka, the vessel Fortuna during Bering's absence had doubled Cape Lopatka
and was anchored in the Kamchatka River when Bering entered it on his return. It
was therefore evident that the straits were navigable and the return voyage might be
made that way. Spanberg was ordered to Bolsheretsk "on account of illness" (L.), and
it is possible he took the Fortuna back there since she had already returned to
Bolsheretsk when Bering reached that port, on his way to Okhotsk.

[14 The natives even claimed that a man had been stranded on the coast of
Kamchatka in 1715, who stated that his own country lay to the eastward and
contained forests with high trees and large rivers. (Lauridsen, op. cit. Am. ed. p. 51).
Bering himself states that he made the search of 1729 at the instance of the
Kamchatkan residents.]

Lauridsen has ascribed to Bering's own initiative the willingness to make another
search for land as if these ideas were original with him. It is evident that this is
unjustified and fanciful. Müller's account shows that the incitement to a second
attempt proceeded from the residents of the country and that Bering complied with
their suggestions; and Bering says so himself in his report.

On June15 5/16, 1729, the Gabriel left the mouth of the Kamchatka River and stood
to the eastward, directly off shore. She continued on this course about forty-eight
hours, sailing a distance variously estimated at from ninety to one hundred and thirty
miles. The weather was foggy, no land was seen, the wind shifted to dead ahead at
east northeast, and on the third day Bering gave up the search and steered for the
southern coast of Kamchatka, the extreme of which is marked by the point known as
Narrow (Ooskoi) Cape, or more generally as Shovel (Lopatka) Cape, from its low
square termination. He determined the latitude of this cape, and passing through the
strait south of it reached Bolsheretsk on the west coast of the peninsula on the
second of July. Most of this time was probably spent in tracing the form of the
southern part of Kamchatka. Half way between the Kamchatka River and the coast
the variation was observed to be one point easterly, and off Avatcha Bay three-
quarters of a point easterly.

[15 Lauridsen says July, which is erroneous.]

In the American translation of Lauridsen it is said (p. 51) that Bering fixed the
difference of latitude (for which one should read longitude) between Bolsheretsk and
Lower Kamchatka Ostrog at 6° 29'. But on Bering's maps the difference is only 3° 50',
while in his list of positions no longitude is assigned to Lower Kamchatka post. In
Campbell's list it stands at 8° 39', which the correction of an evident error of 98° for
95° reduces to 5° 39'. The true difference of longitude according to the latest charts
is about 5° 25'. Where Lauridsen got his figures he does not state. Campbell, in
Harris, states that Bering was the first navigator to double Cape Lopatka, but the
Fortuna had made this voyage in 1728, though her commander is not known.

At Bolsheretsk Bering left a crew for the Fortuna which had returned thither; turned
over some of his surplus stores to the local authorities and on the 14/25 July sailed
from the Bolshoia River for Okhotsk. Here he arrived July 23/Aug. 3 and after some
days spent in turning over government property to the local officials and procuring his
horses and outfit, he left Okhotsk July 29/Aug. 9 on the overland journey to St.
Petersburg. The second eclipse of the moon for the year occurred on this day, but
during hours of daylight, and hence was invisible in this part of Asia.

After an uneventful but successful journey Bering arrived in St. Petersburg Mar. 1/12,
1730, bringing with him, according to Du Halde, the map and report he had prepared
upon his explorations.

TABLE OF GEOGRAPHICAL POSITIONS DERIVED FROM BERING'S

FIRST VOYAGE, REDUCED TO GREENWICH, E. LONGITUDE.
Meridian used in the
Tobolsk. Tobolsk. Tobolsk. Ferro. Ferro. Greenwich.
original,
Amount used for
+67°. +67°. +67°. –18°. –18°.
reduction,
Bering16 Du Modern
Source of the data, Campbell.17 D'Anville. Müller.
MS. Halde. charts.
Date, 1730? 1730? 1736. 1753. 1758. 1852-88.

° ' ° ' ° ' ° ' ° ' ° '

58 54 59 13 58 54 —— 59 20 59 2018
Okhotsk
141 30 143 07 141 20 — — 141 15 142 40
52 5419
52 35 52 42 52 40 52 40 52 51
Bolsheretsk, Kamchatka 156
155 28 156 51 155 25 155 30 156 50
3020
Upper Kamchatka 54 10 54 48 54 10 53 40 54 28 ——
settlement 157 10 158 00 157 15 156 30 156 55 ——
Lower Kamchatka 55 46 56 11 55 50 56 05 56 20 56 15
settlement 159 28 162 3021 159 15 159 00 159 30 162 15
Cape, at Kamchatka river- 55 52 56 03 55 40 56 00 56 10 56 00
mouth 162 05 163 1022 162 10 159 20 160 20 163 05
61 50 62 20 62 00 62 05 62 25 62 15
Cape Thaddeus (Navarin)
176 05 178 3223 176 00 171 14 175 20 179 02
West point, entrance Holy 65 16 65 35 65 15 65 15 65 30 65 28
Cross Bay 179 40 182 1524 180 0025 175 10 178 45 181 12
Mouth of river, Holy Cross 66 00 —— 65 50 65 45 66 15 66 22
Bay 179 40 —— 179 50 175 00 178 15 180 45
Transfiguration Bay (east 64 45 65 01 64 40 64 25 —— 64 45
entrance) 185 15 187 30 185 10 180 00 —— 185 15
63 55 64 25 64 02 64 10 64 35 64 14
Cape Chukotski, of Bering
186 55 189 5526 186 10 181 10 185 10 186 50
N. W. point St. Lawrence 63 50 64 00 64 02 64 00 64 15 63 5227
Id. 187 00 189 55 187 20 181 20 186 05 188 27
St. Demetrius Id. (Big 65 42 66 00 —— 66 00 —— 65 50
Diomede) 189 0528 192 4229 — — 183 2028 — —30 190 25
 66 40 67 18 66 45 66 30 66 45 66 05
East Cape of Asia
189 40 193 0731 189 45 184 00 187 25 190 30
not 67 18 —— —— 66 4533 ——
Bering's farthest
indicated. 193 0732 —— — — 187 25 ——
Petropavlovsk, Avacha 53 10 53 12 53 15 52 50 52 5534 53 02
Bay 160 02 159 50 157 00 158 55 158 13 158 3935
50 50 51 10 51 10 51 20 51 2037 50 52
Cape Uskoi, or Lopatka36
155 05 156 51 155 10 156 00 157 00 156 47

16 This column is taken directly from Baron Klinckofström's manuscript copy of

Bering's chart.

17 Date of Campbell's Harris' Voy., 1748; date of table of positions, 1728; fide
Campbell, 1021, col. 2.

18 The positions in this column are taken from the most recent charts of the U. S.
Coast Survey and the U. S. and Russian Hydrographic bureaux.

19 Determined in 1741 by Krassilnikoff to be 52° 55' and 156° 24' E. Gr.

20 From the chart; on p. 114 Müller has 156° 10'.

21 Campbell has 98° 30' E. of Tobolsk, an error(?), for 95° 30' (=162° 30' E. Gr.).
Bering omits this position.

22 Campbell's confusion of two entries is here corrected from Bering's Report.

23 Confused with preceding entry by Campbell.

24 Campbell's confusion here corrected.

25 Bering gives both east and west points of entrance in his table.

26 The southern end of the cape is assumed to be meant.

 27 U. S. Coast Survey, 1880, Marcus Baker, observer; his position is reduced to the N.
W. extreme of the island by adding 5' of latitude and deducting 30' 35" in longitude.
See Bull. Phil. Soc. of Washington, iv, p. 133, 1882, and U. S. Coast Survey Report for
1880, App. No. 16.

28 St. Diomide on the chart.

29 The island is omitted by Du Halde and Müller, but appears on Campbell's version of
Bering's chart.

30 Name St. Deomed on chart, but no island represented.

31 Campbell, p. 1024; omitted by Bering from his report.

32 Campbell, p. 1022; also Bering's Report.

33 From Jefferys' copy of the chart; on p. 47 of text N. Lat. 67° 18' appears but no
longitude is given.

34 From the chart; on p. 114 of text it is given as 53° 01' 45". Krassilnikoff (see note
19), made it N. Lat. 53° 01' and 158° 10' E. Lon. from Greenwich, from eclipses of
Jupiter's satellites.

35 Lieut. Onatsevich in Report Russ. Hydrographic office, 1878.

36 Oskoi (error for Ooskoi), on most early charts; sometimes Osnoi (error for
Uzhnoi=southern).

37 From the chart; the text, p. 114, makes it 51° 03'.

RESUMÉ OF THE RESULTS.

Bering had brought a party, together with supplies and material,

over the rough and difficult but long-traveled routes to Okhotsk.
Wherever he went he found settlements and roads such as they
were. He transported his material to Bolsheretsk and from there
across the peninsula to Lower Kamchatka settlement. It would have
been much easier and shorter to have doubled the peninsula and
taken his stores by sea; one of his party had already explored the
straits near Cape Lopatka, but there was the chance of disaster in
this plan and, with his stores on terra firma, Bering cannot be
blamed for taking the land route; especially as the difficulties would
not inconvenience him personally. He succeeded in getting his stores
and shipwrights to the place designated and there prepared himself
for the voyage. In all this there was difficulty and trouble enough of
a certain kind. That it all was surmounted with success is very
creditable to Bering and his officers. But to call it exceptionally
heroic or extraordinary, is to forget the hundreds of others who
preceded Bering, without the strong arm of the government at their
backs, who made the trails he followed, who founded the
settlements at which he rested, who raised the dogs, the horses and
the cattle which were used or consumed by his party.

Whatever praise we may feel due to Bering and his companions, and
it is certainly no stinted allowance, the appreciation of their struggles
cannot fail to include with justice, the still more remarkable and
nearly forgotten pioneer labors of the undaunted Siberiaks, who
paved the way, not only for Bering's weary journey, but for the slow
yet never ceasing march of civilization.

After leaving port Bering traced the shores of Kamchatka and

eastern Siberia as far as East Cape. Thence he sailed in a
northeasterly direction. At 3 P.M., Aug. 14th, land was seen astern;
the vessel continued in the same direction until 3 P.M. the next
afternoon, having, at most, sailed about twenty-four hours out of
sight of land but in shallow water. Bering then concluded he had
gone far enough to show the separation of Asia from America, or
any land to the eastward. No doubt he was influenced by the
testimony of the residents of Kamchatka who knew the work which
had been performed in this region by Deshneff and others, and also
by the fact that the native testimony all pointed the same way. If he
was convinced of the truth of this testimony he would have been
disposed to accept as conclusive evidence which would not be so
regarded by critics. All the evidence shows Bering as faithful to the
letter of his orders, honest, patient with the ill-doing or
insubordination of others, but perfectly satisfied with the
accomplishment of what he had been specifically directed to
perform, and with a tendency to limit the specifications to the
narrowest construction they would bear. He adventured nothing
beyond. In the arbitrary government under which he served, with
the violent competition between foreign officers in the Russian
service for promotion in rank and pay, who can criticise him for the
prudence and caution which kept him well within his instructions? I
certainly do not. But to say that he was a cautious, prudent and
sagacious officer, is a different thing from asserting he was a daring,
adventurous and heroic explorer. I have not been able to discover
anything in his career justifying the latter estimate of his character.

At all events in the present case it must in time have occurred to

him, or have been suggested by his officers or by the Kamchatkans
after his return that the mere sailing off shore in admittedly shallow
water for twenty-four hours, was not an absolutely conclusive proof
that the continents were separated. Here was a man with a new
vessel, a full crew, a year's provisions for all hands, who has come
half around the globe, taking three and a half years to do it, building
ships and at no end of labor of one sort and another; all this to get
into the region where there is a question to be answered; and when
he gets there he barely gives twenty-four hours to searching for that
answer with a month of the season still available for work; and then
starts for home without settling the question; with a right
conclusion, it is true, but not of his own discovery, and without
securing definite proof to defy critics.

Leaving out of account the continent within half a day's sail which he
fairly ran away from, ignorantly, where is there anything
adventurous, daring or heroic in such conduct?

It is evident that if Bering had sailed along the coast which the
Chukchis said extended to the westward, instead of going off shore,
away from it, he would have confirmed that part of their testimony,
and given high probability to the assumption of their correctness in
the rest.

As it was, he left the question in a state so unsettled as to be a

subject of debate for nearly half a century; even authorities so
friendly as Dr. Campbell assuming with great confidence that
Bering's conclusions as to the separation of the two continents were
erroneous. It was not until the voyages of Captain Cook and his
associates were given to the world in 1784 that the matter was
settled beyond controversy.

Even in regard to the details of his voyage it was only through

Bergh's publication of Chaplin's logbook of the voyage in 1823, that
the public were informed as to what Bering did, and it was only in
1847 that the unmutilated, but still ambiguous Report of 1730 was
accessible even in Russian typography.

We find that all the authorities who published in the last century
copies of Bering's map and accounts of his expedition arrived at
what Lauridsen calls an "interesting misunderstanding."

This misunderstanding was that he had sailed along the Chukchi

coast, as above suggested, and that his farthest point was in latitude
67° 18' on the coast of northeastern Siberia.

How was it possible that men of such exceptional intelligence as Du

Halde and D'Anville and Müller, and Hazius, and Euler and Campbell
were all so deceived?

The facts are as follows:

(1) The verbatim Report of the voyage, the logbook of the

expedition, Bering's chart in its entirety, were inaccessible to the
public for many years; the chart has never been fully engraved for
publication.
(2) The fragments of the Report which were circulated in print were
ambiguous in their language or erroneously modified; while the
published reductions of the chart which got into print were
misleading, or even erroneous.

(3) Two conflicting versions of the manuscript chart were circulated

and appear to have been officially sent out. That which appears to
be the later of the two is in some details quite erroneous and at
variance with Bering's report as printed and with the facts derived
from Chaplin's logbook, these two constituting the only authentic
original information which has yet reached the public in printed
form. But these two sources of correct data about the expedition
were not printed until long after the charts had been widely
circulated, while the extracts from the Report which appeared in
print, even under so friendly an editor as Dr. Campbell were so
modified as to support rather than expose the original error. How
this arose there may be something in the Russian archives to
explain, or, if not, the case seems insoluble. Whatever conclusion
one arrives at, it is difficult to acquit Bering of all responsibility for
the misconception, if, as Lauridsen claims, he was responsible for
the chart of Du Halde in the form it was engraved.

In his report he states that their northernmost latitude was 67° 18',
that "all along the seacoast to this place wind elevated mountains."
On turning to the Du Halde chart we find the range of mountains
continued along the Chukchi coast until it reaches the latitude of 67°
18' where it stops. If Bering drew the chart so, it would have been
deception, but it is quite as probable that the editor modified the
chart in engraving it, to correspond to his understanding of Bering's
ambiguity. As this would present nothing questionable to the reader,
in the absence of the details omitted by Bering, it would have been
nothing surprising if Campbell's interpolation of a false longitude for
Lower Kamchatka, in his list of positions, might have been, not a
typographical error, but an attempt to make the position agree with
this erroneous assumption. If it was a pure accident, the coincidence
is extraordinary. Of course Bering never was on this coast but Du
Halde's map is so engraved as to lead directly to the false inference
that he had been.

Again Bering says in his Report that at his turning point the land no
longer extended to the north and that no projecting points could be
observed in any direction. Since he had deliberately sailed away from
the shores without attempting to follow their trend this observation
would be absurd unless we suppose it addressed to a reader who
took it for granted that the vessel was still skirting the coast. There
is no mention in his Report of the fact that he had sailed away from
the coast, nor of the still more important fact that the soundings
showed that the water was comparatively shallow and discolored. Of
course in the absence of direct proof of the separation of Asia and
America this last evidence would tend to indicate that Bering was
only in a bay or shallow arm of the sea and that he suppressed it
shows, if not a want of candor, at least an injudicious reticence.

The map for the day when it was made (in the earlier version) was a
good one, and is appropriately praised by Cook, who had a copy of
Campbell's Harris on his vessel when exploring in the same region
fifty years later.

In his report of the trip eastward from Kamchatka in 1729, Bering

says nothing about the weather being foggy or stormy, but merely
asserts that he sailed nearly 200 versts and saw no trace of land. He
leaves it to be inferred that he could have seen land if it had been
there to see, which if the weather was foggy was not true.

The impression which these facts leave upon the mind is that Bering
did certainly frame his language so as to convey the idea that his
evidence of the separation of the two continents and of the absence
of land eastward from Kamchatka was more conclusive than it was
in reality.

That this was done to avoid criticism seems a natural inference. That
an examination of his list of positions would have shown the location
of the point whence he turned back to be to the eastward of the
easternmost of his reported land is true, but his list of positions was
not published with his report, does not agree with his maps, and
when published by Campbell was garbled, as I have shown.

That the truth, however, did get out and that criticism was not
successfully avoided, is a matter of history. There can be little doubt
that Bering's anxiety to undertake the second expedition, which
followed, was stimulated by a desire to set these criticisms (which
would naturally be magnified by his enemies) finally at rest.

It may be suggested that Bering's report was modified by the

authorities, though why they should make these particular
modifications is not very evident. Bering was the only person who
could profit by them and the natural conclusion is that he should be
held responsible.

In pointing out that some of Bering's acts are vulnerable to criticism

I am far from desiring to sully his memory or give the idea that he
was not entitled to great praise for what he accomplished, much of
which was admirably done.

I wish merely to apply a gentle corrective to the exaggerated and

injurious flattery and undiscriminating praise which has been
injudiciously indulged in by his latest biographer.

If the interest in the subject be stimulated by discussion from these

opposing points of view, so as to result in the publication of some of
the material still hidden in the Russian archives I shall be more than
repaid for the time I have devoted to the question, even if the
publication of the original data should show some of my conclusions
to be ill founded or erroneous.

Note—The reception of the original work of Bergh while reading the proofs of these
pages has enabled me to correct several errors of previous writers, but it was too late
to incorporate here the additional material which Bergh's work affords. This will
enable me to add, in a future publication, some historical data which have never
 appeared in English and which are necessary to complete the record. I desire in this
place to express my gratitude for and appreciation of the liberality of the authorities
of that ancient seat of learning, the University of Upsala, as exhibited in their
willingness to send such a valuable document to a foreign student half around the
world for purposes of historical research.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE BY MARCUS BAKER.

ON THE ALLEGED OBSERVATION OF A LUNAR

ECLIPSE BY BERING IN 1728-9.

Bering was in Eastern Siberia, Kamchatka and the adjacent waters in

1728 and 1729. Could he have observed a lunar eclipse there at that
time?

According to the ephemeris of Manfred1 published at Bonn in 1725

there were two partial eclipses of the moon visible in Europe in
1728, and two total eclipses of the moon in 1729.
1 Manfredius (Eustachius). Novissimae ephemerides motuum coelestium e Cassinianis
tabulis ad meridianum Bononiae supputatae auctoribus Eustachio Manfredio (etc.)
Tomus 1. ex anno 1726 in annum 1737 (etc.) 4° Bononiae, MDCCXXV.

In regard to these four eclipses the ephemeris furnishes the

following data:

1728, Feb. 24. 1728, Aug. 19. 1729, Feb. 13. 1729, Aug. 8.
 Eclipse begins 18h 32m 4h 07m 7h 45m 12h 02m
Total immersion —— —— 8 46 13 02
Middle of eclipse 20 0 5 35 9 35 13 52
Emersion begins —— —— 10 24 14 42
Eclipse ends 21 29 7 03 11 25 15 42

Digits eclipsed 9 51 S. 7 45 N. 19 46 19 44 S.
Sun rises 18 36 —— —— ——
Sun sets —— 6 49 —— ——
Eclipse Partial Partial Total Total.

Sun's declination –9° 38' +12° 42' –13° 16' +16° 09'
" hourly motion + 0.9 – 0.8 + 0.8 – 0.7

In this table the calendar is Gregorian, the time is apparent or true

sun time, the day is reckoned from noon and the hours are counted
continuously through the entire 24.

The present observatory in Bonn is in

Latitude 50° 43' 45" N.

Longitude 0h 28m 23s E. from Greenwich.

At the date of the first eclipse Bering was on his way across the
southern end of Kamchatka from Bolsheretsk to Lower Kamchatka.
This would make his position somewhere near latitude 55° N. and
longitude 160° or 10h 40m E. from Greenwich.

He was therefore 10h 12m east of Bonn for which we have the
elements of this eclipse as computed by Manfred. With this data
together with the latitude and sun's declination we have the
following data for the eclipse in the region where Bering was.

Beginning of eclipse 4h 44m

 Middle of eclipse 6 12
End of eclipse 7 41
Sun sets 5 07

This means that the sun set, bearing about W. by S. ½ S., and the
moon rose in partial eclipse, bearing about E. by N. ½ N., at 5h 07m
after apparent noon or 23 minutes after the eclipse had begun. The
eclipse lasted for 2h 34m after sunset, or until 7h 41m in the evening,
thus rendering observation of the last contact plainly visible.

At the date of the second eclipse of 1728, August 19, Bering was at
sea somewhere in the vicinity of the strait which bears his name.
Assuming his position to have been latitude 65° N. and longitude
188° or 12h 32m E. from Greenwich, equal to 12h 04m E. from Bonn,
and as before taking the data from Manfred's ephemeris we have as
follows:

Beginning of eclipse 16h 11m

Middle of eclipse 17 39
End of eclipse 19 07
Sun rises 16 04

It thus appears that the first contact of this partial eclipse of the
northern limb of the moon may have been just barely visible to
Bering. The moon bearing about SW. by W. was entering the earth's
shadow about five minutes before the sun's rising and its own
setting. If much importance attaches to determining the possibility
to Bering of observing this eclipse then a more precise calculation is
needful.

At the date of the first lunar eclipse of 1729, February 13, Bering
was at Lower Kamchatka, in latitude 56° 03' N. and longitude 162°
15' or 10h 49m E. from Greenwich equal to 10h 21m E. from Bonn. For
this place we have from Manfred:

Eclipse begins 18h 06m

 Total immersion 19 07
Middle of eclipse 19 56
Emersion begins 20 45
Eclipse ends 21 46

Sun rises 19h 21m

Thus it appears that this total and almost central eclipse of the moon
lasting 3h 40m began at Bering's station 1h and 15m before sunrise of
February 14, the total immersion occurring 14 minutes before
sunrise. It is manifest, therefore, that Bering might have observed
this eclipse.

The second lunar eclipse of 1729 occurred August 8, when Bering

was in or near Okhotsk and about returning to Europe. We may
assume his position to have been latitude 59° 20' N. and longitude
142° 40' or 9h 31m E. from Greenwich, equal to 9h 03m E. from Bonn.
This eclipse was also total and almost central, but at Bering's station
was wholly invisible, beginning at 9h 05m A.M. and ending at 12h 45m
P.M.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NATIONAL
GEOGRAPHIC MAGAZINE, VOL. II., NO. 2, MAY, 1890 ***

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