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Contents
Preface xv
vii
viii Contents
Chapter 10 Characters, C-Strings, and More About the string Class 547
10.1 Character Testing 547
10.2 Character Case Conversion 551
10.3 C-Strings 554
10.4 Library Functions for Working with C-Strings 558
10.5 C-String/Numeric Conversion Functions 569
10.6 Focus on Software Engineering: Writing Your Own
C-String-Handling Functions 575
10.7 More About the C++ string Class 581
10.8 Focus on Problem Solving and Program Design: A Case Study 590
Welcome to the Brief Version of Starting Out with C++: From Control Structures through
Objects, 8th edition. This book is intended for use in a one or two-semester C++ programming
sequence, or an accelerated one-semester course. Students new to programming, as well as
those with prior course work in other languages, will find this text beneficial. The funda-
mentals of programming are covered for the novice, while the details, pitfalls, and nuances
of the C++ language are explored in-depth for both the beginner and more experienced
student. The book is written with clear, easy-to-understand language, and it covers all the
necessary topics for an introductory programming course. This text is rich in example pro-
grams that are concise, practical, and real-world oriented, ensuring that the student not only
learns how to implement the features and constructs of C++, but why and when to use them.
xv
xvi Preface
l The range-based for loop is introduced in Chapter 7. This new looping mechanism
automatically iterates over each element of an array, vector, or other collection,
without the need of a counter variable or a subscript.
l Chapter 7 shows how a vector can be initialized with an initialization list.
l The nullptr key word is introduced as the standard way of representing a null
pointer.
l Smart pointers are introduced in Chapter 9, with an example of dynamic memory
allocation using unique_ptr.
l Chapter 10 discusses the new, overloaded to_string functions for converting numeric
values to string objects.
l The string class’s new back() and front() member functions are included in
Chapter 10’s overview of the string class.
l Strongly typed enums are discussed in Chapter 11.
l Chapter 13 shows how to use the smart pointer unique_ptr to dynamically allocate
an object.
l Chapter 15 discusses the override key word and demonstrates how it can help prevent
subtle overriding errors. The final key word is discussed as a way of preventing a virtual
member function from being overridden.
In addition to the C++11 topics, the following general improvements were made:
l Several new programming problems have been added to the text, and many of the
existing programming problems have been modified to make them unique from previ-
ous editions.
l The discussion of early, historic computers in Chapter 1 is expanded.
l The discussion of literal values in Chapter 2 is improved.
l The introduction of the char data type in Chapter 2 is reorganized to use character
literals in variable assignments before using ASCII values in variable assignments.
l The discussion of random numbers in Chapter 3 is expanded and improved, with the
addition of a new In the Spotlight section.
l A new Focus on Object-Oriented Programming section has been added to Chapter 13,
showing how to write a class that simulates dice.
l A new Focus on Object-Oriented Programming section has been added to Chapter 14,
showing an object-oriented program that simulates the game of Cho-Han. The program
uses objects for the dealer, two players, and a pair of dice.
Figure P-1
Chapter 1
Introduction
Chapters 2–7
Basic Language
Elements
*A few subtopics in
Chapter 12 require
Chapter 10 Chapters 9 and 11.
Characters, Strings, Chapter 11
and the string Class Structures
Chapter 13
Introduction to
Classes
Chapter 14
More About Classes
Chapter 15
Inheritance and
Polymorphism
Chapter 1 covers fundamental hardware, software, and programming concepts. You may
choose to skip this chapter if the class has already mastered those topics. Chapters 2 through
7 cover basic C++ syntax, data types, expressions, selection structures, repetition structures,
functions, and arrays. Each of these chapters builds on the previous chapter and should be
covered in the order presented.
After Chapter 7 has been covered, you may proceed to Chapter 8, or jump to either Chapter
9 or Chapter 12. (If you jump to Chapter 12 at this point, you will need to postpone sections
12.7, 12.8, and 12.10 until Chapters 9 and 11 have been covered.)
After Chapter 9 has been covered, either of Chapters 10 or 11 may be covered. After
Chapter 11, you may cover Chapters 13 through 15 in sequence.
This text’s approach starts with a firm foundation in structured, procedural programming
before delving fully into object-oriented programming.
xviii Preface
Chapter 6: Functions
In this chapter the student learns how and why to modularize programs, using both void
and value returning functions. Argument passing is covered, with emphasis on when argu-
ments should be passed by value versus when they need to be passed by reference. Scope of
variables is covered, and sections are provided on local versus global variables and on static
local variables. Overloaded functions are also introduced and demonstrated.
Preface xix
Chapter 7: Arrays
In this chapter the student learns to create and work with single and multidimensional
arrays. Many examples of array processing are provided including examples illustrating
how to find the sum, average, highest, and lowest values in an array and how to sum the
rows, columns, and all elements of a two-dimensional array. Programming techniques using
parallel arrays are also demonstrated, and the student is shown how to use a data file as
an input source to populate an array. STL vectors are introduced and compared to arrays.
Chapter 9: Pointers
This chapter explains how to use pointers. Pointers are compared to and contrasted with
reference variables. Other topics include pointer arithmetic, initialization of pointers, rela-
tional comparison of pointers, pointers and arrays, pointers and functions, dynamic mem-
ory allocation, and more.
Chapter 10: Characters, C-strings, and More About the string Class
This chapter discusses various ways to process text at a detailed level. Library functions for
testing and manipulating characters are introduced. C-strings are discussed, and the tech-
nique of storing C-strings in char arrays is covered. An extensive discussion of the string
class methods is also given.
Appendix F: Namespaces
This appendix explains namespaces and their purpose. Examples showing how to define a
namespace and access its members are given.
Warnings Warnings are notes that caution the student about certain C++
features, programming techniques, or practices that can lead to
malfunctioning programs or lost data.
Case Studies Case studies that simulate real-world applications appear in
many chapters throughout the text. These case studies are de-
signed to highlight the major topics of the chapter in which they
appear.
Review Questions Each chapter presents a thorough and diverse set of review
and Exercises questions, such as fill-in-the-blank and short answer, that check
the student’s mastery of the basic material presented in the chap-
ter. These are followed by exercises requiring problem solving
and analysis, such as the Algorithm Workbench, Predict the Out-
put, and Find the Errors sections. Answers to the odd-numbered
review questions and review exercises can be downloaded from
the book’s Companion Web site at www.pearsonhighered.com/
gaddis.
Programming Each chapter offers a pool of programming exercises designed
Challenges to solidify the student’s knowledge of the topics currently being
studied. In most cases the assignments present real-world prob-
lems to be solved. When applicable, these exercises include input
validation rules.
Group Projects There are several group programming projects throughout the
text, intended to be constructed by a team of students. One
student might build the program’s user interface, while another
student writes the mathematical code, and another designs and
implements a class the program uses. This process is similar to
the way many professional programs are written and encourages
team work within the classroom.
Software Available for download from the book’s Companion Web site at
Development www.pearsonhighered.com/gaddis. This is an ongoing project
Project: that instructors can optionally assign to teams of students. It
Serendipity systematically develops a “real-world” software package: a
Booksellers point-of-sale program for the fictitious Serendipity Booksellers
organization. The Serendipity assignment for each chapter adds
more functionality to the software, using constructs and tech-
niques covered in that chapter. When complete, the program will
act as a cash register, manage an inventory database, and produce
a variety of reports.
C++ Quick For easy access, a quick reference guide to the C++ language is
Reference Guide printed on the last two pages of Appendix C in the book.
Supplements
Student Online Resources
Many student resources are available for this book from the publisher. The following items
are available on the Gaddis Series Companion Web site at www.pearsonhighered.com/gaddis:
l The source code for each example program in the book
l Access to the book’s companion VideoNotes
l A full set of appendices, including answers to the Checkpoint questions and answers
to the odd-numbered review questions
l A collection of valuable Case Studies
l The complete Serendipity Booksellers Project
Instructor Resources
The following supplements are available to qualified instructors only:
• Answers to all Review Questions in the text
• Solutions for all Programming Challenges in the text
• PowerPoint presentation slides for every chapter
• Computerized test bank
• Answers to all Student Lab Manual questions
• Solutions for all Student Lab Manual programs
Visit the Pearson Instructor Resource Center (www.pearsonhighered.com/irc) for
information on how to access instructor resources.
xxiv Preface
Again: "God hath not given us the spirit of fear; but of power, and of
love, and of a sound mind."[5]
[5] 2 Tim. i. 7.
My Thesis to-night is not a truism; my argument is not unnecessary
or uncalled for. Nothing is more common than to undervalue the
importance of Theology; to regard it as having no bearing on life, no
influence on human progress, no causative power in regard to
civilization. Mr. Buckle, one of the most recent English philosophical
historians, contends that Theology is the result rather than the cause
of national character; that it is merely symptomatic of the condition
of a people. If they are in a good condition, they have a good
Theology; if in a bad condition, a bad one. He even thinks it owing
to a mistaken zeal that Christians try to propagate their religion,
because he believes that savages cannot become Christians.
Civilization, Mr. Buckle supposes, depends greatly upon soil, upon
climate, upon food, upon the trade-winds; but not much upon
religious ideas. He says that, in England, "theological interests have
long ceased to be supreme." "The time for these things has passed
by." And this is also a very common opinion among ourselves. Many
reformers have a notion that we have done with Theology, that we
can do without it. Some men of science tell us that Theology has
nothing to do with the advance of civilization, but that this comes
from discovery in the sphere of physical science. But I believe that
the one thing which retards the progress of reform is a false
philosophy concerning God and man, a false view of God's ideas
concerning this world; and that the one thing needful for Human
Progress is a deeper, higher, broader view of God and his ways. And
I hope to be able to show some grounds for this opinion.
The religious instinct in man is universal. Some individuals and some
races possess more of it, and others less; but the history of mankind
shows that religion in some form is one of the most indestructible
elements of human nature. But whether this religious instinct shall
appear as faith or as fanaticism; whether it shall be a blind
enthusiasm or an intelligent conviction; whether it shall be a
tormenting superstition or a consoling peace; whether it shall lead to
cruel persecutions or to heavenly benevolence; all this, and more,
depends on Theology. Religion is a blind instinct: the ideas of God,
man, duty, destiny, which determine its development, constitute
Theology.
The same law holds concerning Conscience and Ethics. Conscience
in the form of a moral instinct is universal in man. In every human
breast there is a conviction that something is right and something
wrong; but what that right and wrong is depends on Ethics. In every
language of man, there are words which imply ought and ought not,
duty, responsibility, merit, and guilt. But what men believe they
ought to do, or ought not to do,—that depends on the education of
their conscience; that is, on their Ethics.
Conscience, like religion, is man's strength, and his weakness.
Conscience makes cowards of us all; but it is the strong-siding
champion which makes heroes of us all. Savages are cruel, pirates
are cruel; but they cannot be as cruel as a good man, with a
misguided conscience. The most savage heart has some touch of
human kindness left in it, which nothing can quite conquer,—nothing
but conscience. That can make man as hard as Alpine rock, as cold
as Greenland ice. The torture-rooms and autos da fe of the
Inquisition surpass the cruelties of the North American Indian. The
cruelties of instinct are faint compared with the cruelties of
conscience. Now what guides conscience to good or to evil?
Theology, in the form of Ethics, is the guide of conscience. For, as
soon as man believes in a God, he believes in the authority of his
God to direct and control his actions. Whatever his God tells him to
do must be right for him to do. Therefore religion in its inward form
is either a debasing and tormenting superstition or a glad faith,
according to the Theology with which it is associated. And religion,
in its outward form, is either an impure and cruel despotism or an
elevating morality, according to the idea of God and Duty which
guide it; that is, according to its associated Theology.
Some persons, like Lucretius, seeing the evils of Superstition,
Bigotry, and Fanaticism, and perceiving that these have their root in
religion, have endeavored to uproot religion itself. But could this be
effected, which is impossible, it would be like wishing to get rid of
the atmosphere, because it is sometimes subject to tempests, and
sometimes infected with malaria. Religion is the atmosphere of the
soul, necessary to the healthful action of its life, to be purified, but
not renounced.
Every one has a Theology, who has even a vague idea of a God; and
every one has this who has an idea of something higher and better
than himself, higher and better than any of his fellow-men. The
Atheist therefore may have a God, though he does not call him so.
For God is not a word, not a sound: he is the Infinite Reality which
we see, more or less dimly, more or less truly, rising above us, and
above all our race. The nature of this ideal determines for each of us
what we believe to be right or wrong; and so it is that our Theology
rules our conscience, and that our conscience determines with more
or less supremacy the tendency and stress of our life.
No one can look at the History of the Human Race without seeing
what an immense influence religion has had in human affairs. Every
race or nation which has left its mark on Human Progress has itself
been under the commanding control of some great religion. The
ancient civilization of India was penetrated to the core by the
institutions of Brahmanism; the grand development of Egyptian
knowledge was guided by its priesthood; the culture of China has
been the meek disciple of Confucius for two thousand years.
Whenever any nation emerges out of darkness into light,—Assyria,
Persia, Greece, or Rome,—it comes guided and inspired by some
mighty religion. The testimony of History is that religion is the most
potent of all the powers which move and govern human action.
Such is the story of the past. How is it at the present time? Has
mankind outgrown the influence of religion to-day? Has the spread
of knowledge, the advance of science, the development of literature,
art, culture, weakened its power in Christendom? Never was there so
much of time, thought, effort, wealth, consecrated to the Christian
Church as there is now. Both branches of that Church, the Catholic
and Protestant, are probably stronger to-day than they ever were
before. Some few persons can live apart from religious institutions;
but mankind cannot dispense with religion, and they need it
organized into a Church or Churches.
Religion is a great power, and will remain so. But what is to
determine the character of this power? It may impede progress or
advance it; it may encourage thought or repress it; it may diffuse
knowledge or limit it; it may make men free or hold them as slaves;
it may be a generous, manly, free, and moral religion or a narrow,
bigoted, intolerant, fanatical, sectarian, persecuting superstition. It
has been both: it is both to-day. What is to decide which it shall be?
I answer, its Theology; the views it holds concerning God, man, duty,
immortality, the way and the means of salvation. Religion is an
immense power: how that power is to be directed depends on
Theology.
Proceeding then with my theme, I shall endeavor to show how false
ideas in Theology tend to check the progress of humanity, and
afterward how true ideas always carry mankind onward along an
ascending path of improvement.
But first let me say that my criticism is of ideas, not of sects,
churches, nor individuals. By a true Theology, I mean neither a
Unitarian nor a Trinitarian Theology, neither a Catholic nor a
Protestant Theology. I do not mean Calvinism nor Arminianism. I
have nothing to say concerning these distinctions, however
important they may be; and I, for one, consider them important. But
I refer to a distinction more important still, lying back of these
distinctions, lying beneath them; a difference not of opinions so
much as of ideas and spirit.
By a true Theology, I mean a manly Theology, as opposed to a
childish one; a free, as opposed to a servile one; a generous, as
opposed to a selfish one; a reasonable and intelligent Theology, as
opposed to a superstitious one.
By a true Theology, I mean one which regards God as a father, and
man as a brother; which looks upon this life as a preparation for a
higher; which believes that God gives us freedom, inspires our
reason, and is the author of whatever is generous, self-forgetting,
and noble. I find something of this Theology in all sects and
churches; from the Roman Catholic at one extreme, to the
Universalists and Unitarians, the Spiritualists and Come-outers, at
the other. And the opposite, the false Theology, dishonorable to God,
degrading to man, I find in all sects, and accompanying all creeds.
And if I shall show, as truth compels me to show, that certain parties
and persons are specially exposed to danger in one or another
direction, I wish distinctly to state my belief that sincere and earnest
men continually rise above the contagion of their position, and live
untainted in an atmosphere which may have in it some special
tendency to disease.
One false idea in Theology, which opposes human progress, is that
Pantheistic view of the Deity, which loses sight of his personality, and
conceives of him as a blind, infinite force, pervading all Nature, and
carrying on the universe, but without intelligence and without love.
I know indeed that many views have been accused of being
Pantheism which are not. I do not believe in a God outside of the
universe. I believe that he is one "in whom we live, and move, and
have our being," one "from whom, and through whom, and to whom
are all things,"—a perpetual Creator, immanent in his world. But this
view is quite consistent with a belief in his personal being, in his
intelligent, conscious, loving purpose. Without such a belief, hope
dies out of the heart; and without hope mankind loses the energy
which creates progress. Unless we have an intelligent Friend who
governs the universe, it will seem to be moving blindly on toward no
divine end; and this thought eats out the courage of the soul.
In some poetical natures, as in the case of Shelley, this Pantheism
takes the form of faith in a spirit of beauty, or love, or intellectual
power, pervading all things. In more prosaic minds it becomes a
belief in law, divorced from love. It turns the universe into a
machine, worked by forces whose mutual action unfolds and carries
on the magnificent Cosmos. Often this view comes, by way of a
reaction, against an excessive Personality of Will. When the Christian
Church speaks of the Deity as an Infinite Power outside of the world,
who creates it and carries it on according to some contrivance, of
which his own glory is the end, it is perhaps natural that men should
go to the other extreme and omit person, will, and design from their
conception of Deity. But thus they encounter other and opposite
dangers.
A gospel of mere law is no sufficient gospel. It teaches prudence,
but omits Providence. This utilitarian doctrine, which reduces every
thing to law,—which makes the Deity only a Great Order, not a
Father or Friend,—would soon put a stop to the deepest spring of
human progress. It takes faith and hope out of our life, and
substitutes observation, calculation, and prudence. But the case of
Ecclesiastes and of Faust teaches us what comes from knowledge
emptied of faith. He who increases such knowledge increases
sorrow. The unknown, wonderful Father; the divine, mysterious
Infinite; the great supernatural power and beauty above Nature, and
above all,—these alone make life tolerable. Without this brooding
sense of a Divine love, of a Heaven beyond this world, of a
Providence guiding human affairs, men would not long have the
heart to study, because all things would seem to be going nowhere.
Without such a Heavenly Friend to trust, such an immortal progress
to hope, all things would seem to revolve in a circle. Not to believe
in something more than a God of Law is to be without God in the
world, is to be without hope. And hope is the spring of all progress,
intellectual progress as well as all other. Intellect, divorced from
faith, at last kills intellect itself, by destroying its inner motive. It
ends in a doctrine of despair, which cries continually, "What is the
use?" and finds no answer. And so the soul dies the only death the
soul can die,—the death of torpor and inaction.
Another false idea in Theology, which interferes with human
progress, is that of ecclesiastical authority in matters of faith and
practice. When the Church comes between the soul and God, and
seeks to be its master rather than its servant, it takes from it that
direct responsibility to God, which is one of the strongest motives for
human effort. I know that this has always been done from a sincere
desire, at any rate in the beginning, to save men from apparent
dangers. The Church has assumed authority, in order to do good
with it. It has commanded men not to think for themselves, lest they
should err. But God has meant that we should be liable to error, in
order that we should learn to avoid it by increased strength.
Therefore Christ said, "Be not called Rabbi; be not called Masters,
and call no man father on earth." His church, and his apostles, and
he himself are here, not to be masters of the soul, but to be its
servants.
The Roman Catholic Church is a great organization, which has
gradually grown up, during a thousand years, the object of which
has been to educate men in Christian faith and Christian conduct. It
has sincerely endeavored to do this. But, unfortunately, it took a
narrow view of Christian education; supposing that it meant
instruction and guidance, restraint and tuition, but not development.
It has magnified its own authority, in order to produce docility in its
pupils. It has not allowed them freedom of inquiry nor liberty of
conscience. It has not said, like Paul, "Be not children in
understanding;" on the contrary, it has preferred to keep them
children, so as to guide them more easily. It has not said, with Paul,
"Stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ has made you free;" for it
has come to hate the very name of liberty. What is the result? You
may read it to-day in France, where, as Mr. Coquerel tells us, that
Church has prevented the steady development of free institutions. It
has always supported the principle of authority in the State, as the
natural ally of authority in the Church. There are so few republicans
in France to-day, because the people have been educated by the
Church to blind submission. The priests are not to blame, the people
are not: it is the Roman Catholic Theology which is to blame. That
Theology teaches that the soul is saved by the reception of external
sacraments, and not by vital, independent convictions of truth.[6]
[6] The proof of this may be amply found in the famous Encyclical and Syllabus of
Pius IX., Dec. 8th, 1864. In the Syllabus he denounces as errors such propositions
as the following:—
That "every man is free to embrace and profess that religion which guided by the
light of reason, he holds to be true." § 15.
That "one may well hope, at least, for the eternal salvation of those who are in no
wise in the true Church of Christ." § 17.
That "the Church has no power to employ force." § 24.
That "men emigrating to Catholic countries should be permitted the public exercise
of their own several forms of worship." § 78.
That "the Roman Pontiff can and ought to reconcile and harmonize himself with
progress, with liberalism, and with modern civilization." § 80.
Or, if you wish another illustration of the same thing, look at New
York. Why have republican institutions in New York almost proved a
failure? Why were a few robbers able to take possession of the city,
and plunder the citizens? Because they could control the votes of the
Irish Catholics in a mass; because this vast body of voters were
unable to vote independently, or to understand the first duties of a
free citizen. And why was this? Not because the Irish are naturally
less intelligent than the New-Englanders, the English, the Germans.
No; but the Roman Catholic Church, which has had the supreme
control over the Irish conscience and intellect for a thousand years,
has chosen to leave them uneducated. Of course, the Roman
Church, if it had pleased to do so, might long ago have made the
Irish nation as enlightened as any in Europe. But its Theology taught
that education might lead them into heresy, and so take them out of
the true Church, and that ignorance in the Church was infinitely
better than any amount of intellectual and moral culture out of it.
The fatal principle of Roman Catholic Theology—"Out of the true
Church there is no salvation"—has been the ruin of the Irish nation
for hundreds of years, and has very nearly entailed ruin on our own.
Do you wonder that the priests oppose our school system? If I were
a Roman Catholic priest, I should oppose it too. Should I run the risk
of poisoning my child's body by accepting as a gift a little better food
than that I am able to buy? And shall I risk the vastly greater evil of
poisoning its soul, by allowing it to be tainted with heretical books
and teachers in free schools? The Roman Catholic priest is
consistent: it is the Theology which teaches salvation by sacraments
that is to blame. It is a theology which naturally, logically,
necessarily, stands opposed to human progress. It says, "In order to
be children in malice, you must also be children in understanding."
When the Protestant Reformation came, it brought with it a manly
Theology. It put the Bible into all men's hands, and asserted for each
the right of private judgment and liberty of conscience. Therefore
the Reformation was the cause of a great forward movement in
human affairs. It awakened the intellect of mankind. Science,
literature, invention,—all were stimulated by it. It ran well, but
something hindered. Its reverence for the Bible was its life; but,
unfortunately, it soon fell into a worship of the letter. It taught a
doctrine of verbal inspiration. It forgot the great saying of Paul, "not
of the letter, but the spirit; for the letter killeth." Very soon that
saying was fulfilled. Reverence for the letter of the Bible killed the
spirit of the Bible. That spirit is as free as air. It teaches no creed, it
demands no blind acceptance of any dogma. It declares that where
the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. But the letter-theology has
opposed nearly all the discoveries of science and all moral reforms
with the words of the Bible. It has set Genesis against geology, and
the book of Psalms against the Copernican system. Because the
Book of Genesis says the heavens and earth were made in six days,
the letter-theology declared that the fossil shells were made in the
rocks just as they are, or were dropped by pilgrims returning from
the Holy Land. Because the book of Psalms said that "God hath
established the earth so that it shall not be moved for ever," the
letter-theology denied its daily and yearly revolution. Because Noah
said, "Cursed be Canaan," the letter-theology defended the slavery
of the negro. Because Noah also said, "He who sheddeth man's
blood, by man shall his blood be shed," the letter-theology has
defended capital punishment as a religious duty. Because the Jews
were commanded to rest on the seventh day, the letter-theology
forbids the Boston Public Library to be open on the first. Becoming
ever more timid and more narrow, it clings to the letter of the
common English translation, and the received text. It even shrinks
from alterations which would give us the true letter of the Bible,
instead of the false one.
Some years ago the American Bible Society appointed a committee
of the most learned scholars, from all Orthodox denominations, to
correct the text and the translation of our common English Bible, so
as to make it conform to the true Hebrew and Greek text. They were
not to make a new translation, but merely to correct palpable,
undoubted errors in the old one. They did their work; printed their
corrected Bible; laid it before the Bible Society,—and that Society
refused to adopt it. They had not the slightest doubt of its superior
correctness; but they feared to make any change, lest others might
be called for, and lest the faith of the community might be disturbed
in the integrity of the Scriptures. Jesus had promised them the Holy
Spirit to lead them into all truth, to take of his truth and show it to
them; but they did not believe him. They preferred to anchor
themselves to the words chosen by King James's translators than to
be led by the Spirit into any new truth. So it is that "the letter
killeth." It stands in the way of progress. It keeps us from trusting in
that ever-present Spirit which is ready to inspire us all to-day, as it
inspired prophets and apostles of old. It is an evidence not of faith,
but of unbelief.
Thus, this false idea in Theology, that inspiration rests in the letter of
a book or a creed rather than in its spirit, is seen to be opposed to
human progress.
And then there is another Theology which is opposed to human
progress. It is the Theology of Fear. It speaks of hell rather than of
heaven; it seeks to terrify rather than to encourage; it drives men by
dread of danger rather than leads them by hope. Its ruling idea is of
stern, implacable justice; its God is a God of vengeance, who cannot
pardon unless the full penalty of sin has been borne by some victim;
whose mercy ceases at death; who can only forgive sin during our
short human life, not after we have passed into the other world. To
assuage his anger, or appease his justice, there must be devised
some scheme of salvation, or plan of redemption. He cannot forgive
of pure, free grace, and out of his boundless love.
Now those who hold such a Theology as this will apply its spirit in
human affairs. It will go into penal legislation, into the treatment of
criminals. It will make punishment the chief idea, not reformation.
Jesus taught a boundless compassion, an infinite tenderness toward
the sinful, the weak, the forlorn people of the world. He taught that
the strong are to bear the burdens of the weak, the righteous to
help the wicked, and that we are to overcome evil with good. When
this principle is applied in human affairs, the great plague spots of
society will disappear: intemperance, licentiousness, pauperism,
crime, will be cured radically. Society, purified from these poisons,
will go forward to nobler achievements than have ever yet been
dreamed of. But this principle will not be applied while the fear-
theology prevails, and is thought more of than that of love. The
progress of human society depends on the radical cure of these
social evils, not their mere restraint. And they can only be cured by
such a view of the divine holiness and the divine compassion as is
taught by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount and the Parable of the
Prodigal Son; showing the root of crime in sin, and inspiring a
profound faith in God's saving love.
It may seem to some persons that I go too far in asserting that a
true Theology is at the basis of human progress. They may ascribe
human progress to other causes,—to the advance of knowledge, to
scientific discovery, to such inventions as printing, the steam-engine,
the railroad, and the like. But I believe that spiritual ideas are at the
root of all others. That which one thinks of God, duty, and
immortality,—in short, his Theology,—quickens or deadens his
interest in every thing else. Whatever arouses conscience, faith, and
love, also awakens intellect, invention, science, and art. If there is
nothing above this world or beyond this life; if we came from
nothing and are going nowhere, what interest is there in the world?
"Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." But if the world is full
of God,—if we come from him and are going to him,—then it
becomes everywhere intensely interesting, and we wish to know all
about it. Science has followed always in the steps of religion, and
not the reverse. The Vedas went before Hindoo civilization; the
Zend-Avesta led the way to that of Persia; the oldest monuments of
Egypt attest the presence of religious ideas; the Laws of Moses
preceded the reign of Solomon; and that civilization which joined
Greeks, Romans, Goths, Vandals, Franks, and Saxons in a common
civilization, derived its cohesive power from the life of Him whose
idea was that love to man was another form of love to God. "The
very word humanity," says Max Müller, "dates from Christianity." No
such idea, and therefore no such term, was found among men
before Christ came.
But it may be said that these instances are from such obscure
epochs that it is uncertain how far it was religion which acted on
civilization. Let us, then, take one or two instances, concerning
which there is less uncertainty.
In the deserts, and among the vast plains of the Arabian Peninsula,
a race had slumbered inactive for twenty centuries. Those nomad-
Semitic tribes had wandered to and fro, engaged in perpetual
internecine warfare, fulfilling the prediction concerning Ishmael, "He
will be a wild man; his hand will be against every man, and every
man's hand against him." No history, no civilization, no progress, no
nationality, no unity, could be said to exist during that long period
among these tribes. At length a man comes with a religious idea, a
living, powerful conviction. He utters it, whether man will bear or
forbear. He proclaims the unity and spirituality of God in spite of all
opposition and persecution. At last his idea takes hold of the soul of
this people. What is the result? They flame up into a mighty power;
they are united into an irresistible force; they sweep over the world
in a few decades of years; they develop a civilization superior to any
other then extant. Suddenly there springs up in their midst a new
art, literature, and science. Christendom, emasculated by an
ecclesiastical and monastic Theology, went to Islam for freedom of
thought, and found its best culture in the Mohammedan universities
of Spain. Bagdad, Cairo, Damascus, Seville, Cordova, became
centres of light to the world. The German conquerors darkened the
regions they overran: the Mohammedans enlightened them. The
caliphs and viziers patronized learning and endowed colleges, and
some of their donations amounted to millions of dollars. Libraries
were collected. That of a single doctor was a load for four hundred
camels. That of Cairo contained a hundred thousand manuscripts,
which were lent as freely as those in the Boston Public Library. The
College Library of Cordova had four hundred thousand. In these
places grammar, logic, jurisprudence, the natural sciences, the
philosophy of Aristotle, were taught to students who flocked to them
from all parts of Christendom. Many of the professors taught from
memory: one man is reported to have been able to repeat three
thousand poems. The Saracens wrote treatises on geography,
numismatics, medicine, chemistry, astronomy, mathematics. Some,
like Avicenna, went through the whole circle of the sciences. The
Saracens invented pharmacy, surgery, chemistry. Geber, in the eighth
century, could prepare alcohol, sulphuric acid, nitric acid, corrosive
sublimate, potash, and soda. Their astronomers measured a degree
of the earth's meridian near Bagdad, and determined its
circumference as twenty-four thousand miles. They found the length
of the year, and calculated the obliquity of the ecliptic. Roger Bacon
quotes their treatises on optics. Trigonometry retains the form given
it by the Arabs, and they greatly improved Algebra. We received
from them our numerical characters. We all know the beauty and
permanence of their architecture, and much of our musical
knowledge is derived from them. They also made great progress in
scientific agriculture and horticulture, in mining and the working of
metals, in tanning and dying leather. Damascus blades, morocco,
enamelled steel, the manufacture and use of paper, the use of the
pendulum, the manufacture of cotton, public libraries, a national
police, rhyme in verse, and our arithmetic, all came to us from the
Arabs.
All this fruitful intellectual life must be traced directly back to the
theological impulse given by Mohammed to the Arab mind; for it can
be derived from no other source.
It is not quite so easy to define the precise influence on human
progress given by the doctrines of the Reformation; for, before
Luther, these were in the air. But no one can reasonably doubt that
the demand for freedom of conscience and the right of private
judgment in religion has led to liberty of thought, speech, action, in
all other directions. To the war against papal and ecclesiastical
authority in concerns of the soul we owe, how much no one can say,
of civil freedom, popular sovereignty, the emancipation of man, the
progress of the human mind. The theses of Luther were the source
of the Declaration of Independence. And modern science, with the
great names of Bacon and Newton, Descartes and Leibnitz, Goethe
and Humboldt, is the legitimate child of Protestant Theology.
It is true that printing and maritime discoveries preceded Luther. But
these inventions came from the same ideas which took form in the
Lutheran Reformation. The discovery of printing was a result, no less
than a cause. It came because it was wanted; because men were
wishing to communicate their thoughts more freely and widely than
could be done by writing. If it had been discovered five hundred
years before, it would have fallen dead, a sterile invention, leading
to nothing. And so the steam-engine and the railroad did not come
before, because they were not wanted: as soon as they were
wanted they came. That which lies at the root of all these inventions
is the wish of man to communicate easily and rapidly and widely
with his brother-man; in other words, the sense of human
brotherhood. Material civilization, in all its parts and in all times,
grows out of a spiritual root; and only faith leads to sight, only the
things unseen and eternal create those which are seen and
temporal.
The two Theologies at the present time which stand opposed to
each other here are not Calvinism and Armenianism, not
Trinitarianism and Unitarianism, not Naturalism and Supernaturalism.
But they are the Theology of discouragement and fear on one side,
that of courage and hope on the other. The one thinks men must be
driven to God by terror: the other seeks to attract them by love. The
one has no faith in man, believes him wholly evil, believes sin to be
the essential part of him. The other believes reason a divine light in
the soul, and encourages it to act freely; trusts in his conscience
enlightened by truth, and appeals to it confidently; relies on his
heart, and seeks to inspire it with generous affections and
disinterested love. That this Theology of faith is to triumph over that
of fear who can doubt? All the best thought, the deepest religion,
the noblest aspiration of the age, flows in this direction. Whether our
handful of Unitarian Churches is ever to become a great multitude or
not, I do not know; but I am sure that the spirit which inspired the
soul of Channing is to lead the future age, and make the churches
which are to be. It is not now a question of Unity or Trinity, but
something far deeper and much more important. While endeavoring
to settle the logical terms of Christ's divinity and humanity, we have
been led up higher to the sight of the Divine Father and the Human
Brotherhood. Like Saul, the son of Kish, we went out to seek our
father's asses, and have found a kingdom.
We have recently been told about a Boston Theology. If there is any
thing which deserves to be called a Boston Theology it is this
doctrine of courage and hope. For it is shared by all the leading
minds of all Protestant denominations in this city. Whatever eminent
man comes here, no matter what he was when he came, finds
himself, ere long, moving in this direction. The shackles of tradition
and formality fall from his limbs, his eyes open to a new light; and
he also becomes the happy herald of a new and better day.
But a better word still, if one is wanted by which to localize these
ideas, would be "The New England Theology." For in every part of
New England, from the beginning; in every one of the multiform
sects, whose little spires and baby-house churches have spotted our
barren and rocky hills, there have never failed men of this true
Apostolic succession; men believing in truth, and brave to utter it;
believing that God loves truth better than falsehood; that he desires
no one to tell a lie for his glory, or to speak words of wind in his
behalf. With all our narrowness, our bigotry, our controversial
bitterness, our persecuting zeal,—of which, God knows, we have had
enough in New England,—the heart of New England has been
always free, manly, and rational. Yes: all the way from Moses Stuart
to William Ellery Channing, all along the road from the lecture-rooms
on the hills of Andover to the tribune of Theodore Parker standing
silent in the Music Hall, we have had this same brave element of a
manly Theology. This has been the handful of salt which has saved
New England. Hence it is that from the days of the early Puritans,
men and women, of Harry Vane, Mrs. Hutchinson, and Roger
Williams, who stood up for the rights of the human soul against
priestly tyranny, down through the ministers of the Revolution who
went with their people to the camp of Washington at Cambridge;
down to the days of the Beechers,—there has never failed a man in
the New England pulpit to stand up for justice, freedom, and
humanity. From our bare hill-tops New England men and women
have looked up to the sky and seen it not always nor wholly black
with superstitious clouds, but its infinite depths of blue
interpenetrated evermore with the warm living light of a God of
Love. And therefore has New England been the fountain of Progress,
the fruitful parent of Reforms, "the lovely mother of yet more lovely
children."
I have quoted several striking passages from the Apostle Paul. One
expresses his longing for greater excellence, and declares that he
forgets every thing already attained, and is reaching out for better
things, for more truth and more love. Another passage calls on his
disciples to think for themselves, and be rational Christians, not
children in understanding. A third asserts that he is the minister of
the spirit of the gospel, not its letter; a fourth that his religion is not
one of fear, but of power and love and a sound mind; a fifth says,
Stand fast in freedom, and be liberal Christians; and in other places
he exhorts his brethren not to be narrow, nor bigoted; but to look at
every thing beautiful, lovely, true, and good, no matter where they
find it. But a little while before he said these things Paul himself was
one of the most narrow, and intolerant of men, opposed to progress
wholly. What made this great change in his soul? It was that he had
found a true Theology. He learned from Christ to trust simply in the
divine love for pardon and salvation. He learned that God was the
God of Heathen and Pagans as well as of Jews. He learned that no
ritual, ceremony, sacraments nor forms, but only the sight of God as
a Father and Friend, can really save the soul from its diseases, and
fill it with immortal life. A true Theology was the secret of Paul's
immense progress, and of his wonderful power to awaken and
convert others. There are many who suppose his Theology obscure
and severe. But when we penetrate the veil of Jewish language, we
find it one of Freedom, of Reason, of Love, manly and tender,
generous and intelligent. And this same Theology passing in its
essence from Paul to Augustine, to Luther, to Wesley, has always
been the motive power of human civilization and human
development. It has been the friend of free thought, liberty of
conscience, and universal progress.
I mean then by a true Theology what Paul meant when he said that
God "has not given to us a spirit of fear, but of power, and of love,
and of a sound mind." I mean what he said when he declared that
God had made him a minister of the New Testament, not of the
letter but of the spirit; for the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life.
I mean the Theology which places the substance above the form;
the thing before the name; which looks at the fact, not at the label.
Let us then, brethren, who call ourselves Unitarians, be glad and
grateful for the gospel of faith and hope which we enjoy. And let us
give to others what we have ourselves received. If it be true, as we
have tried to show, that human progress depends largely on a true
Theology we cannot help mankind more than by diffusing widely
that which God has given us of his truth. Freely you have received,
freely give. You who have always lived in this community,
surrounded by this mellow warm light of peace and freedom, do not
know, cannot tell, what those suffer who have been taught from
early childhood to fear God, and to distrust his light in their soul. Do
your part in spreading abroad the beams of a better day. Give to the
world that religion which is not a spirit of fear, but of power, and of
love, and of a sound mind.
THE RISE AND DECLINE
OF THE
ROMISH CHURCH.
By ATHANASE COQUEREL, Fils.
We live in a time of great and manifold changes. There is one church
that for centuries has had her principal glory in asserting that she
never has changed,—that she has at all times been exactly the
same; but now she can hardly deny that either in accordance with
her own will, or by the force of circumstances, very great changes
have been wrought in her during the last few years. This, if it is true,
must change also the nature, the system, the course of our
controversy with her. The controversy between the two churches has
not always, perhaps, been quite fair; and I should not like to be
unfair to any adversary, whoever he may be. I should not be at ease
in my conscience if I thought I had been unfair to any thing,
especially to any thing religious, of whatever kind that religion may
be; because in any religion, even the most imperfect, there is some
aspiration from this earth to the sky; at least, from human souls to
what they hope or believe to be God. And especially I could not
pardon myself for being in any way unjust to that great church
which has for centuries comforted and sustained a multitude of
souls, and made them better and happier by her teachings. It is a
Christian church; and though I think that Romish Christianity has
been in a very great degree alloyed, and mixed with grave errors,—
and that is exactly what I wish to show,—yet, even under that veil of
human errors, I recognize, I acknowledge, religion, Christianity; and
therefore I bow before it.
I think, however, the changes that have taken place have not altered
the essential character of the Roman Church. I think the changes
that have happened are in conformity with the nature of that
church; really were to be expected, and have nothing absolutely new
in them. We might, perhaps, for a long time have seen them
coming; and, if we had had foresight enough, we might have seen
them from the very first times of that church. Let us try to
understand exactly what she is, what she means; let us try to see
what there is under that name, "Roman Catholic Church." She calls
herself catholic, which means universal, and at the same time she
has a local name. She is for the whole world; but at the same time
she belongs to one city, and she bears the name of that city. Why?
This is the question; and though it seems only a question of name, I
think we shall find by other ways that it is a question of facts. A
second advance requires a change in our polemics with Roman
authority. A new science has been created in our time, which gives
us better means of judging and studying other churches than our
own; that science is called the comparative history of religions. In
England Max Müller, in France Burnouf, and in this country James
Freeman Clarke, have compared the history of several religions.
According to that comparative history, there are rules to be
understood, to be acknowledged, in the development of religion.
One of the rules which I think we can deduce from any comparative
history of religion may be a startling one; and I will use a very
homely comparison, to make myself perfectly understood. Have you
ever seen over a shop door a sign-board, where the name of the old
shop-keeper was painted; and, when his successor came in, he had
the same board covered with a new color, and his own name painted
over the old one? But in time the new paint wore off, so that the old
name reappeared under the new, in such a way that it became
perhaps difficult to distinguish clearly which letters or lines belonged
to the old, and which to the new. If this image appears somewhat
too familiar, let me ask you if you remember what scholars call a
palimpsest. Sometimes in the Middle Ages it was difficult to find
well-prepared parchment on which to write, and there were a great
many monks who had nothing else to do—and it was the best use
they could make of their time—but write or copy the Bible or other
religious books. When they found parchments where were copied
the comedies and tragedies or other works of the heathen, they
thought those were of very little use, and they could very easily have
the writing on those parchments washed out, or covered over with
white paint, in such a way that what had been written there was no
more visible. Then on those parchments they would write the Bible,
or sermons, or any document they thought useful. But the same
thing happened then that happened with the sign-board,—the old
writing reappeared after a time; the white covering spread over the
page disappeared. And thus it happens that scholars are sometimes
pondering for a long time over a page from a sermon of Saint
Augustine, or John Chrysostom, in which they find a verse from
some comedy of Terence or Aristophanes; then they have perhaps
some trouble in making out which is comedy and which is sermon, in
distinguishing exactly what of the writing is old and what is new;
and they have not always perfectly succeeded in that effort.
Now what we see in the sign-board we see also in the religion of the
different churches, when a whole multitude, at one time, pass from
one worship to another. Then, against their will, and perhaps without
their knowing it, they never come into the pale of their new church
empty-handed: they carry with them a number of ideas, and habits,
and turns of thought, which they had found in their old worship. And
thus, after a time, when the fervor of the early days is over, you find
in the new religion, or new worship, a real palimpsest: the old one is
reappearing under the new. That makes itself manifest in a good
many ways; sometimes in ways the most strange and unexpected.
If you ask me, now, remembering this rule, what means the name,
"Roman Catholic Church," I answer: Christianity absorbed into itself
the Roman empire; the Roman empire became Christian in a very
few years, with a most rapid, with a most admirable sway; souls
became conquered in large numbers; they became Christian. But
afterwards it appeared that they were not so perfectly
unheathenized as they were thought to be, or as they thought
themselves: many of their heathenish habits of life, thoughts, and
customs remained even in their very worship. Thus, after Christianity
had absorbed the Roman world, it appeared that the Roman world
had penetrated and impregnated the whole of Christianity; and this
is the Roman Catholic Church. She is Christian, but she is full of the
errors and superstitions that belonged to the old Roman heathenish
world.
To understand what this means we must now try to comprehend
what the old Roman genius was. Here I ask you not to confound it
with the Greek genius, which was in many respects highly superior,
but which had, at that time, passed away in a large measure, and
been replaced everywhere by the Roman genius. What were the
especial traits of character of the Romans? The first, and a very
striking one to those who have travelled and studied in those
countries, is a most vivacious love for tradition. In Rome, at the
present day, you find things that are done, that are said, that are
believed, that are liked, because they were two thousand years ago,
without the people themselves having a very clear notion of it. Their
custom—and it is born in their flesh, and in their blood—is to look
backwards, and to see in the past the motives and the precedents
for their acts and for their belief. Of this I could quote to you a
number of instances. I will choose but one. The first time I was in
Rome I stopped, as every traveller does, on the Piazza del Popolo. In
the midst of that square is an obelisk, and on one side of the
pedestal of that obelisk is written: "This monument was brought to
Rome by the High Pontiff, Cæsar Augustus." I went round the
monument, and on the other face of the same pedestal I read: "This
monument, brought to Rome by the High Pontiff, Cæsar Augustus,
was placed in this square by the High Pontiff, Sextus V." And then I
remembered that one of those High Pontiffs was a Roman heathen,
an Emperor; and that the other was a Christian, was a priest, was a
pope; and I was astonished, at first sight, to find on two faces of the
same stone the same title given to those two representatives of very
different religions. Afterwards, I observed that this was no
extraordinary case, but that in many other places in Rome instances
of the same kind were to be found. I inquired a little more deeply,
perhaps, than some other travellers, into the meaning of those
words. I asked myself why this pope, Sextus V., and this Emperor
Augustus, should each be called "pontiff." What is the meaning of
"pontiff"? "Pontiff" means bridge-maker, bridge-builder. Why are
they called in that way? Here is the explanation of that fact. In the
very first years of the existence of Rome, at a time of which we have
a very fabulous history, and but few existing monuments,—the little
town of Rome, not built on seven hills as is generally supposed;
there are eleven of them now; then there were within the town less
than seven even,—that little town had a great deal to fear from any
enemy which should take one of the hills that were out of town, the
Janiculum, because the Janiculum is higher than the others, and
from that hill an enemy could very easily throw stones, fire, or any
means of destruction, into the town. The Janiculum was separated
from the town by the Tiber. Then the first necessity for the defence
of that little town of Rome was to have a bridge. They had built a
wooden bridge over the Tiber, and a great point of interest to the
town was that this bridge should be kept always in good order, so
that at any moment troops could pass over it. Then, with the special
genius of the Romans, of which we have other instances, they
ordained, curiously enough, that the men who were a corporation to
take care of that bridge should be sacred; that their function,
necessary to the defence of the town, should be considered holy;
that they should be priests, and the highest of them was called "the
high bridge-maker." So it happened that there was in Rome a
corporation of bridge-makers, pontifices, of whom the head was the
most sacred of all Romans, because in those days his life, and the
life of his companions, was deemed necessary to the safety of the
town. Things changed; very soon Rome was large enough not to
care about the Janiculum; very soon Rome conquered a part of Italy,
then the whole of Italy, and finally almost the whole of the world.
But when once something is done in Rome, it remains done; when
once a thing is said, it remains said, and is repeated; and thus it
happened that the privilege of the bridge-makers' corporation, as
beings sacred and holy, remained; and that privilege made
everybody respect them; gave them a sort of moral power. Then
kings wanted to be made High Bridge-makers; after kings, consuls;
later, dictators; and, later, emperors themselves made themselves
High Bridge-makers, which meant the most sacred persons in the
town.
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