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Starting Out with Java: From Control Structures through Objects, 6e (Gaddis)
Chapter 5 Methods

5.1 Multiple Choice Questions

1) Methods are commonly used to:

A) speed up the compilation of a program
B) break a problem down into small manageable pieces
C) emphasize certain parts of the logic
D) document the program
Answer: B

2) Which of the following is NOT a benefit derived from using methods in programming?
A) Pproblems are more easily solved.
B) simplifies programs
C) code reuse
D) All of the above are benefits.
Answer: D

3) This type of method performs a task and sends a value back to the code that called it.
A) value-returning
B) void
C) complex
D) local
Answer: A

4) In the following code, System.out.println(num) is an example of:

double num = 5.4;

System.out.println(num);
num = 0.0;
A) a value-returning method
B) a void method
C) a complex method
D) a local variable
Answer: B

5) To create a method you must write its:

A) header
B) return type
C) body
D) definition
Answer: D

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) In the header, the method name is always followed by this:
A) parentheses
B) return type
C) data type
D) braces
Answer: A

7) This part of a method is a collection of statements that are performed when the method is executed.
A) method header
B) return type
C) method body
D) method modifier
Answer: C

8) Which of the following is NOT part of a method call?

A) method name
B) return type
C) parentheses
D) all of the above are part of a method call
Answer: B

9) If method A calls method B, and method B calls method C, and method C calls method D, when
method D finishes, what happens?
A) Control is returned to method A.
B) Control is returned to method B.
C) Control is returned to method C.
D) The program terminates.
Answer: C

10) Values that are sent into a method are called:

A) variables
B) arguments
C) literals
D) types
Answer: B

11) When an argument is passed to a method:

A) its value is copied into the method's parameter variable
B) its value may be changed within the called method
C) values may not be passed to methods
D) the method must not assign another value to the parameter that receives the argument
Answer: A

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
12) What is wrong with the following method call?

displayValue (double x);

A) There is nothing wrong with the statement.
B) displayValue will not accept a parameter.
C) Do not include the data type in the method call.
D) x should be a String.
Answer: C

13) Given the following method header, which of the method calls would be an error?

public void displayValues(int x, int y)

A) displayValue(a,b); // where a is a short and b is a byte
B) displayValue(a,b); // where a is an int and b is a byte
C) displayValue(a,b); // where a is a short and b is a long
D) They would all give an error.
Answer: C

14) Which of the following would be a valid method call for the following method?

public static void showProduct (int num1, double num2)

{
int product;
product = num1 * (int)num2;
System.out.println("The product is " + product);
}
A) showProduct(5.5, 4.0);
B) showProduct(10.0, 4);
C) showProduct(10, 4.5);
D) showProduct(33.0, 55.0);
Answer: C

15) When an object, such as a String, is passed as an argument, it is:

A) actually a reference to the object that is passed
B) passed by value like any other parameter value
C) encrypted
D) necessary to know exactly how long the string is when writing the program
Answer: A

16) All @param tags in a method's documentation comment must:

A) end with a */
B) appear after the general description of the method
C) appear before the method header
D) span several lines
Answer: B

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
17) A special variable that holds a value being passed into a method is called what?
A) Modifier
B) Parameter
C) Alias
D) Argument
Answer: B

18) When you pass an argument to a method, be sure that the argument's data type is compatible with:
A) the parameter variable's data type
B) the method's return type
C) the version of Java currently being used
D) IEEE standards
Answer: A

19) A parameter variable's scope is:

A) the method in which the parameter is declared
B) the class to which the method belongs
C) the main method
D) All of the above
Answer: A

20) The lifetime of a method's local variable is:

A) the duration of the program
B) the duration of the class to which the method belongs
C) the duration of the method that called the local variable's method
D) only while the method is executing
Answer: D

21) Local variables:

A) are hidden from other methods
B) may have the same name as local variables in other methods
C) lose the values stored in them between calls to the method in which the variable is declared
D) All of the above
Answer: D

22) Which of the following values can be passed to a method that has an int parameter variable?
A) float
B) double
C) long
D) All of the above
E) None of the above
Answer: E

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
23) The header of a value-returning method must specify this.
A) The method's local variable names
B) The name of the variable in the calling program that will receive the returned value
C) The data type of the return value
D) All of the above
Answer: C

24) What will be returned from the following method?

public static double methodA()

{
double a = 8.5 + 9.5;
return a;
}
A) 18.0
B) 18 (as an integer)
C) 8
D) This is an error.
Answer: A

25) In a @return tag statement the description:

A) cannot be longer than one line
B) describes the return value
C) must be longer than one line
D) describes the parameter values
Answer: B

26) When a method tests an argument and returns a true or false value, it should return:
A) a zero for true and a one for false
B) a boolean value
C) a zero for false and a non-zero for true
D) a method should not be used for this type test
Answer: B

27) The phrase divide and conquer is sometimes used to describe:

A) the backbone of the scientific method
B) the process of dividing functions
C) the process of breaking a problem down into smaller pieces
D) the process of using division to solve a mathematical problem
Answer: C

28) In a general sense, a method is:

A) a plan
B) a statement inside a loop
C) a comment
D) a collection of statements that performs a specific task
Answer: D

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
29) Breaking a program down into small manageable methods:
A) makes problems more easily solved
B) allows for code reuse
C) simplifies programs
D) all of the above
Answer: D

30) This type of method performs a task and then terminates.

A) value-returning
B) void
C) local
D) simple
Answer: B

31) In the following code, Integer.parseInt(str), is an example of:

int num;
string str = "555";
num = Integer.parseInt(str) + 5;
A) a value-returning method
B) a void method
C) a local variable
D) a complex method
Answer: A

32) Which of the following is NOT a part of the method header?

A) return type
B) method name
C) parentheses
D) semicolon
Answer: D

33) Which of the following is included in a method call?

A) return type
B) method modifiers
C) parentheses
D) return variable
Answer: C

34) You should always document a method by writing comments that appear:
A) just before the method's definition
B) just after the method's definition
C) at the end of the file
D) only if the method is more than five lines long
Answer: A

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
35) When an argument value is passed to a method, the receiving parameter variable is:
A) declared within the body of the method
B) declared in the method header inside the parentheses
C) declared in the calling method
D) uses the declaration of the argument
Answer: B

36) If you attempt to use a local variable before it has been given a value:
A) a compiler error will occur
B) the local variable will always contain the value 0
C) the results will be unpredictable
D) the local variable will be ignored
Answer: A

37) What will be the result of the following code?

int num;
string str = "555";
num = Integer.parseInt(string str) + 5;
A) num will be set to 560.
B) str will have a value of "560".
C) The last line of code will cause an error.
D) Neither num or str will be changed.
Answer: C

38) Given the following method header, which of the method calls would be an error?

public void displayValues(double x, int y)

A) displayValue(a,b); // where a is a long and b is a byte
B) displayValue(a,b); // where a is an int and b is a byte
C) displayValue(a,b); // where a is a short and b is a long
D) They would all give an error.
Answer: C

39) Which of the following would be a valid method call for the following method?

public static void showProduct(double num1, int num2)

{
double product;
product = num1 * num2;
System.out.println("The product is " +
product);
}
A) showProduct("5", "40");
B) showProduct(10.0, 4.6);
C) showProduct(10, 4.5);
D) showProduct(3.3, 55);
Answer: D

7
Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
40) When writing the documentation comments for a method, you can provide a description of each
parameter by using a:
A) @comment tag
B) @doc tag
C) @param tag
D) @return tag
Answer: C

41) Values stored in local variables:

A) are lost between calls to the method in which they are declared
B) retain their values from the last call to the method in which they are declared
C) may be referenced by the calling method
D) may be referenced by any other method, if the method in which they are declared is a public method
Answer: A

42) Local variables can be initialized with:

A) constants
B) parameter values
C) the results of an arithmetic operation
D) any of the above
Answer: D

43) A value-returning method must specify this as its return type in the method header.
A) an int
B) a double
C) a boolean
D) any valid data type
Answer: D

44) What will be returned from the following method?

public static int methodA()

{
double a = 8.5 + 9.5;
return a;
}
A) 18.0
B) 18 (as an integer)
C) 8.0
D) This is an error.
Answer: D

45) To document the return value of a method, use this in a documentation comment.
A) The @param tag
B) The @comment tag
C) The @return tag
D) The @returnValue tag
Answer: C

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Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
46) The process of breaking a problem down into smaller pieces is sometimes called:
A) divide and conquer
B) scientific method
C) top-down programming
D) whole-into-part
Answer: A

47) Any method that calls a method with a throws clause in its header must:
A) handle the potential exception
B) have the same throws clause
C) both of the above
D) do nothing, the called program will take care of the throws clause
Answer: C

48) Assume that the following method header is for a method in class A.

public void displayValue(int value)

Assume that the following code segments appear in another method, also in class A. Which contains a
legal call to the displayValue method?
A) int x = 7;
void displayValue(x);
B) int x = 7;
displayValue(x);
C) int x = 7;
displayValue(int x);
D) int x = 7;
displayValue(x)
Answer: B

5.2 True/False Questions

1) Methods are commonly used to break a problem into small manageable pieces.
Answer: TRUE

2) Two general categories of methods are void methods and value returning methods.
Answer: TRUE

3) In the method header, the method modifier public means that the method belongs to the class, not a
specific object.
Answer: FALSE

4) Constants, variables, and the values of expressions may be passed as arguments to a method.
Answer: TRUE

5) A parameter variable's scope is the method in which the parameter is declared.

Answer: TRUE

9
Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) You must have a return statement in a value-returning method.
Answer: TRUE

7) Any method that calls a method with a throws clause in its header must either handle the potential
exception or have the same throws clause.
Answer: TRUE

8) In the method header the static method modifier means the method is available to code outside the
class.
Answer: FALSE

9) Only constants and variables may be passed as arguments to methods.

Answer: FALSE

10) No statement outside the method in which a parameter variable is declared can access the parameter
by its name.
Answer: TRUE

11) The expression in a return statement can be any expression that has a value.
Answer: TRUE

12) A value-returning method can return a reference to a non-primitive type.

Answer: TRUE

10
Copyright © 2016 Pearson Education, Inc.
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fishing, he asked a lad who had shown him a trout pool in a stream
with great success, to show him another. It was eight o’clock, and
the child replied, “No, I must go grade home.” I made him repeat
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November, when I had a flattering letter from Lord Granville,
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Egyptian Army. This was the more complimentary on his part, as I
had disagreed with him strongly about his Irish policy.
I went to London, and after a discussion by telegraph with Lord
Dufferin, who wished to give me only half the salary I was willing to
accept, went out on my own terms. When I reached Cairo, Lord
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salary, and three months later he was good enough to say I was
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Chinese Gordon wrote on the 8th of December, when sending
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241
which I will later narrate something which happened in 1884.
Just before Christmas I was back again in Cairo, and taking
steps to raise the Egyptian Army, which had been disbanded after
Tel-el-Kebir.
 CHAPTER XLI
1883—SIRDAR

I receive £200,000 to create an Army—First Ceremonial

Parade in ten weeks—Lord Dufferin’s recognition of
work—Cholera—Three Britons administer Egypt—
Devotion to duty shown by British Officers—Chinese
Gordon—Roubi Tewhari—Turks Mutiny—Two shot—
Determined conduct of Major Grant.

M Y first week in Cairo was spent in conferences with His

Highness the Khedive, Lord Dufferin, the principal Ministers
of the Khedive who had interests in the Army, and with Sir Auckland
Colvin, the Financial adviser of the Government.

As regards the creation of an Army I had an absolutely free

hand, being informed by Lord Dufferin that I might do anything I
liked, provided I did not spend more than £200,000. This sum,
however, was to include the pay of officers, Europeans and Turks, or
Egyptians, and the pay and rations of the men, but not the upkeep
of barracks and hospital arrangements, which were provided by
other Departments. I was told to select uniforms, and was later
given a sum to buy Field artillery, and to replace the Remington rifle,
by the pattern in use in the British Army.
I had put the conscription arrangements in motion immediately
on my arrival, and within a fortnight got the first recruits, and had
set the officers to work in creating and training the Force which has
since proved to be a satisfactory instrument for war. I had obtained
the services of 25 officers, of whom the following have risen in the
242
Army:—Major Fraser, Royal Engineers, Chief Staff officer; Captain
243
Slade, as Aide-de-Camp, replacing him on arrival by Stuart
244
Wortley, when Slade went to work under Fraser. Somewhat later I
245 246
got Lieutenant Wingate, Royal Artillery; Major Grenfell
commanded a brigade of four battalions, each of which had three
British officers. The first battalion was organised and commanded by
247 248
Captain Chermside; the 2nd Battalion by Captain Holled Smith;
249 250
the 3rd Battalion by Captain Parr; the 4th, by Major Wynne.
251
Major Duncan commanded the Artillery, the English Batteries of
252
which were commanded by Lieutenant Wodehouse, Lieutenant
253 254
Rundle, and somewhat later by Lieutenant Parsons. Captain
255
Kitchener was second in command of the Cavalry Regiment.
256 257
Captains H. S. Smith-Dorrien and Archibald Hunter joined later.
There was an Infantry Brigade under a Turkish General, Schudi
Pasha. There were no Engineers, and no Departmental Corps.
The men conscripted were in physique superior to any European
army, and their aptitude for the perfunctory parts of drill was
remarkable. Their progress was indeed so rapid that the Khedive’s
guard at the Abdin Palace was taken over from British troops on the
14th February. Two days later, on parade of all troops then available,
I returned £9 which had been given to a doctor to induce him to say
a recruit was unfit for the service, and awarded the recruit twenty-
one days’ imprisonment for offering bribes.
On the 31st March we had our first parade, before the Khedive,
Lord Dufferin, all the Ministers, and a large crowd, including all the
European residents in Cairo. The cavalry were not fit to do more
than “keep the ground,” which was done by some of the men who
had learned enough to remain on their horses. The artillery had
made most progress, but that Arm was the best before Arabi’s
rebellion, and we had kept several of the officers, and some of the
non-commissioned officers came back voluntarily; moreover, the
men were conscripted in Upper Egypt, and all such are more virile
than the Delta Fellaheen. I showed eight battalions, and four
batteries after six weeks’ instruction, and they marched past in the
stereotyped Aldershot fashion.
Schudi Pasha, the Egyptian Brigadier, had been educated in
Berlin, and as Major Grenfell knew some German, it happened that
the few orders I, as Commander of the Force, had to give on the
ceremonial parade were spoken in the one language common to my
Brigadiers, i.e. German; Schudi giving his words in Arabic; Grenfell,
in English; and the four English Commanders in Turkish, as was the
custom in the Egyptian Army. This I endeavoured to alter, but the
Arabic language does not lend itself to the sharp monosyllables,
which are most suitable for getting men to move with clock-like
regularity.
Major Wynne not only compiled a Clothing warrant and
Signalling manual, but also took in hand our Drill book, and
Lieutenant Mantle, Royal Engineers, who was an accomplished
Arabic scholar, put as much of it as I thought necessary into Arabic.
By a strange coincidence, in 1887, Wynne, then in the War Office,
followed my precedent and reduced the English Drill book by cutting
out many superfluous exercises, which were appropriate to the
movements practised before rifles were used. The Code Napoleon
put into Arabic did not deal with some crimes common in the East,
and so the Army Discipline Act of 1881, with the Khedive’s name
substituted for our Queen’s, became in Arabic, our penal Code.
Lord Dufferin supported me most thoroughly, but while fully
satisfied, warned me before he left, early in May, that I was working
258
the officers too hard, and this was probably accurate. Before his
lordship departed he asked me to hand back £10,000 in the first
instance, and then another £10,000, but this latter sum I gave up
provisionally on the understanding that I could reclaim it if
necessary. I did not do so, spending thus in my first year only
£180,000.
Colonel Hicks, who arrived at Cairo from India in January, had
gone to Khartoum, and the following June, having telegraphed for
reinforcements, the Ministers collected soldiers who had served in
and prior to the Egyptian outbreak in 1882, and I was directed by
the Premier, Cherif Pasha, to inspect them, and pass for service only
such as I considered fit. Out of the first thousand I felt bound to
reject over six hundred, and those who were not rejected, being
aware that few Egyptians ever returned from Khartoum, were most
unwilling to go, two men actually putting lime into their eyes to
destroy their sight while on parade. These poor creatures who
preferred life without eyesight in the Delta to probable death in the
Sudan, were the fathers and uncles of those whom we were to teach
to take a pride in themselves, and in the Army.
I limited the term of service, and gave every soldier a furlough
as soon as he was reported to be efficient. When the first contingent
of 2000 men received railway passes to their villages, I was assured
by the Cairenes that few would return, but every man returned
punctually. I introduced a postal order system, and the soldiers
remitted home a portion of their pay, 2½d. a day. Later, when
Hallam Parr asked for six soldiers to go with him to the Sudan, his
whole battalion stepped forward.
We drilled five days a week, for the Moslems kept Friday as their
Day of Rest, and I insisted on Sunday being kept as such. My action
was based on the firm conviction formed in India, twenty years
earlier, from my intimate knowledge of natives, that, putting one’s
own feelings aside, it is an error to allow any soldiers to believe that
their officers are without Religion.
I worked from daylight to 5 p.m. every week-day, when I played
polo three times a week, and on the other days lawn tennis, one
hour a day being devoted to the study of the Arabic language. Being
an interpreter in Hindustani the characters presented no difficulty,
but my desire to learn Arabic grammatically was damped when I saw
there were seven hundred irregular conjugations.
I kept myself by regular exercise in tolerable health, but in June
slight attacks of fever became more frequent, and His Highness the
Khedive gave me leave to proceed to England for two months. In the
middle of July I left for Suez, to catch a homeward-bound steamer;
Grenfell and the officers commanding units saw me off, and out of
mistaken kindness forbore to mention there had been a case of
cholera in the barracks at Abbassieh the previous night. When I got
to Zagazig the stationmaster told me there were several cases in
Cairo, so I telegraphed to the Khedive, that I should not be out of
the canal for three days, and trusted he would recall me if the
cholera became Epidemic in the army, adding that whether he
telegraphed or not, if I were not satisfied, I should return from Port
Said. I was intercepted, however, by a launch sent after me, shortly
after we passed Ismailia, and finding a special train waiting for me,
reached Cairo twenty-four hours after leaving it.
The Khedive and his Ministers went to Alexandria, and Sir
Edward Malet, Valentine Baker Pasha, and I practically ruled Egypt
during the Epidemic. Strong measures were necessary, for some of
the Egyptian authorities had established a cholera camp on the Nile,
immediately above the intake of the Cairo waterworks, and it was
difficult to induce adequate sanitary arrangements amongst a people
who are by religion, and by inclination, Fatalists. The losses in the
army were not very great, and they had the inestimable advantage
of attaching the Fellaheen soldiery to the British officer. The Egyptian
officer, except in some few instances, did not show to advantage.
His Highness the Khedive returned from Alexandria without his
Ministers when the cholera became serious, and calling at my house
at six o’clock in the morning, asked me to take him over the
hospitals. These were under Dr. T. Dyke Ackland, on whom fell the
259
responsibility of dealing with the epidemic, for Captain Rogers,
the principal medical officer, had been recalled to the British Army
for the emergency. The Khedive, whatever he felt, behaved well, but
the senior Egyptian officers would not go near the hospitals, much
less the patients, except with a surrounding of drugs, supposed to
be prophylactics, and an Egyptian resented my rebuke for his
sending a soldier still alive to the mortuary, saying, “He will be dead
in a few minutes.”
The British officer not only nursed the cholera-stricken patients
day and night, performing every menial service, but in many cases
washed the corpses prior to interment. Lieutenant Chamley Turner,
in spite of having only slight colloquial knowledge of the language,
so endeared himself to the stricken men of his camel Company that
several of them when dying threw their arms round his neck. He
must have infused some of his spirit into his men, for General
Brackenbury wrote, dated 4.2.85, “The Egyptian Company is doing
invaluable service.”
260
When the Epidemic was nearly over, Turner contracted the
disease, and I had him brought to my house, where he soon
recovered under the skilled attention of Dr. Rogers and the careful
nursing of Walkinshaw.
From the cholera time, on, the Fellaheen soldier trusted the
261
British Officer.
By the middle of August the cholera had died out, and I went to
England for two months, keeping up my study of Arabic on the
voyage, assisted by Mrs. Watson, the wife of an officer whom I had
got out as Surveyor-General, or Chief business man. His wife knew
the language well, although mainly self-taught.
Her Majesty the Queen was graciously pleased to command me
to stay at Balmoral, and took much interest in the Egyptian army. I
visited Lord Granville at Walmer, at his request, on my way back to
Egypt, for the question was then constantly discussed as to whether
the British Garrison could be withdrawn. I undertook to maintain
order with the eight Egyptian battalions only as far as the internal
peace of the country was concerned, but probably all the British
troops would have been withdrawn had not the events at Khartoum
in the following year enforced on us the permanent occupation.
In the summer of 1883 I was directed to ask the Turkish Pasha
who had been serving at Khartoum if he would return there as
Governor; and his observations in refusing—on Englishmen putting
Turks in posts of danger—were so unpleasant that I offered Nubar
Pasha to go up myself. This he declined, and then having made the
offer, I told him I thought the decision was wise, as I was doing
good work in Cairo, where several of the Egyptian officers knew me,
and in Khartoum I should only be as any other officer.
In the third week of November we heard rumours, afterwards
confirmed, of the annihilation of 10,000 men under Hicks Pasha,
near El Obeid. Early in the month, and just before Christmas, Osman
Digna, a powerful Slave dealer in the Eastern Sudan, routed Baker
Pasha at El Teb on the Red Sea, killing two-thirds of his Force of
Constabulary, composed of old soldiers discharged from the Army in
1882.
I was vilified in the British Press for not having sent rifles to
Suakin when they were demanded by Baker Pasha, in order that he
might arm “Friendlies,” but I had nothing to do with the decision,
which was taken by the Egyptian Government and the Consul-
General in Council, and I merely obeyed orders in sending the
telegram; but in fact there were at the time 2000 stand of rifles in
store at Suakin. I took no notice of these attacks, which had been,
as I was told later by one of my traducers who fell fighting bravely at
Abu Klea, made for Political purposes. But when Sir Stafford
Northcote, in moving a vote of censure on the Government,
doubtless in perfect good faith, made several mis-statements: (a)
That Sir Evelyn Wood was answerable for Hicks Pasha’s army. (b)
That Sir Evelyn Wood refused to send the newly raised army to
Khartoum, stating that he could not do so, as the British
Government contemplated withdrawing from Egypt, and other such
erroneous allegations, I wrote a letter, through the Foreign Office,
which was published later in the Press: (a) That I had nothing at the
time to do with the troops in the Sudan. (b) That I had never given
Hicks Pasha any such information as alleged, for indeed I did not
know the intention of the Government. I further explained that my
only intervention in Sudan affairs was, at the request of Colonel
Hicks, to induce the Finance Department in Cairo to send him
money; while I at the same time, unasked, expressed to the War
Minister the strongest opinion against the contemplated advance
into Kordofan, where later the Pasha and his 10,000 men were
annihilated.
The situation in the Sudan having become worse, Gordon Pasha
offered to go up to extricate the garrisons. He telegraphed decidedly
that he would not pass through Cairo, travelling to Khartoum via
Suakin and Berber, and on the 23rd January the Resident sent me to
Port Said, to induce him to go up the Nile after paying his respects
to His Highness the Khedive.
My friend Captain Briscoe, commanding the mail steamer which
brought Gordon from Brindisi, on my going on board bet me that I
should fail to get Gordon to go through Cairo; but he did not know
his character as well as I did, and Briscoe lost the bet.
262
Gordon had telegraphed to Colonel Evelyn Baring that he
wished to have Roubi Tewhari, a blind ex-clerk sent to him, and that
a certain officer should be promoted to the rank of Colonel, and sent
to him. Our Consul-General told me to arrange it, but I exclaimed
that, though I could find the ex-clerk, I scarcely liked to ask the
Khedive not only to take the Captain out of prison, for he had been
an ardent Arabist and was still undergoing punishment, but at the
same time to make him a Colonel. His Highness, however, was good
enough to release him, and we let the question of his promotion
stand over.
When I explained to Gordon that it was undesirable that he
should go to Khartoum as the Khedive’s Representative without
seeing him, he at once agreed to go to Cairo with me. During our
263
journey in the train he told me an interesting story. Pointing to
Roubi Tewhari, who sat in the saloon carriage with us, he said: “You
see that man? He was my confidential clerk in Darfour. I trusted him
implicitly, and believed in his honesty. One day I was told on
authority I could not doubt that he had been levying fines, and
receiving large sums of money—in one case £3000, which as he
alleged went into my pocket: taxed with this wickedness, he
admitted it with tears, and I said to him: “You villain, go back to El
Obeid.” Tewhari replied: “Have mercy on me; I have lost one eye in
your service, and if you send me to that hot dusty place the other
eye will suffer.” “Whether it suffers or not, you shall go there as a
punishment for your conduct.”
Gordon taking £300, in notes of £10, out of his pocket said:
“This is the only money I have in the world, and my sister found
some of it for me, but I am going to give ten of these notes to
Tewhari,” and crossing over the carriage he put the notes into the
blind man’s hand. Gordon’s Arabic, although intelligible, was not
fluent, and it was not for a considerable time that Tewhari
understood his former master’s generosity, and the value of the
paper money.
We reached Cairo at 9.30, p.m., and after dinner called on the
Consul-General, with whom we sat till the early hours of the
morning, returning again after breakfast. Gordon had accepted the
task of evacuating the garrisons of the Sudan without financial aid,
but eventually agreed to receive £100,000, of which he left £60,000
at Berber, and this I fear to some extent precipitated the tragedy
enacted a year later; for the Mudir of Berber coveted the money and
played Gordon false.
Early next day Roubi Tewhari, the blind man, sent to me an
Arabic-speaking English officer, who had been with Gordon at
Khartoum in 1874. The gist of Tewhari’s petition was as follows: “I
behaved badly to Gordon Pasha many years ago, and he banished
me to El Obeid, where I lost my remaining eye. He has now given
me more money than I can spend in my life, and I am going to
Mecca, where I shall pray for his welfare in this world and in the
next, until I die. Gordon Pasha is bent on having Zebehr sent up to
Khartoum with him. Gordon’s trustful nature will certainly undo him,
and I implore everyone who loves Gordon as I do, not to allow
Zebehr to go to Khartoum while Gordon is there. Whatever Gordon
may say, do not let Zebehr go to Khartoum with Gordon. Send
Gordon, or Zebehr, but not the two at the same time.”
I do not know what influence, if any, this honest heartfelt
request, passed on by me to Sir Evelyn Baring, made on the British
Cabinet, but Tewhari’s advice coincided with that of Sir Henry
Gordon, Charles’s brother. Zebehr remained in Cairo, in spite of the
continuous carping in the Press at the decision of Government.
We spent all the next day at the Resident’s house, where Gordon
and Zebehr had animated and dramatic interviews. In 1879 a Court-
Martial, assembled by Gordon’s orders, had condemned Zebehr, who
was then in Cairo litigating with a former Governor-General, to
death. As a result of the facts brought out by the Court-Martial,
Gordon confiscated Zebehr’s property.
Now, in 1884, Zebehr accused Gordon of causing the death of
his son Suleiman, and alleged that the confiscation was equally
unjust. Gordon was in Abyssinia when Suleiman was executed, after
a sentence of a Court-Martial approved by Gessi Pasha, Governor-
General of the Sudan, in pursuance of instructions issued by Gordon,
while he was Governor-General, that if found guilty Suleiman was to
be executed.
I drove Gordon after dinner to the station on the Nile. On leaving
the dining-room he said good-bye to Lady Wood, going upstairs to
kiss my children, who were in bed. As he left the house he took off
his evening-coat, and handing it to Walkinshaw, said: “I should like
you to keep this, for I shall never wear an evening-coat again.” A
month later, however, in thanking officially an officer who was
returning to Cairo, Gordon wrote: “There is not the least chance of
any danger being now incurred in Khartoum,—a place as safe as
Kensington Park.”
 At the Consul-General’s request I now took charge of the Sudan
Bureau, and became his Staff officer for Political affairs of the Red
Sea Littoral to Massowah, which made my work heavy. Rising at
daylight, I generally saw some military work at Abbassieh or
elsewhere, and waited on Nubar Pasha at 9 a.m., always visiting the
Consul-General, and often the General in Command of British troops,
on my way to the War Office, where I remained till about four
o’clock, when I played Polo or Tennis till night fell.
A Division of British troops under Sir Gerald Graham was sent to
Suakin in February, and, after defeating Osman Digna at El Teb and
Tamai, was recalled at the end of March, a Force of all Arms of the
Egyptian Army holding Suakin.
The former Egyptian Army had suffered continuous defeats,
accompanied either with annihilation or heavy loss, from 1875–6
264
when 11,000 were destroyed in Abyssinia. I consistently urged
that until the recollection of these disasters had been at least
partially effaced by a victory, the Fellaheen soldier should not be
allowed to fight without a backing of British troops. This was
eventually approved, but not until after my retirement from the
Command.
Early in 1884 I began to raise a battalion of Turks, mainly
enlisted in Anatolia. They were paid five times the amount of the
Fellaheen conscripts, and promised to fight any number of the
Mahdi’s soldiers.
When, however, the first Company was ordered up the Nile it
mutinied, stopping the train by firing at the engine-driver, and made
265
off in various directions. Major Grant, 4th Hussars, who was in
command of the Cadre battalion, riding to where the train had been
held up, accompanied by one Egyptian policeman, came on seven of
the mutineers in a serai or public Rest-house. Grant dismounting
outside the enclosure, found the seven men cooking, their rifles
piled in the courtyard. As he called to them to surrender and lie
down, the ringleader fired at Grant, while the other men rushed
towards their arms. Grant shot at and wounded the ringleader and
another, which so cowed the other five that they obeyed his order to
lie down, and Grant stood over them until the Sergeant, having tied
up the two horses, came in and carried away their rifles, later
assisting to bind the prisoners.
The ringleaders were tried by a general Court-Martial, presided
over by a Turkish General, assisted by English officers, and seven
mutineers were sentenced to death. I examined the cases carefully,
with a view of carrying out the sentences only in such cases as
appeared to be absolutely necessary, and at once eliminated from
the condemned soldiers a youth, seventeen years of age, whose
father had fired at Major Grant. I saw the condemned men, and was
satisfied in my own mind that one of them was practically
unaccountable for his actions; and eventually, after a consultation
with the members of the Court-Martial, decided that two only should
suffer death.
266
Lieutenant-General Sir Frederick Stephenson, knowing that all
the trained soldiers for the Egyptian Army were at Suakin, or on the
Nile, the Depot Companies in Cairo, consisting of men who had just
been conscripted, kindly offered me assistance, but I determined to
make the Egyptian recruits carry out the execution.
I asked for precedents in the Egyptian Army, and was told that
at the last Military execution, the feet of the men condemned being
tied, they were ordered to stand up at 400 yards distance, and a line
of soldiers advanced on them firing, with the shocking results that
can be readily understood. I had recently read the trial of a
Neapolitan soldier, Misdea, who was shot while sitting in a chair, and
arranged the execution on similar lines. The previous evening I sent
the lad of seventeen away to a guard-room of the British Army of
Occupation, as I did not wish him to hear the volley which was to kill
his father, but, as will be seen later, my sympathetic consideration
was unnecessary.
When I rode out next morning and met the procession marching
to the place of execution, which was an incomplete barrack at
Abbassieh, I was nearly ill from nervousness, but on arriving at the
actual spot, when I had to give orders, the feeling passed off, the
scene affecting me no more than any ordinary duty. Ten Egyptian
recruit soldiers being told off for each of the condemned Turks,
advanced close behind them, and at the word of command the
mutineers ceased to exist.
I had some trouble after the sentence became known, for the
Prime Minister sent for me, and said there was considerable feeling
about Turks being executed by order of Christians. I pointed out that
a Turkish General had presided over the Court-Martial, when the
Minister said: “Well, do what you like; only, do not ask me or the
Khedive to approve of it.”
A day later he called on me to say that the Persian Minister
claimed one of the condemned men, and wished to know what
267
answer was to be given to him. I said: “Excellency, tell him ‘Bukra’
(to-morrow).” And when that morrow came I wrote a note saying
that the Persian Minister could now claim the man’s body. I was then
assured that it was a matter of no consequence.
A few hours after the execution I sent for the son of the
ringleader, and told him that his punishment had been commuted to
imprisonment, but as he was so young, and it would distress him to
serve under officers who had shot his father, I gave him £5 and told
him to go back to Anatolia. The youth reappeared three days later,
and said he much preferred to serve on; indeed, he thought less of
the execution than I did.
The mutiny of the Turks was followed by that of two battalions
which had been raised by Zebehr in the Delta for Baker Pasha, and
some of these were condemned to death. I doubted their guilty
intentions, although there was no doubt as to their overt acts, and
commuted their sentence to service in the Eastern Sudan. I visited
the men at their request a few days later, when the interpreter said:
“They say, in olden times when soldiers went away for a long time,
as is to be our case, they always had an advance of pay,—may we
please have it?” This confirmed my impression that they had very
little idea of how we regarded their conduct.
 CHAPTER XLII
1884–5—THE SUDAN

Good work of British Officers—A cheery adviser—Arthur

Wynne’s determination—Father Brindle—Life in the
Gakdul Desert—Walkinshaw’s devotion—Fortitude of
Mounted Infantry—Aden camel men—General
Dormer’s cheery nature—I am invalided.

I N the middle of August I followed the Egyptian troops up the

Nile, where most of them had been since February, the
balance of trained soldiers being at Suakin. At that place they came
under the direct command of General Freemantle, who wrote to me
in the most eulogistic terms of the work they had done, and on their
steadiness on outpost duty. Colonel Duncan had got excellent work
out of those on the Nile; they had fortified Korosko, Assuan, and
Philæ. Here again I prefer to quote the words of the British officers,
who certainly were not prepossessed in favour of the Fellaheen
soldiery. Major Clarke, an officer sent from India, to act as Director
of Railways, wrote officially: “The amount of work done on the
268
railway by the 4th Battalion Egyptian Army (Colonel Wynne) is
269
simply prodigious.” Lord Charles Beresford, who was acting as
Director of work on the Cataracts, wrote: “The way in which the 2nd
270
Battalion (Smith’s) works the portage, carrying the whalers over
the rocks for a thousand yards, is marvellous.” It was somewhat
galling for the British officers serving in the Egyptian Army to read in
the Press that the sailors were carrying the whalers, for they never
had any opportunity of doing so, and 609 out of 700 were carried by
the 2nd Battalion Egyptian Army round the First Cataract.

Lord Wolseley, nominated to command the Gordon Relief

Expedition while still on the sea, wrote me a very flattering letter
asking me to accept the position of General of the Line of
Communications, saying: “It is a most difficult, arduous, and
responsible task, which I hope you will accept, as I feel sure that
you will do it with credit to yourself and greatly to the advantage of
the Service, and there is no doubt that on the manner in which this
duty is performed will depend the success of the undertaking.”
Long before I received my former Chief’s kind letter he
telegraphed its purport to me, and I, accepting his offer within ten
minutes, he telegraphed again: “Your telegram has relieved my mind
of a great trouble. Can you put some of your men on to the
railway?” I replied: “You can confidently reckon on my cheerfully
carrying out any duty you assign to me.” On receipt of his letter on
the 25th September I telegraphed: “Am taking every precaution to
accelerate the transport by water, paying premiums for quick
passages North of Haifa, and South of that place I have an Egyptian
271
non-commissioned officer travelling in every native vessel. I have
got every man, except a guard of three per battalion, on railway
work or portages.” Lord Wolseley annexed the horses of the
Egyptian Cavalry Regiment, and with reference to that order I, while
expressing the pain it caused our officers, added, “but you may have
the fullest confidence we shall all do our best to make the expedition
a success.” The one great factor of the good work done was the
Arabic-speaking British officers, and their power of influencing the
men.
Lord Wolseley, in appointing me General of the Line of
Communications, reversed the previous decision of the War Minister
who replied to my application for service at Suakin, when Sir Gerald
Graham went there in January 1884, that, being in the Egyptian
army, I could not be employed in command of British troops. As I
then pointed out to the Commander-in-Chief, had I realised these
conditions in 1882 I should never have accepted Lord Granville’s
offer of the task of raising an Egyptian Army.
Early in September I disagreed with a gifted Naval officer who
had charge of the Naval transport on the subject of putting steamers
through the Second Cataract. He declared there was considerable
risk for the steamers, and some for the crew, and demurred to my
order that he should try it. We referred the point to the British
General in Cairo, and to the Admiral, who replied that the officer was
to “do his best to carry out my wishes, bearing in mind that, after
stating his professional opinion, Sir Evelyn Wood was to be wholly
responsible for what might happen to either steamers, officers, or
272
men.” Captain Lord Charles Beresford was a much more cheery
adviser. When I asked: “Will she go through?” said, “What sort of a
hawser?” “Big steel.” “How many darkies?” “Any number up to six
thousand.” “Well, sir, she must go through, or leave her bottom in it.”
The ship with several others went through the Cataract, in spite of
all predictions to the contrary, but it is fair to observe that both
paddle wheels were simultaneously on the rocks on either side, and
when they reached the still waters up stream of the Cataract there
was very little paddle wheel left intact.
Lord Wolseley and the Head Quarter Staff arrived at Haifa on the
5th October, stayed the greater part of a month, and then preceded
me to Dongola. I worked from daylight to sunset throughout this
month passing supplies, and later troops, up the river, storing 42,000
British rations at Dongola, before any Europeans went South of
Haifa.
As General officer commanding on the Lines of Communication,
it was my privilege to entertain a great number of the stream of
officers who passed through Wadi Haifa. I was riding one evening,
before the Camel battery under Captain Norton left for the
Southward, and was so surprised to observe an officer turn away his
head as I passed that I rode back to ascertain the reason; he had
one eye bandaged, and saying he was suffering from slight
ophthalmia, admitted he had turned away lest I, seeing his state,
might prevent his going on with the battery. I reassured him by
saying I was too sympathetic to think of stopping anyone from going
to fight. He was mortally wounded at Abu Klea on the 19th January
1885.
The militant spirit Lieutenant Guthrie showed was amusingly
illustrated later by one of the gunners in the battery. When the
square at Abu Klea was penetrated by the Dervishes, one of them
attempted to spear a gunner who was in the act of ramming home a
charge. The Briton brained the Sudanee, but the rammer head split
on the man’s hard skull. Next day the gunner was sent for;
mistaking the reason, and knowing from experience soldiers are
charged for Government property they break, he led off: “Please, sir,
I’m very sorry I broke the rammer, but I never thought the nigger’s
head could be so hard. I’ll pay for the rammer so as to hear no more
of the case.”
Before I left Wadi Haifa for the front Lord Wolseley entrusted to
me for decision, as an Arbitrator, a claim by a contractor for services
rendered, amounting to £42,000. The claimant, a public-spirited man
of business, admitted some rebate should be made, as owing to
change of plans his servants had done less than either party had
contemplated, but suggested about £6000 would be a reasonable
sum. I urged the Principal to come up himself for a personal
interview, but he alleged pressure of work would not allow of his
doing so, and he and the Commander-in-Chief, for the War Office,
accepted my award of £29,000.
We had taken many camels off the Supply duties in order to
assist Colonel Wynne’s Egyptian battalion in carrying the frame of
the Lotus, a Stern wheeler, which we desired to put together and
launch above the Cataract at Semneh. The beams of steel being very
heavy, were troublesome in transport, for if the two camels on which
they were placed rose at different moments, the girders either
slipped backwards or forwards, occasionally fracturing a camel’s
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